Venice: February 1558, 16-28

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 6, 1555-1558. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1877.

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'Venice: February 1558, 16-28', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 6, 1555-1558, ed. Rawdon Brown( London, 1877), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol6/pp1450-1458 [accessed 25 November 2024].

'Venice: February 1558, 16-28', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 6, 1555-1558. Edited by Rawdon Brown( London, 1877), British History Online, accessed November 25, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol6/pp1450-1458.

"Venice: February 1558, 16-28". Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 6, 1555-1558. Ed. Rawdon Brown(London, 1877), , British History Online. Web. 25 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol6/pp1450-1458.

February 1558, 16–28

Feb. 18. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 1168. Michiel Surian, Venetian Ambassador with King Philip, to the Doge and Senate.
Since my last, the French on these frontiers have done nothing but retire into their towns, the cold and snow not allowing them to keep the field. This side, in the meanwhile, will have convenience to prepare either for their defence or for an attack on the enemy, but everything is done slowly; and although the Duke of Savoy said he should soon depart to go and put Gravelines and Bourbourg in a state of defence, and supply St. Omer with what is required for the defence of those frontiers, he nevertheless is not yet gone. The cause of these tardy proceedings is believed to be the hope of some agreement, but there are two other more certain causes; the one is, the lack of money, there being at present no apparent means for getting any, save through these provinces, whose delegates were to return hither on the 20th instant, with the assent of the communities to the grant already made. The second cause is, that these Lords of the Council, as they do not love one another, so are their political opinions discordant, and King Philip, who usually refers himself to their judgment, never forms the slightest decision spontaneously, and unless some remedy be applied to this disorder, his Majesty's affairs cannot prosper; and one of the remedies should be, to send back the Duke of Alva to his government in Italy.
From England there is advice of the resolution passed by the Parliament to give the Queen a large sum of money to muster a powerful army, which, if entirely composed of English soldiery as believed, will be unable to do any good, as they are not adapted for war, having neither discipline (ordine), weapons, nor judgment, (nè giudicio); so that the Duke of Savoy when talking with me said that he holds the provision made by that kingdom in little account, should it consist solely of English troops, but if with the money destined for that purpose, other soldiery more suited to war were to be raised, or if it should come into King Philip's hands, it would be a very great assistance.
A knight of Malta has arrived from the Grand Master, to ask King Philip for assistance to defend that island against Sultan Soliman. The King despatched him with loving words, but with little money, and he has written to the Viceroys of Naples and Sicily to give him such assistance as possible.
Brussels, 18th February 1558.
[Italian, partly in cipher; the portion in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
Feb. 19. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 1169. Michiel Surian, Venetian Ambassador with King Philip, to the Doge and Senate.
I have asked his Majesty whether what I have heard publicly reported about the peace was true. King Philip replied, as had been already told me by Don Ruy Gomez, that not only was it untrue that the peace was made, but that it had not even been initiated (incamminata); that it was quite true that the Constable promised much, but that he is a prisoner, wherefore no great reliance can be placed in his promises, besides which the government of France is now in the hands of his enemies, so that his influence has come to an end. His Majesty then said that the Legate Caraffa gave him to understand that the King of France has placed all his affairs in the Pope's hands, and that his Holiness would demand a suspension of hostilities, that he might then negotiate the peace; and that he, King Philip, would never fail to entertain any fair agreement, as neither in prosperity nor adversity has he ever changed his mind, which has always been inclined towards peace, for the common weal, which he holds in greater account than his personal advantage. The Duke of Savoy in like manner told me that this discourse of peace was a falsehood (una vanità), there not being so much as a commencement of negotiation. I hear, nevertheless, on good authority, that King Philip desires it so earnestly, as to omit nothing that can warrant a hope of its being effected, and although he told me that the French King's mind (mente) is in the Pope's hand, I am however assured that this is a report circulated here by Cardinal Caraffa and his dependants, to facilitate the decision about his own affairs, and not because it is hoped through his Holiness to effect the peace. The Cardinal, when talking with me, said very clearly that he has no hope of it, though with others he says that he has the Pope's mind in hand, it having been brought by Don Francesco da Este, and that he is endeavouring to stipulate a suspension of hostilities, and that these two Kings should hold a conference in some convenient place to conclude a lasting peace; but he is not credited, and evinces great resentment, because the peace is being treated through another channel without him.
