Henry VIII: July 1536, 21-25 | British History Online

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 11, July-December 1536. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1888.

Citation:

'Henry VIII: July 1536, 21-25', in Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, Volume 11, July-December 1536, ed. James Gairdner( London, 1888), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/letters-papers-hen8/vol11/pp54-73 [accessed 16 November 2024].

July 1536, 21-25



21 July. Wilkins, III. 810.	131. Henry VIII. to Fox bishop of Hereford.
	Authorising him to visit his diocese. 21 July 1536, 28 Hen. VIII.
21 July. Otho., C. x. 284. B. M. Hearne's Sylloge, 131.	132. Princess Mary to Henry VIII.
	The King gave her licence some time to send a servant to know of his health and prosperity. Has now sent her old servant Randal Dod with these letters as a token, and begs the King, if she is "over hasty in sending so soon," to pardon her, and believe that she would rather be a chamberer, having the fruition of the King's presence, than an Empress away from him. My sister Elizabeth is well, "and such a child toward, as I doubt not but your Highness shall have cause to rejoice of in time coming; as knoweth Almighty God, who send your Grace, with the Queen my good mother, health, with the accomplishment of your desires." Hownsdon, 21 July. Hol. Mutilated.
21 July. R. O.	133. Thos. Wandesworth, Prior of Bodmin, to Cromwell.
	According to the desire of the bearer, Cromwell's servant, has given him help in conveying his hawks and hounds, viz., 2 falcons, 3 merlins, and a brace of grayhounds, "a feare dog and a mene biche." Asks Cromwell to favor his house, for his neighbours of Bodmin will undo it without his help. They make common the woods and waters, which have been several to the house from king John's time. They forbid his fishing in his water, have cut his net twice this summer, and last night nine or ten persons, well appointed with weapons, took the fish from his servants by force, and put them in jeopardy of their lives, "saying that I bear me bold on the Secretary, willing him to mend it if he could." They have fetched strays out of his ground, have burnt his weir without authority, and other injuries.
	Can get no remedy at the sessions, unless Cromwell will write to the heads and rulers of the country to see these misdoers punished; otherwise will not be able to remain in the country. Bodmyn, 21 July. Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
21 July.	134. Bishopric of St. Asaph's.
	See Grants in July, No. 42.
21 July. R. O.	135. Cromwell's Revenues.
	"A view of the accounts" of Henry Polstede, servant of Thos. Crumwell, esq., Chief Secretary, from Michaelmas, 27 Hen. VIII. to 21 July following.
	Arrearages:—from William Simondes for the high stewardship of the Duchy lands in Herts and Midd., from the bailiwick of Endefeld and from John Antony. Manor of Rompney, received of David Morgan Kemmys, bailiff there; Dontton, Wm. Underwoode, bailiff; Ratheby, received of —Manby; Wyllyfeldes lands in Wandsworth, received of Wm. Cowpar; Mr. Wrothe's lands, rec. of John Coke; prebend of Blewbury, rec. of Thomas Edgair. Office of Master of the Rolls, profits by the clerks of the Petty Bag, Six Clerks of Chancery, clerk of the Hanaper, &c.; Chancellorship of the Exchequer, of—Hasilwoode; mastership of the Jewel House, of—Hasilwoode; clerkship of the Hanapar, of John Judd; redemption of the master of the Savoy's lands in Hakeney, of the master of the Savoy.
	Lands sold:—Of John Tregian for rents out of the manors of Penpole, Ellerkey, Lanyhorne, and Denerdake, Cornw. Money received of Thomas Averay for the purchase of lands of lord Vaux, John Lyndesey,— Carnaby, Highbury farm of Francis Galliard, lands in Hakeney of the master of the Savoy, and Saham Tony, Norf., at various dates. Received of John Gostwike, 1 Jan.; of Nich. Statham, 1 Feb.; from arrearages of Wm. Simondes, of Roger Chalenoure for the high stewardship of the Duchy lands in Herts and Midd., of the same for the bailiwick of Endefelde and of John Antony. Total, 7,965l. 19s. 11¾d.
	Whereof:—Rent paid to the prior of St. Bartholomew's Smithfield for the farm of Canbury, and to John Higham, receiver of Waltham for the farm of Nasing. Lands purchased of lord Vaux, John Lyndesay, the master of the Savoy, Fras. Galyarde for Highbury, — Carnaby, Sir Thomas Russhe, and — Winkefield. Law expenses for the assurance of lands:—for the manor of Eggecote, Raithbie, lands purchased of Rainold Carnaby, manors of Penpoll and Ellerkaye, Newenton Belhouse, and Hallyfelde; to Mr. Northe's clerk for copies of Acts of Parliament concerning Wymbleton, Carnabie's land, and the Act of Uses; fee to the clerk of the treasury of St. John's for registering the indenture of Highbury. Cost of 4 reams of paper at 3s. a ream. To John Shakeston, receiver of the tenths under the bp. of Sarum for the tenth of Blewbury prebend. Allowed for the moiety of fees of the stewardship of the Duchy lands in Herts and Midd., standing upon George Challenour at the foot of last account, for that is allowed to Mrs. Wroth. Livery money to Thomas Averay at various dates. Paid to John Milsent 27 June 28 Hen. VIII.
	Total allowances 7,871l. 9s. 7¼d.; and so he owes 94l. 10s. 4¼d. Thereof: —Upon Wm. Popley for money remaining with him for the profits of the Privy Signet and the Rolls; John Meryng from the manor of Canbury; John Judd, John Lambert for a writ of assignment of dower for my lady Savaige, and for fees of restitutions of the abp. of Dublin; the prior of Elsing Spittell for a quit rent in Honey Lane next Chepe, and Elizabeth Spenser for house rent of the Blue Boar in Oxford, both pertaining to the office of Master of the Rolls.
	Total, 87l. 16s. 7¼d.
	So he owes 6l. 13s. 9d., which is paid to John Milsent, receiver. Signed by John Milsent.
	Which paid, he retired quit. Signed by Philip Lentall, auditor.
	Large paper, pp. 7. Originally a roll.
21 July. R. O.	136. Longland Bishop of Lincoln to the Curate of All Hallows' Oxford.
	Marvels that he presumes to preach within his diocese without his licence. Forbids him to do so. He requires to study Divinity first. Holborn, 21 July. Signed. P. 1. Add.
21 July. R. O.	137. Longland Bishop of Lincoln to [the Rector of Lincoln College]. (fn. 1)
	Thanks him for his pains taken at the Bishop's visitation. Marvels that he allows his curate of All Hallows, Oxford, to preach without licence. It were better that he or some fellow of the college supplied the place, as the curate is neither a graduate nor learned, nor yet student of divinity, but a man who has forsaken his religion. Bids him look better to such cures as are "appropryed" to his college. Holborne, 21 July. Not signed by the bishop. P. 1.
R. O.	138. Robt. Wisdom, (fn. 2) Curate of All Saints Oxford to [Cromwell].
	Preached the Gospel of Christ in Oxford according to the gift that God has given him, and now is forbidden at the suggestion of some malicious persons who are aggrieved to lose their glory and give it to Christ, which grieves not him so sore as to see the glorious testament of Christ despised, those seeds which he hath begun to sow choked with thorns, and the ungodly papistical superstition, against God's law and our most gracious prince's, continued and maintained. Has a letter from the mayor of Oxford and the whole parish of All Hallows, where he serves, to the bp. of Lincoln, but he cannot bear the cost of going to him. Submits the matter to Cromwell whether he shall do his duty as a curate should, or keep silence. Hol., p. 1. Begins: In most lowly manner complaineth unto your good lordship. Endd.: The preacher of All Saints.
