Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 5, 1534-1554. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1873.
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'Venice: May 1551', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 5, 1534-1554, ed. Rawdon Brown( London, 1873), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol5/pp338-362 [accessed 25 November 2024].
'Venice: May 1551', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 5, 1534-1554. Edited by Rawdon Brown( London, 1873), British History Online, accessed November 25, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol5/pp338-362.
"Venice: May 1551". Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 5, 1534-1554. Ed. Rawdon Brown(London, 1873), , British History Online. Web. 25 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol5/pp338-362.
May 1551
May. MS. in the Venetian Archives. | 703. Report by the most noble Messer Daniel Barbaro (afterwards Patriarch elect of Aquileia) of his Legation in England, delivered in the Senate in the month of May 1551 [on parchment]. (fn. 1) |
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Considers as a very sure proof of the wisdom of the Venetian Republic, their rejection of whatever redounds more to the benefit of the Sovereign than of the people, or of what does not maintain equality, and that whatever is found to be good in the polity of other commonwealths should be all condensed, enjoined, and observed, in that of Venice; and amongst the other means adopted to obtain this result, he is of opinion that one of the most praiseworthy is the law whereby the Signory's envoys on their return from foreign missions are bound to give account to the Senate of what they find worthy of notice in the domestic and foreign policy of the powers to whom they have been accredited. | |
In obedience to this law, will acquaint the Senate, as briefly as he can, with what he could learn of the government of England during his eighteen months' residence there, bearing chiefly in mind the three points of religion, law, and soldiery. | |
Succession to the Crown of England. | |
The country is at present subject to the King of England by right, as the eldest hereditary male heir to the crown. In default of the male line it passes to the female line; but as the sovereignty is undivided, the eldest daughter becomes sole heir; or to the next of kin, should there be no daughters. | |
Besides the succession and heirship, the consent of the Lords and Commons is requisite, so that, before the King's coronation, the people are solemnly asked thrice whether they approve of the King-elect; and the election being confirmed unanimously, the confirmed King takes oath to observe the laws; and is thus crowned, consecrated, anointed, and hailed King. It is indeed true that, after the confirmation, the King may have to quell insurrection on the part of the nobility, should they consider themselves in any way wronged, as they are many in number, and consider themselves no less noble than their Sovereign; but ordinarily the people love their King, and put up with anything to retain him (per conservarlo), especially when he keeps the promises made them. | |
Barbaro's Report on England (May.); Henry VIII.'s will. | |
If the King comes to the crown at mature age, the government is conducted by his Majesty in person and by the Lords and Commons who sit in Parliament. If a minor, as at present, they give him governors or protectors, though at present this title of Protector has become generally odious, the uncle of the present King having been deprived of it, for the reasons written in the reporter's letter to the Senate, dated 6th October 1549; in addition to which, it was the intention of the present King's father to leave the care of his son not to one individual, but to several persons with equal authority, although this was not practised, owing to the neglect of many or to the extreme diligenza et curiosità of one alone, who, in his (Barbaro's) time, ruled everything, whence arose endless confusion. | |
The late King had considered the great danger which threatened the kingdom in case the nobility maintained the power it then possessed; and also that it was not safe to give his son, who at the time of his death was ten years old, in ward to a kinsman; so first of all, by strange modes, he chose to depress the nobility, leaving them their titles and depriving them of all jurisdiction, so that there is neither duke nor lord in the whole realm who can by law put any one to death, nor who derives his entire revenue from the places of which he is lord. | |
Character of Edward VI. | |
To secure his son and the crown, the late King also gave equal authority to sixteen [regents?], not making any of them chief, that they might rule the ward and the realm; which was in truth well judged, had not all his orders, by some misfortune unknown to the reporter, been altered after his death, so that his last will and testament was published in another form than the true one, and everything is going daily from bad to worse, nor does aught remain, save the reputation of the present King, who is of a good disposition, and the whole realm hopes the best from him, as he is handsome, affable, of becoming stature, seems to be liberal, commences interesting himself about public business, and in bodily exercises, literary studies, and knowledge of languages, appears to surpass his comrades and competitors as also his own years, in number 14. | |
Coming now to the three things which constitute the foundation of commonwealths, will treat first of the administration of justice. | |
Laws. | |
The laws of England, called “common,” are observed in part according to ancient usage, partly taken from civil law, and partly enacted by the parliaments. (fn. 2) In like manner as these laws are various and diverse, so are the awards various and diverse, and they are administered in certain places called “courts,” and at certain times of the year, and juridical days (giorni giuridici), called “terms.” | |
The King's Bench; Barbaro's Report on England (May.) | |
The first and principal court is called the Kings Bench, where four judges-jurists (giudici jurisperitï) sit “pro tribunali” the first of whom is called the Chief Justice (il giudice capitale) of all England. These judges constitute the court of judicature for criminal cases, such as lese-Majesty, homicide, violation of women, theft, arson, and in short, any transgression perpetrated by force, as anything done against the Majesty of the Crown is considered an act of violence. The formulas of actions, therefore, and such processes as appertain to that Bench, are called the placets of the Crown. | |
Mode of trial by jury. | |
The mode of judging, is as follows: whenever any of the aforesaid misdemeanors occur, 12 men of the province where it took place are summoned in the King's name to make inquiry about the crimes committed there; and to them all prosecutors have recourse, and after being sworn to tell the truth make their complaint in form of a charge (in forma di un libello) called “indictment,” containing a list of the witnesses, evidence and proofs. After mature consideration of the charge (libello), if the 12 consider it inadmissible, they tear it up immediately; but if admitted, they send it to the judge inscribed thus, “true bill,” that is to say, veracious charge (“billia vera” cioè libello verace). The judge then endeavours to arrest the culprit, to whom the charge is read on his appearing in court, the witnesses and other proofs being produced; after which evidence the prisoner defends his cause without counsel (avvocati), because in capital causes the English do not admit counsel (avvocati). If the culprit denies the fact, 12 others are then summoned, he being at liberty to reject them, but if accepted, they are sworn to speak the truth; and after drawing aside and discussing the process, if they acquit the prisoner (il reo) of the charge he is immediately released, but if pronounced guilty, they send him back to the judge, who enquires whether he has anything else to say in his defence, which may be the case, should he have been already acquitted of the charge, or should he have the royal pardon and can show it in writing, or that he be in Holy Orders; but if he has no other defence, they then pass sentence according to the criminal code; so that if convicted of high treason, he is hanged, and after dismembering and disembowelling him, the parts being committed to the flames, they finally cut off the head, the body being quartered; women being burnt for this crime. Other malefactors make atonement on the gibbet. | |
Torture. | |
This mode of judicature appears to the English perfectly just and safe, as they affirm that torture is a violent and compulsory method, which often induces a man to confess what he has never committed, nor ever thought of doing; and injures both the body and life of an innocent person; and they are also of opinion that it is more just to release a guilty person than to condemn one who is innocent. This is the Criminal Code. | |
The Common Pleas. | |
There is another Court, called “of the Common Pleas,” in which four justices sit, being installed with great ceremony; and the principal one is styled Justice of the Bench. This Court decides civil disputes, not such as regard the Crown, but those relating to the Lords and Commons, as for instance, tenements, land, debts, damages, and other private injuries. | |
Serjeants-at-law and barristers; Barbaro's Report on England (May.) | |