Brussels, 19th February 1558.
[Italian, in cipher, deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
Feb. 19. Original Letter Book, Venetian Archives. 1170. Bernardo Navagero, Venetian Ambassador in Rome, to the Doge and Senate.
The suspicion of the Imperialists increases more and more daily, the causes being the prolonged stay here of Don Francesco da Este, and his close intimacy with the Duke of Paliano; the understanding that the French not only cease to complain of the Pope, but show that they are satisfied with him; the doubt of Don Francesco's departure, until he receive a courier from France in reply to what he wrote thither on the 27th ultimo, without letting it be known that he had sent off any despatch. His confidants here believe that he expects money from France, with which to pay the troops in the fortresses of Tuscany, who are creditors for nine rates of pay; nor can he go thither without giving it them, as they might mutiny. Don Francesco told my secretary that he had intended to depart six days ago, but that the Duke of Paliano, and the Pope likewise, evinced a wish for him to remain here this Carnival, telling him that were his departure of importance they would let him go, but as in that fortress [Mont' Alcino ?] much was not required, they had compelled him to delay for these few days. He then said that by a courier who arrived from France the day before, he had State letters from the Duke de Guise, dated the 22nd ultimo, giving account of the capture of Guisnes; that the Duke of Paliano thought his son and nephew might have left Paris on the 27th, on their way back to Rome, as on the 24th they had taken leave of everybody, and Flaminio da Stabio, captain of the galleys, was gone to pay certain compliments which would not detain him more than two days.
He then added that he did not see that the Caraffas had much hope of the State of Bari, both by reason of the importance of that city, and also owing to the claim of the King of Poland, (fn. 1) though he thought that the King Catholic, as amends for having made war on the Pope, to show that he was heartily reconciled, and to retain this most illustrious family, would give Cardinal Caraffa a considerable pension, and a State yielding an annual rental of 7,000 or 8,000 crowns, not to the Duke of Paliano, who would not stir for such a trifle, but to Marquis Montebello, and this might be the Principality of Rosano. It also seemed to Don Francesco that the Caraffas are urging King Philip to give them his credit of 200,000 crowns, with the Apostolic Chamber, due to him for expenses at the time of the war of Parma, (fn. 2) intending with this money obtain Camerino in pledge (farsi dar Camerino in pegno), binding future Pontiffs not to deprive the Caraffa of that Duchy, unless they repaid them these 200,000 crowns. Having drawn the Pope thus far, they will then move a little in advance, and renounce the State of Paliano to the See Apostolic, demanding as compensation the free gift of Camerino (et dimandar in ricompensa Camerino libero), about which, only two days ago, the Duke of Paliano had discoursed with Don Francesco; but they must proceed adroitly with his Holiness, and endeavour to persuade him that this exchange, with an addition of 200,000 crowns, is to the evident advantage of the See Apostolic, because the Pope insists (sta duro) on not choosing to give to his kinsfolk anything belonging to the Church.
On Tuesday Signatura was held in the Pope's presence, to solve a difficulty which has arisen about the sentence pronounced by the two judges, the Dean [Cardinal Pacheco], and the Commissary General, in favour of the Queen of France and against Madame [Margaret] of Austria, wife of Duke Ottavio [Farnese] of Parma, concerning the inheritance of the Medici family. The Dean of the Rota says he pronounced in petitorio, and the Commissary-General in possessorio. The Bishop of Terracina (fn. 3) had made great suit to his Holiness in the name of King Philip at the request of his sister. The members of the Rota had a long debate, and when about to take the votes of Signatura, Monsignor di San Fermo, the agent of the Queen of France, said to the Pope, that the Dean of the Rota had an understanding with Cardinal Pacheco, and therefore contradicted the Commissary-General. On hearing these words his Holiness waxed wroth, and told the Cardinals that in this case he forbad them to give their vote, or to interfere in it, or to listen to anything on the subject, showing that he suspected all of them, they being nine in number; so they complain of being treated so ill by him, saying, that even were the suspicion of Cardinal Pacheco's acting from interested motives true, the Pope ought not to have spoken in this way against them all. Thus was Signatura, dismissed, without deliberating further.