	139. Subsidy.
R. O.	i. List of lords and ladies who have paid "the first payment of the subsidy granted to our sovereign lord King Henry the Eight."
	Thomas Audeley, lord Chancellor, 12l. 10s. Duke of Richmond, 90l. Duke of Suffolk, 50l. Duchess of Norfolk, 25l. Marquis of Exeter, 56l. 13s. 4d. Earls of Oxford, 28l. 0s. 2½d.; Arundel, 50l. 10s. 1d.; Shrewsbury, 38l. 6s. 8d. Countess of Salisbury, 32l. 10s. Countess of Oxford, 27l. 10s. Earls of Rutland, 32l. 8s. 11d.; Sussex, 26l. 15s. Wiltshire, 83l. 6s. 8d.; Derby, 40l.; Northumberland, 25l. Countess of Derby, 20l. 16s. 6d. Countess of Oxford, 12l. 7s. 11½d. Lords Sannes, lord Chamberlain, 25l.; Fytzwareyne, 25l. Lady Lawarr, 4l. 4s. 3½d. Lords Lawarr, 13l. 17s. 9d. Ferreys, 22l. 6s. 10½d.; Mountegue, 10l.; Bray, 13l. 6s. 8d.; Cobham, 10l.; Sturton, 11l. 17s. 7½d.; Clynton, 5l.; Daubeney, 15l.; Latymer, 15l.; Windsor, 15l.; Morley, . . . .; Lumley, . . . 6s. 3d.; Sroupe, 13l. 6s. 8d.; Conyers, 15l.; Awdeley, 3l. 15s.; Souche, 6l. 13s. 4d.; Burghe, 10l. (?).
	ii. The lords and ladies who have not paid the first subsidy:—
	Duke of Norfolk, 100l. Marquis Dorset, 14l. 18s. 4d. Earls of Essex, 21l. 5s.: Huntingdon, 44l. 6s. 10½d.; Cumberland, 33l. 6s. 8d.; Westmoreland, — (fn. 3); Worcester, 9l. 17s. 11½d. Lady Willughby, 20l. Lords Wentworth, 10l.; Hussey, 6l. 13s. 4d.; Darcy, 8l. 6s. 9d,; Talbot, 5l.; Lysley, 11l. 10s. 7d. Matraverse, — (fn. 3); E. Howard, 9l. 10s.; Dacres of the South, — (fn. 3); Vaux, — (fn. 3); Mordaunt, 12l. 10s.; Mountegle, 14l. 4s.; Lady Berkley, 3l. 5s. 4½d.; Lords Dacres of the North, 11l. 8s. 6d.; Grey of Wylton, — (fn. 3); W. Howard, 9l.; Lady Mountjoy, 9l.; Lord Stafford, 7l. 18s. 11d.
	iii. Who have paid the last payment of the Subsidy aforesaid:—
	Thomas Audeley, lord Chancellor, 12l. 10s. Duke of Suffolk, 50l. Duchess of Norfolk, 25l. Earls of Oxford, 28l. 0s. 2½d.; Arundell, — (fn. 3); Shrewsbury, 38l. 6s. 8d. Countess of Salisbury, 32l. 10s. Countess of Oxford, 27l. 10s. Earls of Rutland, 32l. 8s. 11d.; Wiltshire, — (fn. 3); Derby, 40l.; Bath, —, (fn. 3) Lords Lawarr, 13l. 17s. 9d.; Ferrers, 25l.; Mountegue, 10l.; Latimer, 15l.; Windsor, 15l.; Scroupe, 13l. 6s. 8d.; Conyers, 15l.; Souche, —. (fn. 3)
	iv. Lords and ladies who have not paid the last payment of the Subsidy aforesaid:—
	Duke of Norfolk, 100l. Marquis Exeter, 56l. 13s. 4d. Marquis Dorset, 14l. 18s. 4d. Earls of Essex, 21l. 5s.; Huntingdon, 44l. 6s. 9½d.; Cumberland, 33l. 6s. 8d.; Westmoreland, — (fn. 3); Northumberland, 25l.; Worcester, 9l. 17s. 11½d. Countess Derby, 20l. 16s. 6d. Countess Oxford, 12l. 7s. 11½d. Lord Sannes, lord Chamberlain, 25l.; Fitzwarren, 25l. Lady Willoughby, 20l. Lady Lawarr, 4l. 4s. 3½d.; Lords Wentworth, 10l.; Bray, 13l. 6s. 8d.; Cobham, 10l.; Sturton, 11l. 17s. 7½d.; Hussey, 6l. 13s. 4d.; Clynton, 5l.; Darcy, 8l. 6s. 9d.; Talbot, 5l.; Lysley, 11l. 10s. 7d.; Matraverse, — (fn. 4); E. Howard, 9l. 10s.; Daubeney, 15l.; Dacres of the South, — (fn. 4); Latymer, 15l.; Powers, 10l.; Vaux, — (fn. 4); Mordaunt, 12l. 10s.; Morley, 10l.; Wyndesore, . . . . ; Mountegle, . . . .; Lumley, . . . . Lady Berkley, . . . . . Lord Dacres of the North, . . . .; Grey of Wylton, . . . .; Awdeley, . . . .; W. Howard, 9l.; Lady Mountjoy, 9l.; Lord Crumwell, 50l.; Stafford, 7l. 18s. 11d.; Beauchampe, 25l.; Burgh, 10l.; Hungerforde, —. (fn. 4) Pp. 5.
22 July. R. O.	140. Sir T. Nevyle to Cromwell.
[1536-9.]	Sends by his servant and Wm. Wylkyn, constable of the hundred, Lawrence Hollands, gent., and Ric. Tumber, fuller, accused of speaking heinous words of the King by one Edmond Rylande; whom also he sends with the confessions. Was informed thereof by Robt. Neyll and John Branshe. Watteryngbury, 22 July. Signed. P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
	141. Thos. Nevyll [of Worcestershire] (fn. 5) to Cromwell.
R. O.	Reminds Cromwell that his lordship moved the late abbot (fn. 6) of Westminster to grant Nevell more years in his farm and mill called Bynhome, near Parshor, in trust of which he has spent 40 marks in building a new water mill, and 100 mks. in other charges. The abbot promised him a new grant for 35 years for a fine of 10l., but died before Nevyll had the new convent seal. Carlton, Cromwell's servant, has now obtained a convent seal thereof from the new abbot. Asks his pleasure. Signed. P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
22 July. R. O. [1536–9.]	142. John Bishop of Exeter to Cromwell.
	According to your letters delivered to me this 22 July I have made my collation to Mr. John Mason of the prebend, (fn. 7) Mr. Barnerd Travers, lately had in my college church of Crediton, trusting to pacify the person the King wrote for with the next that falls. Signed.
	P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal.
22 July. R. O.	143. Thomas Abbot of Abingdon to Cromwell.
	Has subscribed these articles as ordered; but Mr. Button has since desired another article inserted that the abbot should discharge the three farms to be let to Mr. Audelett of all charges created by himself or his predecessors. This he cannot do as many of his tenants have rights of common, and part of the farms was waste ground till Mr. Audelett, unknown to the abbot, had it set in his indenture. Is willing to bind the monastery to save him harmless of former leases, but wishes security against him as it is said he has many blanks sealed with the convent seal. London, 22 July. Signed. P. 1. Add.: Lord Cromwell, keeper of the Privy Seal.