The suits of this Court are pleaded by certain barristers-elect (certi avvocati eletti), called serjeants-at-law (servitori della legge) They have no grade of LL.D., like those who study civil law in the universities, but have the grade of serjeants-at-law (servitori della legge), which is the special grade of those who have studied the common law (leggi proprie) of England, nor in other countries is it customary to confer an especial degree for the laws of that kingdom. The barristers (avvocati) are made with great ceremonies, which it would be long to narrate; and what with banquets and presents they each spend some 1,600 crowns on receiving their degree, though on the other hand it is true that in no other place do barristers (avvocati) gain more than they do in England, both because they are few in number there, and also because none others can be employed. Moreover, very great respect is paid them, in proof of which they do not doff their white coifs even in the King's presence; and from these barristers the justices are generally chosen. When the case is pleaded, which the English denominate “issue of the action” (essito nell' attione), should the dispute be de jure, the matter is decided by the justices (giustitiarij); if de facto, they summon 12 men from the site where the dispute arose, and after putting them upon oath, civil disputes between the nobility and the people (i grandi e la plebe) are decided according to their verdict. | |
The Exchequer, The regal power. | |
The King of England, besides the privy purse and treasurers of the household, has also the public fìsque (il fisco publico), called Exchequer, which the reporter believes to be a corruption from the Latin word “statarius,” as the entire grandeur of the realm is based on money. In this Court four judges sit, with the title of Barons of the Exchequer, the chief of whom is eminently learned in the law (giurisperito). There also sit constantly the chamberlains (camarlinghi), the auditors (i ragionati), the tellers (i collettori dell' entrate), the clerks of the pells (i notavi), the scriveners? (scrivani), who transact the affairs of the Exchequer (che procuvano le cose del fisco) ¡ in which no slight disputes arise between Sovereign and subject, so that a person once involved with the Exchequer, can with great difficulty and loss of time succeed, and only after having in the first place well emptied his purse, according to the proverb, “Quod non capit Christus, capit fiscus.” Judgment is given throughout according to the common law (legge comunale), and the terms are kept according to the four seasons of the year, as in the other courts. The revenues of the Exchequer are reserved, not so much for the civil list of the Sovereign, as for the public profit, because they are crown property; but of these and other revenues more will be said hereafter. | |
The Court of Chancery; Barbaro's Report on England (May.) | |
The King of England exercises two powers (due potestà); the one, royal and absolute, the other, ordinary and legal. With regard to the first, in cases where the laws of England are either too severe, or require a certain equity, the Lord Chancellor represents the person of the King, with regard to distinguishing the cases, and his decisions are as valid as if they issued from the King's own mouth. | |
The Lord Chancellor has a court of his own, called the Court of Chancery, or the Court of Conscience (il foro di coscienza), where sentence is passed, not entirely de jure, but according to a sort of equity, and the proofs of the cases are not referred to the twelve, but to the Chancellor himself, who, after examining the witnesses, secundum allegata et probata, gives his judgment. Under the Lord Chancellor is the Vice-Chancellor, called “Master of the Rolls,” and his assessors. | |
The Star Chamber; Proclamations. | |
Certain cases of extraordinary importance are moreover referred to a place called the Star Chamber, where the King appears in person. In this chamber there are always in attendance certain jurists called Referendaries, or Masters of Requests, who receive the petitions and complaints of the oppressed poor, which are presented to the King, and heard and determined in a place, called the Whitehall. Matters of importance, however, relating to the Sovereign or the people, are referred to the King's Privy Council, consisting, as decreed by the late King Henry, of sixteen great personages; and whatever they decide there is published by edicts and proclamations, which have the vigour and force of laws, provided they do not extend to capital punishment, or to the disinheritance of any one; or that they be not in effect repugnant to the ancient statutes. Those who disregard these proclamations are imprisoned, but not for life, and the decrees remain in force at the King's pleasure, and during his reign; and this is what relates to the King's royal and absolute power. | |
Summonses to Parliament; Elections. | |
With regard to that which is ordinary and legitimate, it is subject to the municipal civil laws of England, enacted by all the estates of the realm, which assembled together form the Parliament, as follows. When the King has determined to make new laws and to repeal the old ones, or to lay on some tax, or in short to regulate the whole State, he by certain writs (brevi) addressed to the lords and bishops of the realm, desires them to be ready in a certain place on a certain day, to treat matters concerning the common weal. He also desires the lords lieutenants of the counties to elect two plebeians, styled by them burgesses, from every city and castle to come to the Parliament in lieu of the people. And as it was dangerous to convoke the entire population at large, as their contradictory opinions might give rise to tumult and sedition, the number is thus limited, and amounts to about 300, so that all may pass off quietly. In the next place, each county elects two men of the equestrian order, who are called knights of Parliament (soldati del parlamento), and answer for all the inhabitants, both patricians and plebeians; so that the entire number consists of two parts or classes, One of the lords and bishops, the other of the burgesses. | |
Mode of holding Parliament; Barbaro's Report on England (May.) | |
When they are assembled in the place appointed for this purpose, which is very vast and extremely handsome, after celebration of the mass (dopo celebrato il sacrificio —sic) the King makes the Lord Chancellor state the causes which have rendered it necessary to assemble the Parliament. In the next place, the King desires the inferior order, that of the burgesses, to elect as usual an able and eloquent member to announce their suits (cause) and grievances (gravami). This mover (costui che propone) is styled Speaker of the Parliament, because as president of that order he prescribes the mode and place for speaking (il modo ed il luogo del parlare). These orders being separated one from the other, they commence regulating matters, as aforesaid; and first of all they inscribe in a book whatever has to be treated, after which they read the book three times in three days, one day always intervening between each reading, for the purpose of giving time to the House in question to consult. The book having been read, any member who pleases is at liberty to speak, but in turn, one after the other, nor is it allowable to interrupt any one speaking. The arguments on both sides having been heard they proceed to vote, and all those who assent to a motion exclaim “Aye, aye,” those who reject it exclaiming “No, no.” If the number of one side is doubtful the Speaker counts it one by one, and thus the majority conquers the minority, and the deliberation being noted in a bill (libro), is sent by three or four members selected from that House (ordine) to the Upper House, wherein the whole affair is discussed in like manner. If the bill (libro) is disapproved they immediately tear it, if approved, it is kept until the last day of Parliament; when in presence of the King all bills of the sort (tutti quei libri) are read; and if the King assents to them they all become so many lasting and immutable laws; but if any of the bills do not please the King, they then say that the King will consider, and the matter is referred to another time. And this is altogether the routine of the Parliament. | |
Convocation. | |
The English have also another assembly, styled “Convocation,” in which bishops and ecclesiastics alone sit; they treat nothing but religious matters, and their decisions are styled “provincial constitutions” (costituzione provinciale), the motions being made, and the business being transacted in the same form as that of Parliament; and the mover of the motions is styled Prolocutor of the Convocation. | |
The Privy Council. | |
These parliaments, when held juridically, are calculated to allay all tumult and sedition; they are useful and secure, as measures adopted by popular opinion and consent, because they render the royal and absolute power, legitimate and ordinary, all members of parliament having full liberty. | |
Popular complaints. | |
The office of the Councillors is to mediate between the people and the Sovereign, reminding him that he should keep the promises made on his election; but at present there are many abuses (disordini) in this system, first, because many things which ought to be referred to Parliament are decided in the King's Privy Council, as was the treaty of peace lately contracted with the French, and especially the restitution of Boulogne, which the country felt bitterly; and also because the petitions. and complaints of the people being manifold, Parliament, though always promised them, is put off from time to time by a thousand excuses, because the government (i signori) have no wish to keep their promises; and even if they do assemble Parliament, they commence with the despatch of such business as turns to their own profit and advantage, and that being accomplished, they adjourn the two houses, and thus cajole the kingdom. | |
Barbaro's Report on England (May.) | |
Such is the general legislature of England, nor is it necessary to give especial account of the officials who inspect the country, as it would be tedious, and also because, except in name, there is no difference between the syndics of Italy and other regions, and those of England; but he will tell of a certain legislation practised in London and some other towns with regard to municipal government, and the administration of justice to the populace. | |