Rome, 19th February 1558.
[Italian.]
Feb. 20. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 1171. Michiel Surian, Venetian Ambassador with King Philip, to the Doge and Senate.
The resolution was lately communicated to the right reverend Legate as follows:—King Philip is content to give, as compensation for the State of Paliano, the town of Rosano, which is a member of the Duchy of Bari; and to Cardinal Caraffa a pension of 12,000 ducats on the Archbishopric of Toledo, besides “habilità” on other benefices in Spain, to the amount of 8,000 ducats; and this is called “naturalità,” because in Spain none but Spaniards can hold benefices.
Cardinal Caraffa is very dissatisfied, it seeming to him a small recompense compared with what he expected, and he has complained to all the persons with whom he has had occasion to converse, nor will he apparently accept either one thing or the other. He says Rosano is not an equivalent compensation for a State yielding 20,000 crowns annual revenue, most especially when treating with a King, from whom one ought to expect more than what is abandoned.
Brussels, 20th February 1558.
[Italian, partly in cipher; the portion in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
Feb. 20. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 1172. Giovanni Michieli, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate.
The Cardinal of Lorraine says concerning the fear of the Turkish fleet by the Maltese, that the King answered the Chancellor sent by the Grand Master, that he could not believe the Turk had a mind to invade them; and that he would not fail to perform every good office, though they were not to consider themselves secure, nor to omit making provision for the defence, as he could not answer for the will of Sultan Soliman. The Cardinal told me moreover that the Turk had prayed the King to recall his knights from Malta, giving him to understand that the capture of the galley stationed off Rhodes, and other damage done, were caused principally by the daring of the French knights, and not by any other tongues (che di altre fatione); and in continuation he said, “So, Lord Ambassador, that Order is assuredly more apparent than effective, and my brother, the Prior, who was there, knowing how things were going (conoscendo come andavano le cose), departed thence willingly; for the knights are the warders of King Philip, placed and kept by him in that site for his individual service, rather than neutral men (più presto che huomini neutrali). He then spoke about the Turkish fleet, repeating that by the end of April, and sooner, Sultan Soliman promised it should be “in these seas of ours” (in questi nostri mari); and noting the words “our seas,” I availed myself of a good opportunity to make his Lordship declare he meant the Mediterranean; and he said the fleet was coming in such force that it could bring 12,000 men for a landing.
The Cardinal spoke of certain letters from King Philip, found at Calais when the place was taken, they having been sent from Brussels for transmission by way of England to Spain, and informing the Emperor of Queen Mary's pregnancy; the Cardinal of Lorraine saying that she would soon rid us of this doubt, this being the end of the eighth month since her husband left her. He added that the said Queen had used King Philip as mediator, in his quality of Lord of Flanders, to make peace between her and the kingdom of Scotland, the peace and commerce between the Flemings and the Scots not being broken, notwithstanding the rupture between Flanders and France; and that the King sent his ambassadors to Scotland, with whom a thirty days' truce was made, until the arrival of the English ambassadors to treat with them; but that the Queen of Scotland having subsequently heard of the taking of Calais, she no longer chose King Philip's ambassadors to speak of agreement, unless it was general, the realm of France being likewise included in it. Thus, he said, did his sister the Queen Regent of Scotland write to him, in the letters brought by the ambassadors of that kingdom, who arrived in five days at Dieppe, and who are sent that they may witness the marriage of their Queen and the Dauphin, which, besides the other causes, has been delayed owing to the absence of the said ambassadors, and is postponed until eight days after Easter, as told me by the Queen; and the King and Queen of Navarre, who are to be present, have set out (si sono messi in cammino) [from Pau]. (fn. 4)
Paris, 20th February 1558.
[Italian.]
Feb. 26. Original Despatch, Venetian Archives. 1173. Giovanni Michiel, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate.
The Legate Trivulci having urged the King in the name of Cardinal Caraffa, as his Majesty, since his late victories in Piedmont and the Calais pale, was now superior, that he should make truce or peace with King Philip, without restoring anything; his Majesty replied, “Monsignor Legate, speaking confidentially with youl I very well know the need I have of peace, and I know that King Philip is in the same need, for although he be great and powerful, I nevertheless do not consider myself his inferior; and he may rest as well assured as I am, that neither of us will succeed in obtaining absolute power, the one over the other; for when one of us shall believe himself arrived at the end, he will find that he has scarcely got to the beginning of the work; so I tell you in conclusion that as I greatly wish for peace, so shall I always be ready to accept it, on such terms as shall be fair; and should any truce have to be treated, I would not have it made for a year or any similar period, as it would merely give opportunity to prepare for a fresh war, and a much greater one.”