R. O.	2. Clause proposed to be added to an award between the abbot [of Abingdon] and Audelett, that the abbot shall not be bound to discharge any of the "said" manors let to Audelett of any common claimed by his tenants. P. 1. In the hand of the abbot of Abingdon's clerk.
22 July. R. O.	144. [Calais].
	Works of masonry done from 1 March to 22 July 1536:—
	i. There fell a whole ward on the north side of the town, into the town ditch over against the Sister-house. The workmen wrought both day and night till it was out of danger. Length of wall, 96 ft., thickness, 8 ft.; the vawmure 8 ft. high, 2 ft. thick. 2. There was a piece of wall made which fell into the ditch before the sluice of Paradise; length, 36 ft.; height, 26 ft.; 4 ft. thick. 3. The stone walls were undershod and mended with brick, stone and mortar on the north of the town, from the new ward to the tower beyond the water-gate over against Old Calais. 4. The new bray at the west end of the town is mended, because the brick fell. 5. The Snayle tower is taken down three stories as low as the wall wherein the watchman goeth, within 3 foot thereof, and is lined with a wall 10 foot thick, about 110 ft. in length and compass, and 40 ft. high at this present day. The platform upon the same will be 32 ft. broad within the vawmure, which shall be 7 ft. thick. There is made in the bottom of the said tower three splay loops with their vents to scour the dykes. 6. A ward is begun to be made on the west side of Calais, adjoining the said tower on the north side thereof, 42 ft. long and 6 ft. thick, and made at this day 36 ft. high. 7. A wall is begun to be made before the old wall or ward adjoining Bullen Gate on the west side thereof, 220 ft. long, 6 ft. thick, and at present 32 ft. high. At this height the old wall shall be taken down and the new and the old shall be joined together into one 12 ft. thick to withstand the force of the rampire of earth which may be made within the town, and any battery that may be laid without. The vawmure must be 7 ft. thick, 7 ft. high, and 4 ft. lower than the old vawmure.
	ii. Guisnes. The chamber ward at the Castle of Guisnes is made in part according to the platt, 410 ft. long within the compass of the great tower, and at this day 31 ft. high, and the foundation of the new work taken 5 ft. deeper than any foundation of the castle walls. The said tower is vaulted and made massy with lime, brick, and chalk, and in the great vault are made three little vaults for murderers with splayed loops to scour the flanks of the dykes and the base court round about. There remains, according to the platt, but 90 ft. of the chamber ward to be made which will be begun next week. In all the foundations of these works in Calais and the Castle of Guisnes, the outside towards the water is made of hard stone ashler 6 ft. under the water of the dykes and 3 ft. above the water. Pp. 3.
22 July. Granvelle, Papiers d'Etat ii. 470.	145. Henry VIII. to Charles V.
	Understands that the Emperor and the French king will decide their disputes with the sword, which will result in a great injury to Christendom. As friend to both, is constrained to attempt some means of bringing them to an agreement. If Charles thinks him a fit person, would be content to proceed effectually. Reminds him that he is bound by treaty to help Francis if he is attacked in any dominions which were in his possession at the time of the said treaty. Lest he should be obliged to do this, which he would regret, writes to beg him to abstain from invasion, or if he has already pro ceeded to this (as he hears is the case) to commit the determination of their other quarrels to indifferent friends.
	If the Emperor will comply with this request, will not fail to requite it when there is occasion. "En nostre chasteau de Dower" (Dover), 21 July. Fr.
	2. A copy of the preceding, from the Vienna Archives, dated 22 July, enclosed in the letter of Charles V. to Chapuys of 11 Aug.
	3. Two copies of a Spanish translation of the same will be found in Add. MS. 28589, ff. 6, 8, B. M.
22 July. MSS., 2997, f. 42. Bibl. Nat., Paris.	146. Antoine de Castelnau, Bishop of Tarbes, to Mons. de le Rochepot.
	Received by the bearer his letter dated Corby, 11 inst., and showed it to the King. Henry has promised to write to the Emperor and the regent of Flanders to withdraw their troops who have entered Picardy, as otherwise he is bound to help Francis. The Imperial ambassador presses him to make a treaty. Will prevent that as much as he can. Mons. du Reux, through the ambassadors, begs Norfolk to come and help him with 10,000 archers, and he will establish (randra) the king of England in his inheritance. Norfolk told Tarbes of this, and du Reux has made a mistake in applying to him. Wishes all the court here favored the French as the Duke does. London, 22 July.
	Does not wish this letter to be communicated to any one. Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 2.
23 July. Vienna Archives.	147. Chapuys to Charles V.
	My man, as your Majesty will have understood by my former letters, arrived on the 14th, and the same hour I sent Cromwell a packet from their ambassador with you, informing him that I had letters from you for the King his master, and wished an hour appointed for me to present them, but that I first wished to speak to him to learn the state of matters, so as to be guided by his advice. He sent to me to say that we should be together next morning, and he would inform me of the King's will both as to the presentation of your Majesty's letters and the rest. Next day we met in a church, and he began to say that their ambassadors in France wrote of the issue of the French from Fossan, of certain men-of-arms and horses accidentally burnt in Lyons, of the coming of your Majesty into Provence, of the bravery shown by the French king, who wished to go and fight your Majesty, though the preparation made for it was very small, as he had not been able to get more than 5,000 or 6,000 Swiss, and that they considered it certain that your Majesty would derive great glory and reputation from your enterprise. I then repeated briefly what your Majesty wrote to me touching the peace between you and the French king, adding that, to be frank, I had written of it to your Majesty as angrily (chauldement) as could be, being persuaded that the King his master spoke of the said peace more as a matter of form than from good will (plus pour complement que affection) for several reasons which I alleged; to which he knew not what to reply, especially to this, that when news came of the said peace, they appeared very sorry, and that the King and all his Council did not appear pleased that your Majesty was to deliver Milan either to the second or third son of France, without which, unless they somewhat humbled the ambition and glory of the French king, it was impossible to come to terms; and that I was assured that since your Majesty had heard that the said King did not think it wise or prudent for your Majesty to deliver the dukedom of Milan to any of the French children you had altogether cooled and given no further ear to the French, (especially being informed by me that the said King went roundly to business, and endeavoured sincerely to promote the establishment and augmentation of the peace) as he might have seen by your Majesty's letters, written from Rome on the second day of Easter; and that it appeared to me the King had only spoken to me about the said peace with France because he thought your Majesty dissembled with him, wishing to gain time, seeing that we did not come to a point; which, however, could not be imputed to your Majesty or your ministers, for he knew well I had never ceased to use efforts for its establishment. Having heard me, Cromwell, contrary to his custom, remained pensive, and called God to witness that it would have been a most praiseworthy deed, most agreeable to God and the world, and especially to the King his master, if you had been pleased to consent to the said peace, especially at his master's request, to whom he could have wished you had written in a certain form, impertinent enough. And on my putting before him the considerations, he was silent, not knowing what to reply. As to the renewal of amity, he said to me that he had that very morning spoken of it to the King more than an hour and a half, and that when everything was well turned and considered, they could find no reason or ground to make any other treaty with your Majesty, since past treaties ought to suffice, which they had always observed, and being in peace, without suspicion of war, they had no occasion to depart from that position without any advantage, and they believed your Majesty would rather have the kingdom of France for yourself than deliver it to them; moreover, you would not consent to act with them against the Pope; which were the only points that should move them to come to any treaty. I was astonished at this reply, especially as on reminding him of several things he had said to me before touching the said establishment he pretended not to remember them, and knew not what to answer; and having asked him why he had solicited me so strongly before, after some conversation I told him that your Majesty had been pleased to make great endeavours everywhere to restore and establish the said amity, and had sent me power to treat. I begged, therefore, he would use his influence to bring matters to a conclusion.