Municipal government of London; The Companies; Apprentices. | |
In 1181, when Richard Cœur de Lion, with other princes, wished to make the crusade against the Infidels and provide funds for that purpose, the people in London supplied him with a considerable sum, on which account, many privileges were conceded to the Londoners, including that of the government of the city, which then commenced having the form of a republic, and constantly proceeding from good to better, became noble and wealthy. The whole population is divided into “companies,” termed in Venice “schools” or fraternities (scuole o fraggie), of artificers; as, for instance, all the woolmen purchase from the King the privilege of forming companies amongst themselves, holding their meetings, forming their statutes (mariegole), regulating the price of cloths, preventing others from exercising the trade, and so forth, in order that everything may be conducted methodically; nor can any one enter these companies, until he has served those of the trade during six or seven years. These individuals are called “apprentices,” signifying that their lot is equal, though compared to servants, as whilst learning the trade they serve the masters, who exercise jurisdiction over them as if they were slaves, but when the years of servitude expire, they become ipso jure citizens of London, although some others obtain the denizenship sooner. | |
Women likewise take the same service, and from all parts of the kingdom a great multitude of people flock to London, and there acquire wealth, honours, and matrimonial alliances; and what has been said about woollen manufactures is applicable to all the other trades. | |
Then the whole city, including noblemen and new men, elect their senate, their “Podestà” or Lord Mayor, and two tribunes or Viscounts, called by them Sheriffs, all of whom are for the purpose of administering justice (dar ragione) to the people. (fn. 3) | |
Election of Lord Mayor. | |
The city is divided into 24 parts, called wards, each of which is ruled by its senior and most respectable (più onorato) member, styled “alderman,” signifying “old man” or “senator.” From these 24 the mayor is elected, long before he assumes the office, which is annual, nor may it be held during more than five consecutive years. On his entry, he takes oath before the Chief Baron of the Exchequer to observe the laws faithfully; he issues a public invitation, and with very great pomp and magnificence gives a feast, at which upwards of a thousand persons are seen sitting at table, at one and the same time, being waited on with marvellous silence and method (ordine). He robes in scarlet, his sword is carried before him, and he appears in public in great state. On completing the term of his magistracy, he is knighted, but loses the title of “Lord,” though during her life his wife is styled “Lady,” which signifies “gentlewoman” (signora), and she also dresses differently from the other [city ?] women. | |
Barbaro's Report on England (May.) | |
The like offices are also held in the other cities, but not with so much dignity, save in the city of York, which is on a par with London. | |
The jurisdiction of the Lord Mayor embraces many things which it would be long to enumerate, but it does not extend beyond certain boundaries within the city. He punishes certain crimes, appoints the town watch, provides for an ample supply of victuals, and in short, rules the city. | |
This is the close of what relates to the administration of justice; and although he could narrate many other things about the magistrates both of the towns, villages, and boroughs, yet as he has written diffusely about them elsewhere, (fn. 4) and as it would be but little to the purpose to allude to them on this occasion, he will merely say that the greater part of the offices of the realm of England are the same as those instituted for the like purposes in other countries, the difference being merely that of names. | |
Education. | |
Will now discuss the matter of religion, premising it by a few words about the education (disciplina) of children in England, as a matter of importance, for legislation and justice. | |
On the death of their husbands, mothers, however old they may be, re-marry, and take the greater part of the property elsewhere, neglecting their children, and many of them, even those who are wealthy, desert the cities, and go and reside with their families in the villages, where they have no opportunity for instructing their children, still less for sending them, as they used to do, to the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, where there are many colleges, founded by deceased kings and noblemen, for the benefit of students, who, residing there not a little at their ease, devoted themselves to literature, and became learned and virtuous; but now, few quit their homes, and those few are plebeians. The property goes to the eldest sons, the juniors being as it were their servants, and if not utterly idle, they take service with the King or become soldiers; but they no longer acquire learning, although they get more pay, because at present the care taken heretofore in this important matter of education is at an end, as the reporter will moreover state in another place. | |
Religious opinion; Barbaro's Report on England (May.) | |
Religion is as it were the heart of man on which life depends, an excellent principle, as seen in all republics and governments (especially in monarchies), whereby to regulate (moderare) men's minds, and make them acknowledge God as the giver of kingdoms (stati) and victories. This is not the case with the English, amongst whom there is nothing more fickle (incostante) than religious opinion, for today they do one thing and tomorrow another; and now those who have accepted the new creed (la nuova legge) as well as the others are dissatisfied, as shown by the, insurrection of '49; and in fact, had they now a leader, although they have been grievously chastised, they would again rise. On the other hand the Londoners are more inclined to obedience because they are nearer the Court. In short, the English err in their religion, and in their opinions about the faith, the ceremonies of the Church, and obedience to the Pope; and the origin of so many evils was Henry VIII., the father of the present King. | |
Marriages of Henry VIII; The title of Supreme Head of the Church; Church revenues; The dissolved Monasteries. | |
Henry had lived twenty years with Catharine, daughter of Ferdinand King of Spain, and aunt of the present Emperor, she having first been the wife of Henry's brother Arthur, who married her at the age of fourteen years, and died five months afterwards. By Catharine, Henry had a daughter named Mary, now thirty-six years old; and having no sons, made her heir to the crown; but discord and a suit at law (lite) about the marriage of Catharine and Henry having subsequently arisen, the King, after much strife, having renounced the Pope's authority, repudiated her, and thereupon immediately married Anna Boleyn, a lady (una donna) of the court, of whom he was enamoured. Of her was born Elizabeth, who is now living, and who is eighteen years old; wherefore Mary was compelled to renounce her hereditary rights, with which Elizabeth was invested; and the rage conceived by Henry against the Pope from having had his suit for divorce rejected, coupled with the evil persuasions of Lord Cromwell then in very great favour, had such an effect upon him, that he made Parliament declare him Supreme Head of the Church, after Christ, in the realms of England (nelle terre Anglicane), where the annats, tenths, and dispensations were all assigned to the King; and those who opposed these measures were beheaded. In the meanwhile the first repudiated wife died, and Anna Boleyn having been condemned for adultery was beheaded, and next day the King married his third wife, Jane Seymour, sister of the Protector. Of her, was born in 1537, Edward VI., who now lives and reigns; and she died 12 days after the delivery, so that then in '40, Henry took his fourth wife, Anne, sister of the Duke of Cleves; she also was repudiated a few months afterwards, and is now living in England near London on a certain pension. In lieu of Anne, he took Catharine Howard, niece of the Duke of Norfolk by the brother's side; she likewise being beheaded in '42 on a charge of adultery. So he then came to the sixth (onde alla sesta si venne), by name Catharine Parr, a widow of not very high birth, who after Henry's death, having married again, died childless. | |
In this confusion of wives, so many noblemen and great personages were beheaded, so much church plunder committed, and so many acts of disobedience perpetrated, that it may be said that all that ensued, and is still going on (which to say the truth is horrible and unheard of)—all. I say, is the penalty of that first sin. | |
Religious observances; Influence of Bucer; Barbaro's Report on England (May.) | |