These words were told me by Cardinal Trivulci himself, who also said that before they went together to the King, he had a long conversation with the Cardinal of Lorraine, who expressed himself thus, “very seldom, or never, has any peace or any other sort of agreement been made, by any prince professing neutrality or by his ministers; because the Powers concerned will not confide the most secret causes of their wish for adjustment to any but their privy-councillors”; and he then added very vehemently, “But if Cardinal Caraffa went to Brussels for no other object than to negotiate the peace, he ought to have proceeded in another form, and should have done as the Cardinal of England wisely did, when employed for this same affair, and urged the chief ministers on one side and the other to confer together; but to speak freely with you, Monsignor, it is too clearly evident that the coming of the Legates had no other object than to make a show; from the wish, under pretence of negotiating public affairs, to have an opportunity for benefiting private ones, as is very well confirmed by the ways of Cardinal Caraffa, who is intent on nothing but his own interests;” for it would indeed have been fitting for him, after hearing of the first office performed with his most Christian Majesty, before despatching this courier, to have entered into some sort of proposal, passing beyond general terms, so as to ascertain King Philip's mind as much as possible; but the fact is, that he looks to nothing but what most concerns and touches him, and the chief ministers here daily display not only distrust, but open hatred of Cardinal Caraffa.
With difficulty could the Legate Trivulci obtain permission to send back the courier to Cardinal Caraffa with his reply, in which he gives him a hint (lume) about inducing the ministers to an interview, having well considered the words uttered by the Cardinal of Lorraine to this purpose; but for the future, the most Christian King does not choose couriers or any other sort of ministers to be sent, but all letters to be forwarded to the frontiers, for conveyance thence by the people of the country.
By reason of the persons mentioned, it would be well to enjoin such secrecy about the whole of this business, as merited by the confidence reposed in me.
Paris, 26th February 1558.
[Italian, partly in cipher; the portions in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
Feb. 26. Original Despatch Venetian Archives. 1174. Michiel Surian, Venetian Ambassador with King Philip, to the Doge and Senate.
The delegates of these provinces arrived yesterday with the decision of the communities, and they will consider the increase of duties and sale of revenues, to raise money.
From England, confirmation has been received of the Parliament's money grant. They have appointed eight chief personages who are to have supreme authority in military matters, all great servants of the Queen, nor will they depart from her Majesty's will in anything, which is more to King Philip's advantage than any other resolve that could be formed in that kingdom, as he will easily obtain whatever he desires.
They have also sent troops towards Scotland, under the command of the Earl of Westmoreland [Henry Nevill] to secure that part of the territory; and all over the country, wherever they may have cause for suspicion, and opposite Southampton, in the Isle of Wight, they have placed a number of soldiers for its defence.
Nothing is said about the preparations for Italy, everything being in the breast (in petto) of the Duke of Alva, whose authority displays itself more and more daily. The King stands in awe of him (li ha rispetto), and yet more the other lords of the council, so that everything depends on him; if he remain here he will be master (patron) of everything, it being already whispered that Don Ruy Gomez will retire to Spain, renouncing political business; and King Philip's Confessor [Bernardo de Frésneda ?] has said that “Don Ruy Gomez might possibly go to Spain,” adding that, “the Duke of Alva is more than king, and he himself chooses to do everything”; the Duke's apartments are moreover seen to be frequented by the whole court, whilst those of Don Ruy Gomez are less crowded than they used to be formerly.
The King's indisposition still continues, but is nothing but a catarrhal affection (non è altro che cataro), accompanied occasionally by fever.
Brussels, 26th February 1558.
[Italian, partly in cipher; the portions in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
Feb. 28. Original Despatch Venetian Archives. 1175. Michiel Surian, Venetian Ambassador with King Philip, to the Doge and Senate.