	He then showed himself more glad than before, saying it was better news that I had the said power ready than those which their ambassador wrote, viz., that there had been some talk in your Majesty's Court of sending hither a person to treat of the said matters, and that it would not be owing to him if all did not turn out well; also that it was not a bad commencement to have reconciled the Princess with her father, who now bore her as much affection as ever father did. He also said that the King had given orders all over the coast that no one should assist French ships in the channel, and that no one should dare to buy any of the booty taken by the French. On departing he said to me that if he had not been so busy he would have gone to Court with me, and procured me an audience which he had forgot to ask for me, and that he thought that next day, Sunday, I might have one. But on Sunday Cromwell, for some indisposition, was not at Court, for which cause or perhaps to give place to the French ambassador, who was there all day, he sent me no message, nor on Monday or Tuesday, which I attribute partly to the great business the King and his ministers had in concluding the parliament. And on Wednesday, seeing that the King intended to go to Dover, I sent again to desire an audience which was granted to me.
	On coming to the King, fearing that Cromwell might not have let him know all the urgency I had made in soliciting audiences, not only since the arrival of my man, but before I related to him what had passed, of which he confessed he was informed, and I presented your Majesty's letters, with the reading of which he was long occupied, more I think to see if he could find something to carp at than for any other reason. After which he asked me for my credence. As to the excuse of your Majesty with regard to the peace with France he knew not what to object, except that he would have been glad to mediate, and since there was no other way but war, he hoped it would be made where he should not be compelled by his treaties with France to give his assistance, as he should be in the neighbouring frontiers, in which lay the town of Bray, which had been occupied of late days by your Majesty's forces, although there was no great probability that they would proceed much further; and that there his honor was concerned for which he was bound to imperil his goods, his blood, and those of his subjects; he did not care if heads were broken in other quarters. And on my saying that if so, he had no great occasion to complain, as he lately did of the invasion, as he called it, of Piedmont by your Majesty's men against the French, and the summons sent on your part to the marquis of Saluces, he replied that it was not he who made that complaint, but only the French. It was true that although he was not compelled to assist the French in the quarrel of Piedmont, yet he could well debate that on that side your Majesty was the aggressor; and on that point we entered again into discussion, and having shown him irrefragably that Francis was not only the violator of treaties, but also a wilful invader, and having further pointed out the right that you might lawfully claim to Provence and Dauphiné, he said you might fairly put that in force there and elsewhere as you thought best, provided it was not on the frontiers on this side, to the defence of which he felt himself bound. To this I replied that as it was the French who had begun the incursions on the frontiers of which he spoke, it was lawful for your Majesty to revenge them and even pursue your enemy to the death, or bring him to such terms that he could not easily give further trouble, and that he ought to resent the fact that the French had begun as well on the said frontiers as principally by taking certain Spanish ships in his harbours, or close to them; and even though he had promised the king of France to defend him against invasions, yet as he declared that his agreements with France nowise derogated from the treaties he had with your Majesty, the said defence should not be understood to be against you; and even though the promise was so general that it included everybody, it must be understood to apply to an unjust invasion. For though some jurists say that the vassal who swears fealty to his lord, promising to serve him against all the world, ought not to enquire whether his lord's quarrel is just or lawful, yet it was quite otherwise with him, and all oaths had certain understood conditions, among which is, that the promise be just and honest, which it would not be in this case if he proposed to defend a disturber of the peace of Christendom and occupier of the patrimony of such an old kinsman and friend as your Majesty. Besides, according to law, whoever promised to defend any one from his enemies and recompence him for all damages was nowise bound if the enormity arose from the fault of him to whom the promise was made. On this the King replied that he had fully considered the law, and also the reason of the treaties and confederacies, and as the text was clear it must not be evaded; moreover it mattered not to him who was the first violator of the treaties touching other places with which he had nothing to do. And as to my assertion that the French had been the first aggressors on the frontiers, he said as redress had been made a rupture could not be pretended, but by occupying the lands as your men had done it was impossible to excuse the rupture. I then said that he who adhered so strongly to the text of treaties would not find such a distinction in them, and that restitution was due for towns taken just as much as for what he referred to; that your Majesty, even if peacefully possessed of France, would be content with what was yours, and even with less for the peace of Christendom, and that he might judge from the covetousness and ambition of the French that if they could have taken as easily the towns of Flanders as the cows, there would not have been one that they would not have taken long ago, whatever peace there might be. To which he made no reply worth writing.
	The King having asked me what quarrel your Majesty pretended against the French king, I answered that I did not know what your Majesty would demand, but I could show him a part of what you might claim, and among other things the duchy of Burgundy, which belonged quite clearly to your Majesty, and which had not been ceded according to the treaties of Madrid and Cambray, though even if you had no other title you might claim it by those treaties alone; for as Francis had contravened the treaty of Cambray he could not avail himself of the mitigation of the terms as regards Burgundy, but was bound on pain of perjury to fulfil everything he had promised in those two treaties. The King replied that then you ought to attack Burgundy, and leave Picardy in peace, and that I must not suppose what he had said in behalf of France was merely by way of conversational discussion, for he thought so in truth, and would write of it to your Majesty. I said he knew what the law of war implied, viz., to seek every means to bring one's enemy to reason, and that for the rest he was so courteous and virtuous a prince, that in this case he would write and do according to his magnanimity and prudence, as the duty of old friendship and relationship required.
	I also told him that as the French had broken their promise everywhere, he was not bound to observe his, especially as the French, if they had found the like disposition on your part, would have readily abandoned him. He said Francis denied this, and offered to maintain the contrary in his person if you would affirm it, and if I wished he would call the French ambassador, and I should see how he would answer me. I said I had no charge to speak of such matters to the French ambassador, and I reminded him that when I entered on these subjects with the King, I begged him to keep our conversations to himself, and that I thought your Majesty would not be pleased that I had reported a matter spoken to you confidentially in private; "et quant il y eust bien parle il se fut bien excusee de le faire savoir audit roy, et nen devoit demander autre justifficacion ne tesmoingnagez que de considerer la veracite et integrite du diseur et la grande loyaulte et fiducite de lautre parte." As to the bravery of their fights they ought to be ashamed to speak of them, considering what had passed, and now these and other quarrels were on the point of being settled; and I knew not how the king of France would venture to say that his ambassador had not put such things forward. This King replied that he had certainly fought as much as he could not to disclose from whom proceeded such proposals, but at last he had been compelled to tell it; and certainly he showed by change of colour and bearing that he was vexed and confused at having spoken thus to me.