This detestation of the Pope is now so confirmed that no one, either of the new or old religion, can bear to hear him mentioned; and indeed in the Litanies which they sing in Church they say in English, “From the deceit and tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, Lord deliver us.” However much the Council may be talked of, England will send no one to it, although the country ought to be represented there, as it was to the Council that Henry VIII. appealed with regard to the sentence against his divorce; and whenever they can suppose that anything is ordained by the Pontiff, they immediately abrogate it at the suggestion of Bucer who was in very great repute with them, but is now dead, as reported to him (Barbaro) on his journey by the Archbishop of Cologne, with whom he passed Palm-Sunday. The English however eat fish on Friday and Saturday, and in Lent, for the sake, they say, of enabling the fishermen and poor people to gain their livelihood; so that, in order not to act according to the Roman custom, they purpose changing the Friday and Saturday for two other days in the week. Of the Church revenues and property they have made sheer plunder and one enormous act of sacrilege. They have two Archbishops, one of Canterbury and the other of York. The former [Thomas Cranmer] is in great repute, as head of the new religion (nuova legge), and is styled Primate of the Church (Primate della Chiesa); there being 18 bishoprics under him; but York has only two; nor are there any other bishoprics. The Bishops have not much to spend, as their revenues have all been curtailed. Nothing more is said about the Abbacies, they being all suppressed and their revenues annexed (incorporate) to the Crown; some being given to and usurped by the nobility, who convert them into palaces; furnishing them with the church-ornaments [when there are any, and rendering them heirlooms in their families (see Cower MS.)]. | |
The poor. | |
The parishes in like manner, which in the reign or Edward III. were upwards of 40,000, are now but 25,000; from which must be deducted certain prebendaries bestowed on meritorious persons, both natives and aliens, who are however not bound to do any duty, save that of fealty (fedeltà) to the King; and under this name, the nobility (i signori) have usurped many, incorporating them with their hereditary possessions. But nothing is so mischievous as the destruction of the Abbacies, which maintained a great part of the population, were a refuge for the poor, a convenience for travellers, and profitable for the Sovereign in time of war. And this is the summary of what he can tell about the disobedience of the English to the Pope, besides their demonstrations of contempt for him, in paintings, comedies, and in all their amusements. | |
Church ceremonies. | |
With regard to church ceremonies, it is true they have retained many of them; introducing many new ones, under pretence that the nature of the times requires this, as some had become idolatrous and superstitious, because the pastors had not at first opened their eyes to them. | |
The Prayer Book; Barbaro's Report on England (May.) | |
Now in '48, a book was printed in English, compiled (composto) by the King's command, by many bishops and lettered men (litterati), and subsequently confirmed by Parliament; which book is entitled, “The Public Prayers and Administration of the Sacraments and Ceremonies.” It was then ordered that according to the precepts (gli ordini) of this book they were to observe the same form in the churches in England, Wales, and Calais. It mentions those places, because in Ireland, and the islands subject to England where the English tongue is not understood, no obligation is imposed. In the colleges (studj) and universities, such as Oxford and Cambridge, they allow them to read the prayers, in Greek, Latin and Hebrew, to encourage students; but the service of the Lord's supper is read nowhere but in English. They officiate in the churches in the evening and morning; so that all the psalms are read 12 times annually, and the Testament once, except certain chapters of the Apocalypse. On holydays (nei di solenni) they read a compendium of the Litanies without commemoration of saints. | |
They use bells and organs, but neither altars nor images, nor water, nor incense (non acqua, non fuoco), nor other Roman ceremonies. In all the churches on the walls, which are whitened for this purpose, below the royal arms, they inscribe certain Scriptural sayings. | |
Baptism. | |
Having detailed the mode of officiating in the churches, will proceed to the administration of the Sacraments. They choose baptism to be performed in the churches on Sundays and holydays, in the presence of the sponsors, to whom the minister says a few words, exhorting them to pray for the infant to be baptized, and to answer for it. They sign the child with the cross on the breast and head, plunge it (l' attuffano) thrice in the water, and anoint it; but the oil is not consecrated either in this or any other Sacrament; and in case of need, they can baptize at home. They do not administer the communion before Confirmation, which is in like manner performed without the consecrated oil. The purification of women is performed 20 days after delivery in the churches, whither the women go to thank God. | |
The Communion. | |
On the day before the Communion, or on the day itself, the communicants are bound to present themselves to the priest before the morning service or immediately afterwards, and acquaint him with their intention, and should any one of them be known to have led an infamous and scandalous life, the priest warns him not to go to the Communion until after he has declared his repentance and determined to mend, making reparation for his offences and promising to do so. That is ordained in the book, but not observed, having been done for appearance sake. When they communicate the priests wear their surplices; they dismiss the non-communicants from the choir (coro), take as much bread and wine as may suffice, and if the wine, in the chalice is not enough they mix it with spring water. The bread is coarser than what is used at Venice, and of circular form without images; and they make a general confession, which is preceded by a very long homily (lunghissime parole). | |
They choose one person in each family to communicate every Sunday; so certain merchants treat it as a joke, and are in the habit of sending one of their servants; and the parish priests do this to obtain alms. | |
Marriage. | |
They have also ordained the solemn form of marriage to be performed in church by the priest, the bride and bridegroom being present. They allow the priests to marry, and their primate, the Archbishop of Canterbury, has a wife; this being tolerated even in foreigners, such as Bernardino di Siena, who last year had a son. | |
Even extreme unction is administered with unconsecrated oil, and if the danger is imminent they tell the sick man that if he repents heartily and affirms that Christ died for him, he has then communicated in the spirit, although he do not take the Sacrament through the mouth. | |
Barbaro's Report on England (May.) | |
The two first offences against these regulations are punished at the option of the judge, but the third subjects the culprit to perpetual imprisonment. These and other similar things were done and ordained in the year '48; but then in '49, by royal authority, another book was published and confirmed in Parliament, containing the form of conferring holy orders; nor do they differ from those of the Roman Catholic religion, save that in England they take oath to renounce the doctrine and authority of the Pope. | |
Vestments; Bishop Hooper. | |
They read certain other “lessons” (lezioni) from Scripture, by authority of the [ecclesiastical] ministry, and use sacerdotal garments; and therefore they lately condemned Bishop Hooper (il vescovo Uper), who would not consent either to the Sacraments or to the habits, saying that they are ceremonies of the Old Testament, and a Jewish and idolatrous observance. | |
Preaching; Sects. | |
Has nothing more to say about the ceremonies of the Anglican Church, and is at a loss to narrate the contradictory opinions entertained in England about the faith, both with regard to the most Holy Trinity and the Angels, as also about the creation of the world, the humanity of Christ, and the efficacy of the Sacraments; for as they have perpetrated many excesses, and consequently incurred the just excommunication and malediction of the Church, he believes that all the rest of the sins committed by them, through their heretical dogmas, the losses suffered by them, and the fear they feel, without knowing its cause, are nothing but a penitential sin (un peccato penale) and a conflicting sentiment, imposed on them as a divine judgment. No one preaches or lectures publicly in theology, until after he has been examined by the archbishop, or approved and sworn by the bishop. It hence ensues that without further law or statute, the preachers and public professors of theology propound to the people one sole doctrine, according to the will of their superiors, so that the greater part of their sermons and lessons (lezioni) consists in abusing the Pope, in preaching the repudiation, of wives, and maintaining whatever their masters choose. For these causes, they lately condemned the Bishop of Winchester, a very worthy man, and who led the best of lives; they deprived him of his bishopric, which was perhaps his greatest sin, as it yielded him a rental of 12,000 crowns; and some other bishops who will not conform to their opinions are to be sacrificed in like manner. In addition to this, there are divers sects all over the country, where there may be said to reign the confusion of tongues, a dissolute license, a manifest scourge from God, by giving refuge to all the fugitive apostates from France, Italy, and Germany; and had the ambassador to give a name to their heresies, as the followers of the chief of them consider the mass idolatrous by its consecration, and as they do not admit the real presence, he thinks they might be styled Sacramentarians. This much will suffice with regard to religion, on account of which they had the audacity to enter the reporter's house, in violation of ambassadorial privileges, seizing the priest who was celebrating mass for him at home, as written by the ambassador to the Doge in his letter, dated 24th July last. | |
The Army; Barbaro's Report on England (May.) | |
Will now pass to the offensive and defensive military power of the English, and show how they are inclined towards their neighbours and the other powers. | |
The military discipline of the English is according to the fashion of their forefathers; for, immediately on war being declared, the forces are mustered by the royal command in each of the counties, originally 39 in number, to which 12 were subsequently added from Wales, each being ruled by a nobleman, styled the King's Lord Lieutenant, appointed for one year, to enforce the royal commands. | |