The Bishop of Terracina has been to me from the Legate Caraffa, to say that late this evening Secretary Vargas went to him in King Philip's name to present his right reverend Lordship with the patents for the principality of Rosano, telling him that they are what his Majesty intends giving him as compensation for the State of Paliano. Cardinal Caraffa replied that he did not accept them, and that he had no commission from his Holiness except about the peace and about religion and ecclesiastical liberty. Vargas then protested that the King had fulfilled his obligation, whilst the Cardinal protested the contrary, that he did not assent to anything; and of all this a public act was drawn up by a notary. Cardinal Caraffa believes the King will communicate to me the whole of this proceeding, or send an envoy to your Serenity, as the parties in this affair have elected you their arbitrator. This second agreement (capitulatione) was made without the Pope's knowledge, so he is expected to show great resentment.
Brussels, 28th February 1558.
[Italian; the portion in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]
Feb. 28. Original Despatch Venetian Archives. 1176. Giovanni Michiel, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge and Senate.
M. de Termes wrote lately from Calais that the enemy had been to reconnoitre Guisnes with the intention of occupying it, and fortifying themselves within those remains of walls which are still standing, it not having been possible to destroy them entirely; and they are heard to be re-enforcing themselves so briskly in the direction of Han and St. Quentin that they have mustered four thousand horse, and many ensigns of infantry, with several pieces of field-artillery, so as to march at an hour's warning; though here, not only is there no sign of apprehension, but they have not scrupled to break all the Switzers, and two companies of “Blacksmiths,” who were not in such good order as the other four engaged by them; whilst on the other hand his Majesty has despatched Colonel Forlis (sic), (fn. 5) a very expert man, and for whom he has the greatest regard, to engage fresh Switzers; and new commissions are given daily for cavalry, with orders for them to be in France next May; the King intending, if possible, to exceed the Spanish preparations, which in every quarter are reported as most powerful (gagliardissimi). During the Constable's absence, the government of Picardy has been given to the Duke de Montmorency, and the generalship of the cavalry in Piedmont has been confirmed to his brother M. de Damville; whilst to the Prince de Condé, the brother of the King of Navarre, his most Christian Majesty has given the generalship of the infantry, also in Piedmont, which is resigned by the Vidame de Chartres, he being sent as General to Scotland.
From 60 to 80 vessels laden with victuals, bound for Calais, were lately stranded in a gale on the coast of Normandy; and on board of them were many of the inhabitants of Terouenne and St. Quentin, to whom the King has given permission to go and reside there, as compensation for what they have lost, to which effect two commissioners have been appointed to partition the houses and lands of the said place amongst those who by authentic certificates prove their losses; and moreover, to people the town as much as possible, his Majesty has given to the chief neighbouring cities, such as Amiens, Rouen, Abbeville, and the like, a tenement for each of them, that they may send their fellow-townspeople to dwell there and revive some traffic.
Paris, 28th February 1558.
[Italian, partly in cipher; the portion in italics deciphered by Signor Luigi Pasini.]

Footnotes

  • 1. In right of his mother, Bonna Sforza, daughter of Giovanni Sforza, Duke of Milan, married to Sigismund, King of Poland, in the year 1518.
  • 2. In the year 1546, Pope Paul III. (Alexander Farnese) gave the investiture of Parma and Piacenza to his son, Pier Luigi; on whose death, in September 1547, the Emperor seized Piacenza and attacked Parma; so from the foregoing paragraph it may be inferred that Charles V. charged the Apostolic Treasury 200,000 crowns for the expenses of the war; but that the debt was still unpaid in 1558, being then due to the Emperor's heir, Philip, King Consort of England, and was begged by the Caraffas to aggrandize the nephews of Paul IV.
  • 3. Ottaviano Rovera (though in Pallavicino's History of the Council of Trent, vol. 3, p. 398, he is called Reverta). Bishop of Terracina, Papal Nuncio at Brussels, had been sent thence by the Legate Caraffa to give information about Cardinal Pole. (See letter dated Rome 29th January.)
  • 4. Henry IV., son of Antoine de Bourbon, King of Navarre, by Jeanne d'Albret was born at the Château de Pau in Bearn, 13th December 1553 so that he was in his 5th year at the time of the marriage of Mary Stuart.
  • 5. Query, Ferlich; see post, date 8 March.