	He afterwards said to me that the legates "qui traictoient par le monde" would conclude this peace. I smiled and said, if the Holy Father had not been able to do it when matters were in a more favorable condition than at present, I did not see how the legates could bring it about, and that he must have that honor himself by declaring himself on your Majesty's side. At last I told him that I had authentic power and sufficient instructions, and if he wished I would show him the power. He tried two or three times to discover de loin if I had any charge to treat for the recovery of what he claims in France, but I always dissembled to learn what he wanted to say. And so I took leave of the King, who treated me with great kindness throughout. I must not omit to say that he objected to me that your Majesty aimed at this monarchy; but I brought him home by such reasons that he could not answer me.
	It is three days since I spoke with the King and I expected that the Council would send for me, but I see no appearance of it. I think, as I have always said, the more one shows a desire to come to business with them, the more they draw back. I believe whatever show of it they make they will not declare either for one side or other till they see some indication which way fortune will fall. They are in great perplexity and fear that the legates do not conclude peace, and since they have received news of their arrival, and especially that it was said Likerke had a safe conduct to return to France they have bestowed more caresses on the French ambassador, I know not whether in order to hinder the peace, or to raise my jealousy, so as to draw me to what they wish.
	The parliament finished on Tuesday, and as I have before written, the nomination of the successor to the kingdom is left to the King. As to the faith and ceremonies of the Church certain very cold constitutions have been made by the said parliament; and they have condemned to death, as rebels, the lord of Kildare and four or five of his kinsmen, and likewise the younger brother of the duke of Norfolk for having treated a marriage par parolles de present with the daughter of the queen of Scots and earl of Angus. A statute has also been passed making it treason to treat for marriage with anyone of the blood royal without the King's consent. The said personage of the blood royal was also to die, but for the present has been pardoned her life considering that copulation had not taken place; and certainly if she had done much worse she deserved pardon, seeing the number of domestic examples she has seen and sees daily, and that she has been for eight years of age and capacity to marry. Since the case has been discovered she has not been seen, and no one knows whether she be in the Tower, or some other prison.
	The King is much mortified "devant mariage dicelle sa nyece;" much more because he has no hope that the duke of Richmond can live long, whom he certainly intended to make his successor, and but for his illness, would have got him declared so by parliament; and this was one of the reasons why he was so very urgent that the Princess should approve the statutes that made her a bastard. London, 23 July.
	Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 10. The original is endorsed: "De lambassadeur en Angleterre des premier, viii., xiii., et xxiii^e de juilliet, reçues joinctement au camp prez Aix en Provence le xxix^e du mois daoust, 1536."
23 July. Vienna Archives.	148. Chapuys to Granvelle.
	I have always thought the more these people are pressed the more they grow stubborn like donkeys, as you may see by what I write to his Majesty. Still I will not forbear to stir them up as opportunity serves, preserving such moderation that they shall be unable to pretend they were never asked, or to imagine that the success of his Majesty's affairs depends upon them. It may be conjectured, seeing the King's great desire to have the management of the peace, that he knows if it be made at the Pope's intercession, "quil nen libreroit bien," and I think that conducting the affair himself he might draw the parties to his opinion against the Holy See; or it may be that the king of France has given him to understand that while he is in this perplexity he dare not divorce himself from the Church, lest he should make enemies of the Pope and his forces. Secretary Cromwell within these two months only wished to see the French punished, but since then he will hear of nothing but an accommodation.
	The King three days ago despatched a courier to Italy; and some say he only goes to Venice to seek Mr. Reynold Pole, whom, if he come, the King will make a cardinal like the bishop of Rochester, by reason of a book he has written in favour of papal authority. Others say that the said courier is gone to Rome.
	The greatest difficulty the King has had with this parliament has been to enact that all papal dispensations, alike of the present Pope and of his predecessors, should be invalid, a thing involving serious consequences, especially in matrimonial causes as to the legitimacy of issue; but in the end everything must go as the King wishes, were he to demand something still more strange.
	I have just this moment heard that the duke of Richmond died this morning; not a bad thing for the interests of the Princess. She, thank God, is very well, and I think her father's affection for her increases daily. Of late Cromwell got a gold ring made, on one side of which is, in relief, the figure of the King and Queen, on the other that of the Princess; and round about was a writing in Latin, which you will see by the enclosed bill. Cromwell meant to make a present of it to the Princess, but the King wishes to have the honor of it himself, and Cromwell will have to find other presents. The King is also getting his goldsmith to make a little two-headed eagle with plenty of jewels. I know not what he means to do with it. They have begun appointing the household (dresser l'estat) of the Princess, and I think she will be magnificently provided for. London, 23 July 1536. Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 2.
	ii. Inscription on Cromwell's ring:—
	"Obedientia unitatem parit, Unitas animi quietem et constantiam; Constans vero animi quies thesaurus inestimabilis. Respexit humilitatem Qui in Filio nobis reliquit Perfectum humilitatis exemplar. Factus est obediens Patri, Et ipsa etiam natura parentibus Et patrie obediendum docuit."
23 July. Vienna Archives.	149. Chapuys to the Secretary [Perrenot].
	Private affairs. Refers him for news to the letters to the Emperor and Granvelle. London, 23 July 1536. Fr., from a modern copy, p. 1.
23 July. Vienna Archives.	150. Henry VIII. to Mary of Hungary.
	Has written to the Emperor offering his mediation for peace between him and Francis, and requesting that he will forbear from invading France. Begs her also to promote an abstinence of war till matters can be adjusted. Dover, 23 July, 1536. Fr., from a modern copy, pp. 2. The original document is headed: Copie de la copie d'une lettre du roi d'Angleterre à la reine d'Hongrie.
23 July. Add. M.S., 25, 114, f. 178. B. M.	151. Henry VIII. to Gardiner and Wallop.
	Has received their letters of the 8th and of the 12th, narrating their communications with the French court touching the payment due to the King and the acceptance of the overture by Francis, who condescends to all the King's requests for a general council and peace with the Emperor only with the consent of England, who is to be a principal contrahent. Thanks Francis for the honor and them for their wise dealings. The King received with their letters of the 8th a writing sent forth by the bp. of Rome concerning the denunciation of his council, to which, he says, Francis has consented, and desires a statement from him in writing for security of the points mentioned. The King cannot believe that his pretended consent to the council is correct, but, to satisfy his honor, requires Francis to write to the bp. of Rome to tax him for this misreport. Will be glad if Francis will signify that he will not condescend to any general council without Henry's consent. They are specially to urge this, as the King is anxious to gratify his good brother and secure the peace of Christendom. Intends writing to the Emperor and regent of Flanders to cease from the war as Francis is his ally. If Francis will not adhere "to the bishop of Rome's fantazies to be, percase, set forth by his legate now despatched unto him," Francis shall have no cause to repent his friendship. Advises him not to allow the Dolphin and Great Master, who have crossed the mountains, to venture a battle, but furnish his towns, and so keep the Emperor in play, which will empty his purse, "and put him to a further afterdele than he doth yet think of." Thanks Gardiner for complying with his wish touching Francis Brian, and desires him to send the necessary writings. Explains his conversations with the French ambassador, who stated that the King was grieved "to the naming of the certain sum of 50,000 crowns by the month." Sends copy of the letters addressed to the Emperor. Dover Castle, 23 July. Signed. In Wriothesley's hand, pp. 8. Add.: To &c. the bp. of Winchester and Sir John Wallop, knight, [our] ambassadors in France. Endd.