Musters. | |
The villages, castles, and all the other places, send the whole of their male population capable of bearing arms, from the age of 15 years to 40, and from 16 to 60, who are all mustered on a spacious plane, where they perform their military exercise with such arms as they possess, in the presence of the commanders (magistrati) appointed for this purpose. The stoutest and most robust are then selected, and England has in fact men of strength and well proportioned; and were they equally able to endure a long run of fatigue and privations, believes that no militia could equal that of England. | |
Of these able-bodied men, some serve on foot, others on horseback. Those who are neither tall nor short, but of agile frame, are mounted, and divided into two classes, one of light-horse, the other of men-at-arms, consisting for the most part of gentlemen rather than of others, as they are better able to bear the expense and to provide themselves with good horses. | |
Of the light cavalry, part are armed in the Albanian fashion, and the others with a shirt of mail and a sallet (mezza testa), and a light long spear, and they use any sort of horse, as they never charge, save in flank, and they are called demi-lances (lancette). | |
Archers. | |
The infantry is formed of taller men and divided into four sorts. The first is of archers, who abound in England and are very excellent, both by nature and from practice, so that the archers alone have often been seen to rout armies of 30,000 men. The second is of bill-men, their weapon being a short thick staff (asta), with an iron like a peasant's hedging bill, but much thicker and heavier than what is used in the Venetian territories. With this, they strike so violently as to unhorse the cavalry; and it is made short because they like close quarters. The third are the harquebusiers, who are good for little, as only a few of them have had practice south of the Channel; and this sort, together with the fourth, which consists of pike-men, has been more recently added to the ancient militia of England. | |
The French and the Scots; Barbaro's Report on England (May.) | |
Of these tour sorts of militia, they can raise an army of 100,000 men, 20,000 of whom will be very excellent archers, 20,000 cavalry (of whom scarcely the fourth part men-at-arms), and the rest harquebusiers and pikes; but on no occasion, or very rarely indeed, are they in the habit of mustering this entire force, because if they make war on the French the northern counties do not stir; if opposed to the Scots, the southern provinces are not mustered; but if threatened from several quarters, they then appoint four commanders, one for each of the four parts of the kingdom, so that from whatever point the enemy may come they meet a commander in-chief and his army. | |
Henry VIII's successes. | |
Confirms what he stated previously about the father of Edward VI., who, at the age of 25 years declared war on the French, and took Terouenne and Tournai. After worsting the French (and he had 60,000 paid troops in France and England), he routed the Scots and killed their king, who with that opportunity had invaded England. At that time he had 6,000 archers in Spain to aid Ferdinand [the Catholic] in his attack on Navarre, and the English fleet numbered 120 sail; in addition to which, many powers have been assisted with men and money by the English, who, if they employed foreign soldiery, paid dearly for them. | |
The military commanders (magistrati) are as follows:— The captain-general fills the first post; the second is held by the marshal, who in the general's absence, fills his place; the other is the provost of all the cavalry (il proposto di tutta la cavalleria); and there is the treasurer, the master of the militia, the master of the ordnance, the colonel, and many other inferior officers whom it would be tedious to enumerate. | |
Mode of battle. | |
The infantry is divided into companies of 100 men, who have their captain, lieutenant, ensign, and serjeant. The cavalry is also divided into squadrons of 100, and officered in like manner. The cavalry use trumpets, the infantry use drums; and legitimate war is always announced by a herald. When the army takes the field, the camp is fortified with waggons and barricades (impedimenti), and should the enemy be near at hand they dig trenches, with earthworks (argini di terra), and place the artillery in suitable position. They have two sorts of watchmen, one of cavalry, called scout (scolta), the other of infantry, called sentry. On receiving notice of the enemy's approach, the whole camp immediately raises the English cry of “Bows ! bows !” which is the nation's last hope, and they all rush to a spacious place called the camp square (la piazza del campo), and there await orders. | |
In the camp they also pass sentences, both capital and civil, but summarily and “de plano” over which the marshal of the army presides, with the assistance of certain lawyers, and this tribunal is styled the court-martial (la corte della guerra). | |
The Navy; Barbaro's Report on England (May.) | |
Will now tell of the navy of England, whose position being insular save where it touches Scotland, the English, therefore, by reason of their numerous harbours and islands, have a very great quantity both of ships and sailors, and are very powerful at sea (e nel mare vagliono assai). In case of need they can fit out 500 vessels, of which upwards of 100 are decked; and many men-of-war (e molte per uso della guerra) are stationed permanently in several places. There are also some 20 ships which they call “galleons” not very high (non molto alti) [out of the water ?] but long and wide (ma lunghi e grossi), with which, in the late wars, they fought all their battles. | |
They do not use galleys, by reason of the very great strength of the tides in the ocean, so that as the reporter was told by the Prior of Capua [Leone Strozzi], when he went with six galleys to fetch the Queen of Scotland, (fn. 5) the navigation of those seas differs from that of all others, as unless the tide be favourable the wind is of very little use. On the shores the sea rises to the height of a tall house, so quickly that it is marvellous; for it chokes (ingorga) the mouths of the rivers and swells them to a distance of 70 or 80 miles up stream, so that two galleys are always kept in readiness for whatever may occur. | |
The Admiralty. | |
The naval affairs are directed by the Lord High Admiral, one of the chief officers of state, on whom many magistracies and offices connected with the fleet depend; and they issue awards from a tribunal of their own called the Admiralty Court, whose jurisdiction embraces maritime affairs exclusively, and what occurs on the high seas, they taking cognizance of whatever relates to piracy and shipwrecks; and their sentences are based on civil law, and the president of the court is a lawyer. | |
Pirates. | |
The punishment inflicted on corsairs is to hang them in such a way that their toes well nigh touch the water, so they are generally hanged on the banks of rivers and on the sea shore. | |
“Wreck of the sea”; Naval Commanders. | |
The claims on wrecked property are in like manner decided according to the laws of England, which decree that such as is stranded belongs either to the King or to the proprietor of the soil near the shore if the King concede it (fn. 6) but with regard to the other things, (fn. 7) the laws are more humane, even in the case of enemies, as all aliens, and especially merchants, are fully authorised to go all over the kingdom; and if of a hostile nation, enquiry is made first of all how Englishmen are treated in their country, and as they do by others so is it done by them. In conclusion, all men registered for military or naval service, are exempt by law from all taxes on real and personal property (sono essenti dalle leggi quanto appartiene a tutte le possessioni, et beni, tanto mobili, quanto stabili), and live under the King's protection; but touching naval commanders, Barbaro would be at a loss to name a pair, but says there is the Earl of Warwick [John Dudley], who is sage and brave, and the Privy Seal [John Russell Earl of Bedford], for land service, but does not know how good they would prove at sea, nor what other admirals England could supply. (fn. 8) | |
This is the entire form of the military discipline of the English [on sea and land], and would be perfectly devised if the soldiers were suitably exercised before being required for active service, as is the case with the sailors, who constantly keep the sea clear from Flemish and Breton corsairs, and especially from the Scots, who, being very needy, observe neither peace nor truce, but for all that, they dare not molest the English villages (luoghi) and harbours. | |
Fortresses; Barbaro's Report on England (May). | |
Will now give an abridged account of the fortresses of England, derived from a distinct and detailed description obtained by him with great difficulty and at great cost. | |
Towards the German ocean (verso il mare di Fiandra) within Scotland, is a small mud-built village on the sea, called Lauder (fn. 9) [Lanfort], the only one remaining of the eight captured by the English at the beginning of the last war. | |
They keep a captain and 50 men there, with artillery and ammunition for its defence. | |
Berwick. | |
Coasting thence towards England the frontier town of Berwick presents itself. It is fortified in the modern fashion, and the works are still in progress; does not believe it to be strong, compared with the fortresses of Italy, as may be ascertained by the drawing. (fn. 10) The place is guarded by a colony of Englishmen, established there a long while since; there are some thousand men within, and it is provided with everything necessary. The governor has a guard of 400 men, who are his own servants, so that the King spends little for them. The governor is one of the chief noblemen of England, and he has also 200 demi-lances (lancette). Off this coast is Holy Island, (fn. 11) where there is a stronghold (una rocca) built on a rock, facing east and south, ill designed, but well supplied; where, in time of war, an admiral of the North resides, with an amount of vessels at the King's option; but in time of peace the place is held by a captain with only 40 men. | |