23 July. Add. M.S., 25,114, f. 191. B. M.	152. Cromwell to Gardiner.
	He will receive by this courier the King's answer to his late letters. Perceives by his last of the 12th, addressed to himself, that he is somewhat pained at what Cromwell wrote about Brian. Thinks the matter had better drop now, seeing that it has come to a good end, both for the King's satisfaction and for the removal of any bitterness between them. Trusts he will finish friendly what he has promised, "and to wrap up the rest in the patent to be made of the same." Is, for his own part, the same man he was, though he wrote a little quickly. Dover, 23 (fn. 8) July. Desires to be commended to Wallop. Pp. 2. Signed. Add.: My Lord of Winchester. Endd. From Dover, 23 July.
23 July. Harl. M.S., 6,989, f. 76. B. M.	153. The Earl of Northumberland.
	Warrant of the earl of Northumberland to Hugh Gallond and William Clenell, keepers of Calledge Park, Northumberland, to deliver a buck to Lady Ogle. Newington Green, 23 July. 28 Hen. VIII. Signed and sealed.
23 July. Add. M. S., 28,589, f. 11. B. M.	154. Count of Cifuentes to Charles V.
	* * * Sir Gregory Casale (el Caballero Casal) urges him to speak to the Pope to send a Nuncio to the king of England; which, he says, will have great effect in bringing him back from his present opinions. Asks the Emperor's pleasure.
	(In the margin.) It is not advisable to do anything until letters come from England, considering what the ambassador has written about the Princess.
	Sp., pp. 3. Modern copy of a contemporary abstract endorsed: Lo que escrive el conde de Cifuentes, a 23 de jullio, 1536.
23 July. Poli Epp. I. 461.	155. Pole to Aloysius Priolus.
	Priolus must not suppose he is unwilling to fulfil his promise because the question to which he had not an opportunity of replying some days ago about the Cardinal's (fn. 9) person and health is answered by the Cardinal himself writing that he is very well. The remedies proposed by Priolus are for the healthy as well as for the sick, and the Cardinal's letters really increase his own alacrity in writing. He rather fears this intense heat, which takes away the faculty not only of writing but of thinking, but will not defer further unless Priolus, like Elias, can bring rain. Is glad the portion of the writings which was lost has been recovered, especially if, as the Cardinal writes, there is no suspicion of fraud; and none can free every one from suspicion so well as his correspondent if he will remember the book of Basil which he used to read when he had Pole's writings in hand. Ex Rubiconis Monte, 22 July.
	Has received letters sufficiently copious from him about the sheets. Can say nothing about them except conjecture. In that case would rather suspect what is least injurious to anyone. Waited anxiously for Priolus' letter, which he wrote he had sent him, but he has not received it. Sigismund also writes in letters tied up with those of Priolus, and received today, of certain letters he had given to Priolus to be sent to Pole, and which also appear to be missing. Gregorius, the abbot, came today. He and Mark salute you. You may add a line to my letters to the Bishop, who I wish would visit me sometimes in this desert. Ex Monte Rubiconis, 23 July. Lat.
R. O.	156. Starkey to Henry VIII.
	As he was commissioned by the King soon after being admitted to his service to write his "commandment and request" to Master Raynold Pole in the most weighty cause which has been for many years "temptyd" in the realm, expresses his great sorrow and disappointment at the opinions and temper Pole has shown in his book.
	Is more hopeful for the future now that woman [Anne Boleyn] whom the King moved by opinion of virtue, set in high dignity, is gone, and the King is married again. Advises the appointment of [the Princess Mary] as heiress, though he hopes she will never succeed, "but other fruit to take place." This may obviate the dangers likely to follow from the plucking down of the primacy of Rome. It is feared that this change of policy will alienate other princes, and give occasion for breach of concord at home. Was sorry it could not be effected without the severe punishment of persons famed for virtue and learning; but all wise men attribute that to their own imprudence and obstinacy. Hopes things now will proceed more quietly. Recommends the control of preachers who, under the color of driving away man's tradition, have almost driven away virtue and holiness. With the despising of purgatory the people begin to disregard hell and heaven.
	Hopes the King will apply the proceeds of the suppressed monasteries to good uses, and not let the lands to rich men, nor the whole of an abbey and lands to one person but to divers, and that the buildings may be preserved.
	Discusses the growth of the Papal primacy. Hopes the question will be brought before a general council when the opening of the grounds and causes of the King's defection will show a straight path to other princes. Hol., pp. 44. Headed: To the King's Highness. Endd.: Concerning Pole.
	*** Extracts from this letter are given in Starkey's Life and Letters (Early English Text Society's Extra Series), xxxii., p. xlviii.
24 July. Cleop. E. vi. 370. B. M. Strype's Eccl. Mem. I. i. 449.	157. Starkey to Cromwell.
	By the relation of my lord of Canterbury, and by the few words you spoke to me the last day at Stepney, I am persuaded you took my intent even as it was. But I cannot be thoroughly quieted until I know that the King is by no wrong information, or contrary suspicion, otherwise persuaded of me. This is the more grief to me, as the King, I am sure, both by his words and deeds was my good lord. Wherefore, having given no cause to the contrary (having travailed to put in effect such things as his Grace wished, which before I, by writing, only touched, i.e., the "inducing of the people to their office and duty concerning the obedience of his laws,") I cannot bear of my sovereign any contrary suspicion. I beg you to declare it now, and not suffer me to be hindered by wrong information, or "blotted with any other man's act." I take your Lordship to witness I never studied thing more earnestly than to bring that man (fn. 10) to his office and duty, and pluck from him all sturdy obstinacy. If it be thought I was the occasion of demanding his sentence, you know it was an occasion taken, and not on my behalf given, for I never moved the King nor you to the ensearching of his judgment. True, I never thought him of so corrupt a sentence in this matter of the primacy; and so I put you in hope, and the King also, when "he had commanded me to write to him his pleasure and request." No man is more disappointed than I—not his own mother, who now repents having brought him to light, nor yet his most dear brother, who, by his act, is deprived of a great comfort of his life.
	As to my own opinion of the primacy, if there be any men within this realm beyond suspicion of this matter, I ought to be of the number. Before the matter was moved here in our country I oft desired it to be reformed, and so I once declared to the King. And though some who knew my familiarity with Mr. Pole (whose friendship I did not a little esteem before he forsook the judgment of his country, service of his sovereign, and love of his friends) may have induced you to suspicion, he lives not that can justify it. As to my preaching, I rather deserved thanks than reproach, for "it is not the right way of preaching, to bring men thereby unto the light, with great reproaches to condemn their blindness suddenly." Wherefore, for the sake of the truth, and the love I bear to the city wherein I have chosen my dwelling, I wish preachers to be chosen who shall set forth the truth sincerely, and have consideration for men's weakness, advancing the truth with charity, and not exasperating one part against the other by foolish contention upon things not necessary to salvation. Such preaching is very desirable at this time, when the King and you and other counsellors are studying to set forth a tempered doctrine, whereby all our country ought to rejoice. Our doctrine is now purged from the old abuses, and defended from the errors of this time, and from false religion; and this, and no glorious desire of fame or vanity, has "caused me now so to apply myself to preaching;" for if I were persuaded our doctrine was erroneous I would rather lose my life than set it forth. Protests his sincerity in this. And, though you judge me more "travailed in philosophy than in the trade of the scripture," and perhaps judge not amiss; yet, from the continual reading of the scripture, "wherein certain years I have accustomed myself," I have gathered a certain judgment wherewith to examine such writers I have read thereupon; and if the writers of this time swerve therefrom I have them suspect, for the old writers are very unanimous. The sum of my judgment tends to:—1. Contempt of this life, and hope of a better; 2. a certain bond of charity whereby men, united in one body, "walk in obedience to the order of the world," despising all that other men contend for. By these I examine all doctrines; for I abhor seditious acts and doctrines, which upon pretence of truth break up the order of Christian charity. Rejoices to see true ecclesiastical polity confirmed by the whole clergy, and no necessary order infringed by the plucking away of this primacy. Begs favor. London, 24 July. Hol. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
24 July. R. O.	158. Lord Chancellor Audeley to Cromwell.
	Has received Cromwell's letter about the complaint of one Cupper against Bothe, Audeley's servant, concerning the deputation of the office of clerk of the peace in Staffordshire. Last Easter the people in Staffordshire complained of Cupper for extortion, and for taking money for acquittal of thieves. A commission was directed to justices of the peace, who found that he was guilty. Before Audeley he confessed it, but said the money was taken for the agreement of the appeal of robbery, and not for the King's suit. Finding that he was a little learned in the law, and apt to many guiles and frauds, and as such "bragelers of the lawe" do all the hurt in countries, discharged him from any meddling in the office till the matter was examined by the council, and bound him to appear this next term. If he had been a brother would have done no less. Intended not to be judge, but that it should be openly heard by the lords next term. If Bothe had been with him, would have travailed for peace and quietness between them, but he has gone to Staffordshire, and Audeley is homeward into Essex. At his return will desire Cromwell to order the matter as seems best to him. 24 July. Hol., pp. 2. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
24 July. R. O.	159. Thomas Thacker to Cromwell.
	Cromwell's households at the Friar Augustines and at the Rolls are in good health, and the buildings go forward.
	Wages, this 22nd July, to 5 bricklayers, 57 carpenters, 11 labourers, 14 sawyers, 3 plasterers with their 4 labourers, and 49s. 8d. for empcions and carriage, amount to 44l.; and at Mortlake, 33l. 11s., paid by Mr. Williamson. Mr. Styward (fn. 11) with the household at the Rolls is this day removed to Mortlake, "for it was not all ready for them no rather." Your place of the Rolls, 24 July. Hol., p. 1. Add.: Lord Cromwell, Lord Privy Seal.
24 July. R. O. [1536–9].	160. Sir Fras. Bryan to Cromwell.
	I hear that the bearer, my kinsman, and his brethren, are to be put out of possession of their land, the King being entitled to it by the sinister procurement of Mr. Knivet. I beg you will provide a remedy. 24 July. Signed. P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal. Endd.
24 July. R. O.	161. The Council of Calais to Lord Lisle.
	This morning certain Burgundians, about 100 horse and foot, brought with them to Newnham bridge a booty of horses, cows, &c., taken within the Picardy pale, and being pursued by the French, sent to me, your deputy, and the rest of the council here to give . . . . . . . . . . . . Newnham bridge to go to G[ravelines with their] booty. Afterwards the [Fren]chmen likewise sent to us, desiring that we would not suffer them to pass with the said booty. On consultation we have taken this way:—considering what the King has written to us about being neutral, we desired Master High Porter to go to Newnham bridge, and to set order between them, as follows, to which both parties were content, viz., that the Burgundians shall pass through our pale into their country, and the Frenchmen into theirs, the booty and prisoners remaining here in our custody, with two Burgundians and two Frenchmen to keep it until the King's pleasure be known what further shall be done. Calais, 24 July. Signed: Rye. Graynffeld—Edmund Howard— Thomas Palmer—Robert Fouler—William Sympson. P. 1. Mutilated. Add. Endd.
[25 July?] R. O.	162. Norfolk to Cromwell.
	When I sent last night for my servant Robert Knyvet for the matter you know of, I learnt he was sick; and, since my arrival here, I have heard that Dr. Augustine and Dr. Wotton think it is "the sickness," and recommend bleeding. Tomorrow I shall be certain, and if it is the sickness, I shall defer my departure into Norfolk. As I will remove to the bishop of London's house at Fulham, I have sent away my servants who lodged in the new lodging where he lies; the rest, being in the house at the water's side, are in no danger. Chelsea, Tuesday, 6 p.m.
	P.S.—In his own hand. Have heard from Knevet, and fear he has "the sickness." Signed. P. 1. Add.: Lord Privy Seal.
25 July. R. MS. 7 F. xiv. f. 83. B. M. Camden Miscell. III.	163. The Duke of Richmond.
	"Anno regni regis Henrici Octavi xxviij. (fn. 12)
	The inventory of the duke of Richemonde's goods, that is to say, as well of his wardrobes of the robes and beds, as also of all his plate of gold, jewels, plate, gilt, parcel-gilt and white, with the inventory of his chapel stuff and stable taken by me, John Gostwyk, the xxv. day of July, anno prædicto."
	The Wardrobe of Robes.—Five gowns of damask, velvet and satin tinsel. A purple velvet mantle of the Garter. The Garter wrought with Venice gold. Nine coats of satin, taffeta, cloth and damask; one (fn. 13) delivered by George Cotton to my Lord Tailebois. Six doublets of velvet, satin, and taffeta; eight pair of hose and two pair of slops of similar materials; a whole fur of sables; another of pampilion and black budge; a dagger, the scabbard and haft garnished with silver gilt; a black velvet bonnet with a brooch and a naked woman, with 18 aglets and buttons and a small chain; a green and a white hat; two swords; a gilt woodknife; two cloaks, scarlet and frizardo; six pair of velvet shoes and a pair of slippers, &c.
	Gold plate.—A salt with a black dragon, garnished with pearls and other stones; another of birrall, the foot garnished with gold, stones, and pearls, sent from my Lord Cardinal for a New Year's gift, anno xix.; a salt supposed to be unicorn's horn, set with pearls and turquoises, sent from the King by Mr. Magnus; gold spoons sent as New Year's gifts by the Cardinal and the earl of Northumberland; a gold cup given by the Legate, having a red flower in the cover, and graven about the cup de bon cure, and a few other articles.
	Jewels of gold, late in the custody of George Cotton, now delivered to John Gostwyk.
	A collar of 21 garters and 21 knots of crown gold, with a George set with diamonds; another George and three garters; a gold whistle; two bracelets set with roses of rubies, pearls, and diamonds; a gorget of gold sent by the King, set with seven white roses enamelled; two rings, &c.
	Gilt plate.—A chalice and paten, graven with calicem salutaris; another graven with suns; a pix; a pax; a silver gilt bell; censers with leopards' heads; a ship for frankincense with a spoon, with H. and E.; a holy water stock and sprinkle, graven with roses and portcullises; two crosses with Mary and John; images of St. Peter, Dorothy, Our Lady with her son, St. Andrew, St. Margaret, and St. George; candlesticks; four standing cups of the King's New Year's gifts; four cups of assay; three ale cruses, the King's New Year's gifts annis xxj., xxij., and xxiij., one with Da gloriam Deo about the mouth; seven bowls, one the King's New Year gift, anno xviij.; six spoons, whereof remaineth one with the duchess of Richmond. (fn. 14) A gilt leyer, chaced, rocky, given to the countess of Westmoreland at the christening of her son; pots and basons, several being the King's gift.