Dover. | |
Proceeding thence along the coast as tar as Dover (the ferry-port from Calais), there is no fortress where the King need spend anything for garrisons, as the inhabitants of the territory perform that office and burn beacons on certain eminences, as a signal for mustering the forces immediately. Dover is strong, solely from its position and very extensive seaview, and by reason of certain casemates (caverne), where they keep the guns commanding the harbour, as the castle, being very high, cannot defend it. In this place, they keep a captain who remains below, and a warden who resides in the castle, the two together having but 100 men, as all the inhabitants of the town keep guard themselves. All persons bound for England from Boulogne or Calais, make this passage as the shortest, the distance being 30 or 40 miles. | |
Isle of Wight. | |
Alter weathering the head-land of England, proceeding along the southern coast, the Isle of Wight presents itself, the garrison consisting of a governor with but few troops, the local militia sufficing; and it is provided with supplies of every sort, the place being important, and the defence of the whole southern coast, as far as the headland of Cornwall, which is 300 miles from Dover by land, and the broadest part of the island. | |
The Scotch Borders; Barbaro's Report on English (May). | |
Having made the point of Cornwall on the Irish Channel, along the coast to the northward there are several harbours, such as Bristol and Chester, the passage port for Ireland, nor is there any other stronghold, or very expensive station, the aforesaid regulations sufficing. It is true that at Carlisle on the English border towards Scotland, they have a captain, with some 200 horse and foot, and he keeps strict watch over the town as in time of war it is usual to do, and the peace is always precarious. The borders of England and Scotland are divided by the river Tweed and the Cheviot Hills, in which space is Wark (Warch), where there is a captain with 50 horse and 50 foot. It has been strengthened lately, as at first it was [merely] a round brick tower, with a poor castle to the south. It is now enlarged and fortified, so that it has withstood many bombardments. It is very well defended towards the north by the Tweed, and is amply provisioned. Three miles from Wark is Roxburgh (Roesprun — sic), distant 12 miles from Berwick (Albarrich), both which places are garrisoned likewise. | |
Isle of Man; Calais. | |
In the whole of England there is no other important fortress, as the chief strength of that realm consists in its inhabitants. The very famous and extensive (assai nominata e grande) Isle of Man has no fortress, save its male population, the subjects of the Earl of Derby, a most noble and very great personage, and much beloved. In time of war, however, the English have never had any scarcity either of artillery or military supplies (munizioni), excepting of late when the affairs of the government were less well directed; and many fortresses were erected in places which could not be victualled without an army of 10,000 men, thus causing great confusion and incredible cost, which will embarrass the country for many a day. It is true that no better nor more useful expense could be incurred than that which is now being made for the custody and defence of Calais; a very strong and most secure place, where the English have firm footing on this side of the Channel; but they have need of veterans, and men inured to hardship, because the English know not how to lay siege, nor can they endure sieges, although in other respects they are most obedient to their commanders. Such are the means of offence and defence possessed by England, but the true mode of waging war in either fashion, is by money, and with the revenues and resources (comodità) of the country, of which he will now give account. | |
Wool, tin, lead; Wales, and the Welsh; Barbaro's Report on England (May). | |
With regard to the territory, nature has endowed it with great beauty and productiveness (bontà), and amongst its chief endowments it has very fine and most excellent wool. It is also rich in metals, such as tin and lead, in very great quantity, so that besides the home consumption, they export annually to the value of 2,000,000 of gold, to Antwerp, as to a centre whence it is distributed in various parts. There are animals of every sort, and such a plenty of pasturage, that 1,000 sheep may be fattened for a crown. In some places grain abounds, and there would be much more did not the natives shun fatigue; but they satisfy their wants and seek nothing more (ma sono accomodati, e non cercamo di più). | |
The principality of Wales, which is given to the King's eldest son, is very rich in meadow land (campagne), and one of the most fertile provinces; but by so much the worse cultivated, as the inhabitants are more ill-disposed (più maligni) than the rest of the population, and they are given to theft (e dediti ai latrocinj); and the Welsh boast of being the true aboriginal Britons, preserved from the many invasions of many nations who at various times occupied the island, which was subjugated by the Saxons, the Danes, the Normans, and others. Although England produces neither wine nor oil, yet, besides having a sufficient supply of both one and the other, through the facilities of navigation, they might dispense with those importations, availing themselves of beer in lieu of wine, and of butter and rape oil instead of olive-oil. They make salt in several places, nor is it taxed. They have an abundance of firewood (fanno legne in abbondanza), and a great quantity of leguminous produce, saffron, and fish; so that quarters (alloggiamenti) are very good and convenient, a manifest proof of the fertility of the country. | |
The King's revenue; Court of Augmentations; Court of First Fruits and Tenths. | |
Besides the King's ordinary revenue, he has all that of the church property; because, having (as aforesaid) suppressed the monasteries, the possessions of the monks were confiscated, and in this manner King Henry doubled his revenue; and the Exchequer-officials in ordinary being unable so immediately to collect the proceeds of the ecclesiastical revenue, which was so much increased, he instituted the “Court of Augmentations” [to collect the additional revenue] which thus lapsed to the Crown; nor is this court less litigious than the first Court of Exchequer, as law-suits arise constantly about leasehold property. There is the president, styled the “Chancellor of the Augmentations,” with some lawyers and accountants; some of whom have care of the exchequer, and others attend to the dispatch of the suits. To this court are added the possessions of criminals condemned for high treason, who by the laws of England lose all their property besides their lives; and any person convicted of homicide or theft forfeits to the lord of the manor (al patrone del fondo) all his inheritance, one year's rental being reserved for the King. (fn. 12) After the Pope was deprived of all authority, the rental of one year and one day of all vacant benefices, as paid heretofore to his Holiness, was assigned to the King by Parliament, as also the tenth part of the fruits of every year; which gave rise to “the Court of First Fruits or annates, and of the Tenths,” over which a Chancellor presides with assessors, writers (scrivani), and officials (ministri), who prevent any one from taking possession of an ecclesiastical benefice, unless the Court receive security for the annate and the annual tenth; and they pass sentence concerning suits of this sort. From the revenues of these courts, the crown receives annually 800,000 crowns, which include abbacies, monasteries of friars and nuns, the revenues of the Knights of Rhodes, the first fruits and the tenths, hospitals, colleges, free chapels and chantries; although there is much usurpation and robbery (rapine) on the part of the officials, who do not allow the whole account to be seen, ill gained property necessarily making a bad end; and certain great personages are said to have had as many as 30 prebends. | |
Barbaro's Report on England (May.); Wardships considered as an evil; The Court of Wards. | |
There is also another source of revenue, which originated from a good cause but subsequently became iniquitous. In the year 1220, from the goodwill borne by the people to Henry III., who having come to the throne poor, and being also obliged to send troops for the conquest of the Holy Land, it was conceded him that whenever a feudatory of the King died leaving children under the age of 21 years, the property and the children were to be in ward to the King, he, in the meanwhile, enjoying the whole revenue. These fiefs were many, very few estates being held otherwise than under the King, so that the system proving very profitable to the Crown, not only did all future sovereigns exercise this prerogative, but it was also claimed by all superiors of fiefs, and moreover confirmed to them by law. But if originally a very good institution, as the King derived advantage from it, while the wards were taken charge of and educated like the King's sons and becoming very able men (uomini vadentissimi), so at present is the thing brought to such a pitch that worse is impossible; for the marriages of the wards whether male or female are given and sold at the option of the feudatory, and should they wed without his consent the cost of their marriage license is trebled; in addition to which, the wards, on attaining their majority at the age of 21 years, pay a certain fine, called “Relief” to the master of the fief when they marry; so as almost all these fiefs are held from the King he derives a very great revenue from them, which is increasing daily, both from the wards and also through the sale of the marriages; so that King Henry instituted the so called “Court of Wards.” The consequence is that the nobility degenerates from day to day, as everybody buys these wardships, giving an opportunity for the male and female wards to converse together and do what is unbecoming. (fn. 13) | |