	Parcel-gilt plate.—Chalices, basons, ewers, chaundelers, salts, pots, &c. Several being marked in the margin, Delivered to my lady's grace.
	White plate.—Platters, dishes, saucers, spoons, etc. Two spoons to the duchess of Richmond's hands.
	New Year's gifts given by the King and the Queen to the duke of Richmond, and not indented for.
	The King's gifts, anno xxv. Two gilt pots, and a standing cup which was sent incontinently to the duchess of Norfolk for her New Year's gift. The Queen's gifts. A salt given to Mrs. Jennye when the Duke christened her son, and a ring.
	Anno xxvj. The King's gifts; a standing cup and a cruse; the Queen's gifts; a cruse, sent to my Lady's Grace for a New Year's gift, and a bonnet with buttons and a brooch.
	Anno xxvij. The King's gifts. A standing bowl, on the cover a little boy with a spear and shield; a great jug, with H. and A. graven thereon; a cruse; a little salt, given to Mrs. Amy at her marriage.
	Chapel stuff.—Eight altar cloths of bawdkyn; velvet and satin; five corporaxes; two superaltares; vestments of cloth of gold, purple velvet and blue damask; with chasubles for the deacon and subdeacons, and copes of the same stuff; a green satin canopy for the dean of the chapel; a travers of changeable sarcenet; five Mass books; three "ympners"; an antiphoner and a processioner; a book pricked with "Keryes"; 12 surplices; six altar cloths; two standards; seven pieces of hangings of the Passion.
	The Wardrobe of Beds.—Hangings of Moses and Balam, Lady Plesaunce, accompanied with many Virtues and assaulted with divers Vices, King Lewes, "the image of man and of Jessey," the Coronation of Honour, Tullyus Hostalius, Parys and Elen, hawking and hunting, a lady sitting under a cloth of estate, and several pieces of tapestry and verdours; testers, counterpanes and curtains, one tester cut at the head behind the bolster when Sir Wm. Courtney lay at my lord's place at Canford; a cloth of estate of cloth of gold damask; chairs and cushions of cloth of gold and velvet; beds, bolsters, pillows, sheets, etc.
	Kitchen stuff and scullery stuff.
	The stable.—Four great horses, a jennet, black, bay, and sorrel; the jennet delivered to the earl of Surrey; saddles of green velvet, buff and white leather; bridles, clothes, etc.; a little mule with black velvet harness and foot cloth; six geldings with harness, (fn. 15) whereof four delivered to the duchess of Richmond to convey her into Norfolk; two nags, one bought of my Lord William, the other given to Mr. Cotton. Pp. 29.
R. O.	164. The Duke of Richmond.
	First, to know how long my lord's house shall remain together and what order shall be taken with his servants at their departure. What liveries of black cloth shall be given to his head officers. Whether the King will take such as are "vewly men" into his guard. What George Cotton, late governor to the said Duke, and Ric. Cotton, late comptroller of his house shall do. To know the King's favour to them for such offices as their master gave them, i.e., to George Cotton, bailiff of Boston, Martocke and Samford Petherill, steward and receiver of the Holte and Chirke, keeper of Merslay Park and an annuity of 20l. which Rochester, late gentleman usher, had: 64l. 13s. 4d., whereof paid to deputies 20l. To Richard Cotton, steward, bailiff, keeper, and master of the game of Bedhampton Park and Bovitraci Park: 16l. 13s. 4d., whereof paid to deputies 7l. Large paper, pp. 2. Endd. in a later hand: To know what the King will do with the duke of Richmond's servants.
R. O.	2. "The names, gentlemen, yeomen, and grooms, late servants to the duke of Richmond."
	Gentlemen: married:—Giles Foster, master of the horses, steward of Merton, Westmld., Chr. Wentworth, Ant. Dryland, bailiff and keeper of Coliweston, Ralph Eldercarre, Wm. Willowby, Thos. Dalarivers, Ralph Bulmer, Hew Caveley, Philip Gray, Martin Hastings, Edw. Foreste, Ric. Rose, marshal. Not married:—Wm. Blunt, George Clapham, George Hartwell, John Travers, Nic. Thorgmerton, Thos. Darcy, John Jenny, Harry Partriche, Thos. Henns, secretary, Wm. Sanders.
	Clerks of the kitchen: married:—Thos. Oglestrope and Wm. Lawson, bailey of Raustall. Not married: Robt. Metcalfe, bailey of Cottingham.
	Yeomen of the chamber: married:—Roger Wytherton, yeoman usher, Nic. Eton, yeoman hunt, and 10 other yeomen of the chamber and one "tabrit." Not married, 10 yeomen and one footman.
	Yeomen in the household: married:—Hugh Johns, yeoman of the wardrobe of robes, baily, &c. of Lainemarshe and Colnewake and of Thorpwatterfelde alias Achurche and Rudlington, Ric. May, yeoman of the horses, bailiff in reversion of Fremyngton, and nine others. Not married: Cuthbert Mylner, yeoman of the cellar and serjeant of the Admiralty and seven others.
	Grooms: Walter Abre, groom of the chamber, John Scoler, groom usher in the hall and bailey of Leidnam, and four others married, and 20 unmarried, among whom are Harry Wheeler, bailey of Torryngton, and Randall Borrowes bailey of Orwill. Large paper, pp. 5.
R. O.	3. Names of gentlemen [yeomen and grooms] late servants to the duke [of Richmond].
	The same names as in the above but differently arranged. Large paper, pp. 4.
R. O.	4. Yearly fees of the late duke of Richmond's council and their servants.
	(1.) These had 4s. a day for themselves and 12d. for each of their servants during the time of journeying and sitting in causes of justice:—Sir Wm. Parre, Sir Wm. Bulmer, Sir Godfrey Fuljame, Sir Thomas Tempest, Sir Wm. Evers, the dean of York, Mr. Magnus, Dr. Tate, Serjeant Fayrefax, and Robert Bowes.
	(2.) These had 2s. a day and 12d. for each servant:—John Uvedaile, secretary, Walter Luke, attorney, and Wm. Babthorpe.
	"Every of these had liveries to their chamber as followeth: first, their breakfast, one loaf, one manchet, a gallon of beer, and a piece of beef; and at night, one loaf, one manchet, a gallon of beer, a quart of wine, ½ lb. of white lights, two sysses and four falgotts." Large paper, p. 1. Fees and number of servants of each given.
25 July. Cleop. E. iv. 231. B. M. Wright's Suppression of the Monasteries, 138.	165. Ric. Southwell to Cromwell.
	Sir Thomas Lestrange and Mr. Hoges have been at Walsingham and sequestered all the money, plate, and jewels. They found a secret place within the house where no canon, they said, ever entered, in which were pots, bellows, and instruments, for multiplying gold and silver. From Saturday night till the Sunday next following, was offered, at their now being, 133s. 4d., besides wax. From my house, 25 July, 28 Henry VIII. Hol., pp. 2. Add.: My lord Privy Seal. Endd.
25 July. R. O.	166. Sir Piers Edgecombe and others to the Council.
	Were at Plymouth 24 July and called before them the mayor and also Will. Hawkins and John Elyott, all of whom have agreed to waive their differences and live together in peace, according to the old customs of the town. Plymouth, 25 July. Signed: P. Eggecomb—John Prior of Plympton —Andrew Hillersdon—Nycholas Fortescu. P. 1 long sheet. Add.