Another mischievous effect is also caused by this system, namely, that the wards, on coming of age, find their houses in decay, their woods felled, and their estates despoiled, precisely as if they had been ravaged by an enemy; so that, on this account likewise, the English nobility, having their possessions thus devastated, being put to great expense to recover themselves, and despoiled of their money, rarely become rich, and are often compelled to sell their paternal inheritance. | |
From these revenues the King may derive about 400,000 ducats, and will henceforth probably obtain much more; but in like manner as the first sort of revenue is impious, so is the second very injurious. | |
The Duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall, which lapsed to the Crown some time ago, yield 80,000 ducats. | |
Taxes, customs, and subsidies. | |
With regard to the duties and gabels there is little to tell, as the few taxed commodities, such as wool, lead, and tin; and wines on importation, do not yield 100,000 ducats. | |
Barbaro's Report on England (May). | |
This, in short, is the King's revenue, which amounts to one million and from three to four hundred thousand ducats, as appears by the registers of the customers and tax gatherers of many places and passage ports such as Bridgwater (Briguarth), Bristol, Boston, Dover? (Donthe), London, Newcastle, York, Chester (Cicestria), Kingston, Hampton, Sandwich (Santve), Yarmouth (Jermouth), and Poole (Pulch); and in this total are also included the subsidies, which are not imposed annually, but according to Act of Parliament. These subsidies are levied according to a valuation, and the English pay one half less than aliens. | |
Ireland. | |
From Ireland they obtain 28,000 ducats, but the cost tar exceeds that sum. The truth is that there having been a mint in Ireland in which they coined sufficient silver for the payment of the King's garrisons there, it was farmed this year by certain great personages in company with some merchants, and they coin money, giving the King 80,000 ducats. Their rapacity induced them to do this, for they debase the coin, making two pieces of money out of one, so much to the detriment of the people and the merchants, that by this time no one knows how much money he has, nor have the merchants any longer credit, and they daily become bankrupts at Antwerp; and in truth the injury sustained by a kingdom or a commonwealth when the purity of its coinage and gold is not preserved is inestimable. But the merchants in Ireland prosper, as the soil is very good and the climate milder than England, being more to the westward. Ireland produces much leather, linen, kersies? (qrisi sic), metals, and good horses. | |
The royal expenditure. | |
The expenditure is indeed great; first of all the salaried officials of the Court and of the King's household receive 200,000 crowns; and then there is the cost of twenty-two tables for those personages (signori) who are boarded at the King's expense, amounting to 180,000 crowns; and the service and state (servizio e l'onorevolezza) of those who take their meals at the Court daily is a very superb sight. | |
The King s sisters and the repudiated Duchess of Cleves, including the augmentations since the death of Henry VIII., receive annually for their board 16,000 crowns each. (fn. 14) | |
Defence of Ireland and Calais. | |
There are also the garrisons of several places, especially in Ireland and at Calais, those troops being paid as on foreign service; so that in Ireland the coast is very well guarded, as also the principal places, such as Waterford, Dublin, Cork, Carrickfergus, &c., &c., where the King has 3,000 infantry, including harquebusiers and archers, besides the cavalry, at an annual cost of 50,000 ducats. (fn. 15) In Ireland there is a Viceroy, with an allowance of 1,000 marks (equal to 3,000 crowns) for his board, there being also other officials, such as treasurers, chancellors, &c., at a cost of about 4,000 ducats. | |
Barbaro's Report on England (May). | |
For the fortresses the King spends 16,000 crowns; for the Tower of London, where the ammunition and the Mint are, about 4,000 or 5,000 ducats; for pensions extraordinary to persons away from the Court, and for the repairs of the palaces, some 10,000; and for the fortresses across the Channel, namely, Calais, Guines, Ardres, and a few others, about 40,000 ducats. In pensions extraordinary beyond the Court, such as musicians, architects, artificers, engineers, and pay for foreign military commanders and others, as left by his father, 60,000; to keep up the Treasury Court (foro fiscale), and the Exchequer (lo scaccario), 60,000; for stores (cose) for the navy and the arsenal, 10,000 crowns (sic). | |
His Majesty has also some armed ships for the safety of the coast and the merchants, and if ten in number, they cannot cost him less than 100,000 ducats. | |
This is his Majesty's expenditure, which, with other petty charges, may amount to 900,000 ducats; but the residue is so burdened with interest and debts and securities that but little remains; and allowance must also be made for mismanagement and the plunder made by the chief officials, which is surprising; for, from 1537, when King Henry was declared Supreme Head of the Church, until 1547, the year of his death, what with gold, silver, jewels, crosses, chalices, images, copper, lead, brass, bells, paraments, and the like, he obtained about 5,000,000 of gold. | |
Moneys levied by Henry VIII. | |
From the confiscated estates of noblemen beheaded by him he got 160,000 ducats revenue, that is to say, 3,200,000 ducats, and he sold church property to an equal amount. | |
From his subjects he extorted (cavò) a subsidy of 4,800,000 ducats, payable in three years. | |
He imposed a benevolence (un accatto) on the whole realm, which yielded 2,000,000. | |
He levied a contribution amounting to 1,840,000 ducats, making a sum total of 20,340,000 ducats. | |
Henry VIII.'s expenditure | |
By this account it is seen that he was master of all the gold and silver of his realm, which was the cause of its ruin; as, besides the evil mode of obtaining the money, his caprices made him spend it as badly as it was acquired, ruining both the nobility and the people; and therefore he commenced building along the coast of England some 50 fortresses, which cost him 1,200,000 ducats. | |
French and Scotch wars; Barbaro's Report on England (May). | |
He made the port of Dover, and spent 400,000 ducats on the borders of Scotland at Berwick (Barvi), Carlisle, Wark? (Whuor), Newark? (Zuvarche). In Scotland, 160,000; in Portsmouth, 80,000; in Calais and other fortresses beyond the Channel, 800,000; in Upper and Lower Boulogne, in the harbour (sic) of the Old Man, (fn. 16) Boulongeberg (Bolimbev—sic), Ambleteuse (A nbertuol), and Blackness, 500,000; in fortifying Ireland, 70,000; and for the construction of palaces, 1,680,000. When the King was abandoned by Reiffenberg, (fn. 17) he paid 480,000 ducats for 24,000 German troops. In building ships and making preparations for them, he expended 600,000 ducats; for the expedition against the insurgents who rose when they commenced destroying the abbacies, 1,600,000 ducats; 400,000 ducats were expended in aid of the Emperor, when he lately attacked the French; and 200,000 when he captured all the nobility of Scotland, and when the King died. In battering, taking, and keeping Boulogne, he spent 6,000,000, as he (Barbaro) was informed by the Lord Chancellor [Lord Wriothesly]. When the French fleet came to the Isle of Wight, 800,000 ducats were spent After the war of Boulogne and its capture, until peace was made, the cost amounted to 800,000 ducats. When they went lately into Scotland, and were victorious by sea and land, it cost them 1,000,000; and for another armada by land and sea, another 1,000,000 was expended. Infinite sums were a]so spent in apparel, jewels, tapestries, and merchandize of many sorts, for the coronation of the new King. So as these costs, caused by wars, armadas, fortresses, insurrections, subsidies, etc., amount to 21,000,000 of gold, it cannot be supposed (as stated above) that any more remains of all the money which passed into the hands of Henry VIII. | |
The coinage. | |
This certainly seems monstrous, but considering how very many persons who had the management of the war have become immensely wealthy, and how recklessly the money is spent, and how many appetites his late Majesty had to gratify, this so vast an expenditure cannot be doubted. And what is more, King Henry, the master of such enormous treasure,—having been recommended not to coin money in the usual manner, and of the ordinary high standard, his advisers telling him that it would be exported, whereas by lowering the standard all would remain in the country, the treasure thus augmenting so as to form a permanent fund for the war with which he was threatened at the instigation of the Pope,—raised the price of foreign gold and coinage (alzò gli ori e monete forestiere), giving for such as was brought to the mint new and base money for that which was good, and thus keeping the gold for himself (e così venne a prendere l'oro sopra di sè). This caused incredible loss to the nobility and to the entire population, as with this example the standard becomes more and more debased daily, and they have well nigh come to coin false money, plating (cuoprire) copper with silver which is soon consumed; so this infamous money has fallen into such disrepute that those who make purchases with it pay fourfold, and thus with good reason the ruin of the country is anticipated. | |
Insurrection; Description of Scotland. | |
This so exasperated the people that, what with the new religion and the usurpation of the common-lands (usurpazione dei beni comunali), the country rose against the great landed proprietors (contro i grandi); some of the nobility likewise being very disaffected: so that foreign powers, finding the kingdom disunited, may avail themselves of some opportunity to attack England; and unless matters take some good turn, the Emperor might possibly no longer choose to put up with the injuries done to his cousin, the King's sister: the Scots also resenting the peace, because it was less to their advantage than to that of France. And that the Doge may know something about the friendship between France and Scotland, the reporter informs him that the government of the country is monarchical and hereditary, as in England, but more liable to civil discord, by reason of the power and private feuds of the nobility. They use two dialects, that of the civilized (i domestici), which differs but little from the English; the other of the uncivilized (i selvaggi), being quite different. | |
Barbaro's Report on England (May); The government of Scotland. | |
The King rules with the council of the nobles; they practise (usano) the civil laws, and hold parliaments in the English fashion; they abound more in men than in riches, as the King's annual revenue does not amount to 90,000 ducats, but so great is the population that should an invading army of 50,000 men suddenly make its appearance, it would be met in the field within ten hours, the population making bonfires from the hills, and mustering, armed with shirts of mail, and a sallet, a one-handed spear or sword, and a mace which they wield very dexterously, although with but one hand. On arriving at the field of battle, they leave their horses, which remain for the victor, never quitting the ground during the action. At a distance of every league there are two fortresses or strongholds (rocche), in which the people take refuge on the first outbreak of private feuds. The territory has no well-walled town. When the realm is under governors, owing to the King's minority, the Governor is as it were an absolute King; he exacts the revenues, and commands, and when he resigns his charge he is not bound to give account of anything; thus showing how unimportant the kingdom of Scotland is (e quì si vede quanto poca cosa è il regno di Scozia). And with regard to this, when he (Barbaro) was with the Earl of Warwick and returned thanks for the facilities afforded him for seeing that country, his Lordship said, “We are glad, for thou wilt have seen that the Scots alone are not a match for us.” The Signory may rely upon it that the Scots have more cause to invade England than the English have to attack Scotland, which is a very poor country, and its inhabitants Little industrious (poco industriosi), and delighting in robbery (latrocinij), rather than in toil. They have, however, very convenient and good harbours, nor is there any sea-town without a sufficient and convenient port, including one called Sichersand (sic), signifying sand of safety, because, however violent the storm, no ship can come to harm in that gulf (in quel golfo); nor is there a house in all Scotland distant more than 20 miles from salt water, as arms of the ocean enter it in very many places. | |
Its commodities; Its fortresses; Babbaro's Report on England (May). | |
Scotland is marvellously mountainous, sterile, rugged, and marshy, and this is its safety. As half the country is without trees, they burn stones (pietre) and peat (zeppe di terreno), of which there is plenty. They have wool, and gold and silver mines, but know not how to work them. When he visited Scotland, the Queen [Marie de Guise, Queen Dowager] assured him that from as much earth as she could hold in her two hands she extracted nine ounces of good gold, and on her return to France purposed having the soil worked, hoping it would prove very profitable. The plenty and variety of fish in Scotland, as also the size of the whales and sea monsters there, are incredible. Will however now leave nature aside and come to art, as Scotland is in such a state that, having got out of the hands of the English, she is about to place herself in the power of the French. The whole safety of Scotland depends on three chief places; one near Dumbarton, a natural rock in the midst of many waters, separated from all the other peaks, lofty, rugged, and secure, and it is also well supplied with every artificial defence, and there the young Queen saved herself when the Protector [Somerset] sought to seize her. (fn. 18) The second is Leith (Forth-Leith) in the Gulf of Edinburgh, near which is the third place Inchkeith? (fn. 19) (l'Isola del Cavallo). These two places, which the English hold in great account, were occupied by them at the time of the war [1549], but which they were unable to retain, for Leith (Forthleith) was retaken from them partly by force and partly by the stratagem of Mons. de Thermes, who was the most Christian King's lieutenant, and the Scots captured Inchkeith (l'Isola) whilst the English were fortifying it. | |
Its relations with France. | |
These fortresses, when in the hands of any sovereign, give him no less power than that of the man with his arms round another's throat whom he can thus strangle at his pleasure; nor could the Scots save themselves unless they raised fortifications elsewhere, which they might do by reason of their convenient positions; but they are incapable either of erecting fortresses or of defending them; and, as the French took Leith (Forthleith) and helped the Scots to recover Inchkeith (l'Isola del Cavallo), those two places are in possession of France. Nor do the Scots keep soldiers in any other fortress; Dumbarton alone having a garrison of 1,500 men, under a lieutenant, who does his utmost to guard the place, not for the need of Scotland but as a curb upon England, so as not to be attacked in the rear (per assicurarsi dalle spalle), and therefore the place is abundantly supplied with all necessary stores. So that thus, and by the marriage of the Dauphin to the young Queen, the King of France begins to have a right to that realm, dispossessing the English entirely; in addition to which, his policy is very adroit, for the Queen Dowager having gone to France, taking with her the chief nobility of Scotland, the King bought them completely; so that in France there is neither Scottish duke, nor lord, nor prelate, nor lady, nor dame, but who is munificently bribed by the most Christian King. | |
Such are the means employed by his Majesty, who, finding himself very rich, and wishing to assume other undertakings, shows that he does not purpose leading an idle life, but has lofty aspirations. | |
The relations of England with France and the Emperor. | |
From this, the dispositions of England and France may be conjectured; but the one makes no demonstration from inability, and the other, either because she cannot now attend to this matter, or from unwillingness to rouse the Emperor, who, neither upon the complaints of his cousin [Mary Tudor] nor by reason of the peace made with the Scots, from whom he claimed compensation for the infinite damages done by them to Flanders, nor for any other cause, has ever chosen openly to evince his resentment against the English, who well know how much they deserve it, nor would it fail to alarm them if they thought he had leisure to meddle with their affairs. | |
Will not allude to other powers, as there are none who from neighbourhood or from claims have anything to do with England. | |
Barbaro's Report on England (May). | |
The Signory is supposed by the English to be friendly to them; they delight at being reminded of this friendship through the Doge's ambassadors, and hold it in very great account, so that his ministers are well received, as was the case with himself (Barbaro). | |
Grant of arms by Edward VI. to D. Barbaro. | |
Endeavoured to serve the State to the best of his ability, and to represent it honourably; and, although he spent much of the little he was able to deprive his family of, he nevertheless thinks he has made a great gain. The King honoured him by the grant of a part of his armorial bearings, giving him the “rose,” (fn. 20) and also made him a present of the 1,000 crowns placed by him at the Doge's feet; nor does he dare ask them of his Serenity as a gift, either by reason of the expenses he has incurred, or on any other account, save as a mark that the service performed by him has been agreeable to the State, and that it may encourage him to serve his country in whatever position and grade the Signory may be pleased to place him. And without disparaging or acting invidiously towards any other official, he will not conclude without commending the service rendered him by his secretary, Luigi di Agostino, whose diligence and fidelity to the State do not yield to those of any other foreign minister in the Signory's employment; and he recommends him to the Doge more warmly than he does himself. | |
[Italian.] | |
May 13. Senato Mar, v. xxxi. p. 92. | 704. Motion made in the Senate by Ser Carlo Morosini, Procurator Sage of the Council, and Ser Sebastian Venier, Sage for the Mainland, for a grant to the late Ambassador in England. |
Their beloved noble, Daniel Barbaro, LL.D., has at great cost, as seen by his letters written from time to time, and according to the “Report” now made by him, filled the post of ambassador to the King of England during 18 months, nor should this Council fail to render him such ample demonstration of gratitude as usually made to other ambassadors. | |
Put to the ballot, that the 600 doubloons (doble) given by the King to the ambassador aforesaid on his departure be freely granted to him. | |
Ayes, 165. Noes, 25. Neutrals, 3. Expulsis affinibus. | |
[Italian.] |