Venice: September 1629, 1-15 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 22, 1629-1632. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1919.

Citation:

'Venice: September 1629, 1-15', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 22, 1629-1632, ed. Allen B Hinds( London, 1919), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol22/pp174-188 [accessed 25 November 2024].

September 1629



Sept. 1. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Costantinopoli. Venetian Archives.	216. SEBASTIANO VENIER, Venetian Ambassador at Constantinople to the DOGE and SENATE.
	I recently had a letter from the Captain Pasha, dated at Rhodes, asking me to write to the Proveditore of Zante to consign to a person sent for the purpose a ship said to be Genoese, captured by one Hussein, Bey of Lemnos, and taken from him by an English ship, which brought it to that port. I complied in courteous but general terms, though the Proveditore would certainly do what he desired. I thought it advisable to add that I had no authority over him. I enclose copies of the letters. The Captain Pasha also wrote to the English ambassador, but very sharply, protesting that if he did not procure restitution they would make reprisals on his ships and recoup themselves liberally. He sent to inform me and ask if I knew anything about it. I told him: No. It seems to him and to me also that the tale is improbable, but he has sent post to Zante for the restitution, or if there are other circumstances, to make inquiry and let him know all particulars. I have written to the Proveditore, but as I do not know the particulars I could not give him advice. I behave so as to give satisfaction to the Captain Pasha, and I hope the affair will cause us no trouble. The Dragoman Grillo told the Caimecan that they ought to address themselves to the English, who were the authors of the incident.
	The Vigne of Pera, the 1st September, 1629.
	[Italian; deciphered.]
Sept. 3. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Spagna. Venetian Archives.	217. ALVISE MOCENIGO, Venetian Ambassador in Spain, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	They will send an ambassador from here to England, and will not make a point of Cottington coming first.
	Madrid, the 3rd September, 1629.
	[Italian; deciphered.]
Sept. 4. Senato, Terra. Venetian Archives.	218. That Geronimo Agustin, who acted as Secretary to the Ambassador Contarini in England, be allowed to keep the present made to him by the king at his departure, as a sign of the State's favour, provided he continues to serve the same ambassador well at the French Court.
	Ayes, 103.	Noes, 0.	Neutral, 0.
	On the 4th of September in the Collegio:
	Ayes, 20.	Noes, 0.	Neutral, 0.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 4. Senato, Terra. Venetian Archives.	219. That Alvise Contarini and his nephew shall be allowed to keep the present made to them at their departure from England by the king and queen, as a sign of honour and the public satisfaction.
	Ayes, 103.	Noes, 0.	Neutral, 0.
	On the 4th of September in the Collegio.
	Ayes, 20.	Noes, 0.	Neutral, 0.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 7. Senato, Secreta. Deliberazioni. Venetian Archives.	220. To the Ambassadors SORANZO in England and GUSSONI at the Hague.
	Spinola has entered Milan. Before leaving Genoa he opened negotiations for peace with the Duke of Savoy. The Spaniards are afraid the duke may be alienated from them owing to the hopes the French may offer to bring pressure to bear upon them against that republic. By freeing it from fear of his Highness they hoped to detach it altogether from France. Spinola deposited most of the cash he brought in the castle of Milan, and reviewed the troops. He has devoted his attention to provisions of corn, ordering 150,000 sacks in Sicily. He publishes good intentions for peace, but at the same time busily prepares for war, and has declared frankly that he cannot prevent the entry of Germans into Italy. He has sent Trotto to Schincfort, two days from Lindo, where he expects to meet Wallenstein, to make arrangements. He takes 10,000 crowns for those troops. The emperor's orders have been peremptorily repeated for the advance of his armies in that direction. The troops of the Count of Slich had reached Beghez, half a league from Lindo on the 25th ult. for the vanguard to enter Italy they say they have the Counts of Merode and Sultz. It also seems that some troops have entered the Milanese secretly by the Monte di Brianza, and we hear that some guns were moved at night at Cremona. We are daily expecting to hear of the first aggressions, and everything is being prepared for the anticipated assault. With this object the Duke of Mantua will confer again with the General to concert measures for defence.
	To England:
	You negotiated very prudently with the king, Holland and Carleton. You will continue to represent the good arrangements and to dissuade the mission of Cottington to Spain, acting for this in concert with the French ambassador. You will represent to him the need for France to succour Italy speedily and to defend this province resolutely. You will congratulate the Dutch ambassador on the surprise of Wesel, and if he says anything more about contributions from us, you will point out the dangerous situation in which we are placed now and our heavy expenses. You will obtain what advantages you can for the ships plundered by Digby. We send you the copy of a petition of our merchants, from which you will see about another ship with a cargo worth 100,000 crowns, destined for this city, which came up with a Turkish galley, and also fell into the hands of the English. You will do your utmost here also to recover as much as possible, for the relief of our merchants.
	To the Hague and England:
	In our present need of corn, we direct you to make arrangements for wheat at from 28 to 30 lire the Venetian staro and for rye at 18 to 20 lire the staro, brought to Venice, if you can, and if you are able to send a good quantity here, you will do so, and your expenses upon this will be promptly paid.
	Ayes, 107.	Noes, 0.	Neutral, 9.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 7. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Inghilterra. Venetian Archives.	221. GIROLAMO SORANZO, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The ducal missives of the 10th ult. were accompanied by a copy of the office performed by M. di Sabran at the imperial Court, and of Echembergh's reply in the emperor's name. The French ambassador has received the same particulars from his Court, with orders to represent them to the king here, with suitable comments and renewed offers of union, asserting that although France is deeply committed for the affairs of Italy and determined to assist the Duke of Mantua and the Swiss, yet she is ready to associate with England in any proper steps for the relief of the princes of Germany. The ambassador told me he had performed the office, and had strongly urged the king to take his representations into serious consideration, as the present circumstances required it, and if they let this opportunity slip it might not be so easy to find another later on. The king asked him to thank his master, and assured him that he would do nothing without informing him. For the moment he could not undertake anything, he must have time, and when Cottington returns from Spain he will show the world the part which he means to take for the welfare of Christendom.
	These are specious words, and it is quite impossible to count upon them in any way in this Court, as one knows only too well. The French ambassador never speaks to me about these particulars except with derision, as he knows only too well the weakness of the government here, from which its friends can hope for no assistance and its enemies need fear no harm. Accordingly his usual way of speaking is that they are poor folk who can do neither good nor harm. Besides this contempt in speaking, I notice some amount of secret satisfaction in him, as if this comparison only made the glories of France the more resplendent. But in the meantime one cannot help seeing how great is the prejudice to the public cause to have this. The hurt is the greater because there are no remedies apparent to restore it to its pristine vigour, since private interests and passions always prevail.
	The king is reduced to such an unhappy condition that there is no one, even among the most intimate, who ventures to show him the truth and remove the mask and the artifices of the Treasurer, with the favour that he has now reached, because he has contrived to give the king to understand that all the others are trying to deceive him, and that he alone desires to maintain him in his authority, independent of the wishes of parliament. This allurement appeals to the king who is guided by his father's maxims and desires to be absolute master, and not bound by the laws. As a matter of fact this cannot possibly succeed, because this people would sacrifice their goods and their lives before they would consent to any diminution soever of their privileges (propositione che aletta la volonta del Re, che camina con le massime paterne et col desiderio di voler esser assoluto signore, non obbligato alle legge, ma che in effetto e irriuscibile perche questi popoli perderanno i beni, la vita, prima che diminuire in qualsi-voglia parte i loro privileggi).
	It is true that as the Treasurer is the only one to insinuate these ideas to the king, he is also alone in the danger of a fall. That cannot be far off, as one hears people talk publicly about it being his fault that the king is reluctant to come to terms with his people, and the reason why he does not accept the proposals of the French ambassador. That minister is very circumspect, and he does not neglect his opportunities. He has taken advantage of this in order to apply a match, twitting the Earls of Carlisle and Holland and the Secretary of State, Carleton himself, with their lack of influence. But he has not been able to effect anything, because the king does not give ear to them. They complain about it, and egg on the ambasador, as one who sees the king often, to use his opportunities in order to destroy the erections of the Treasurer. But the ambassador moves very warily, because he professes that he does not want to offend the favourite directly, and with respect to the negotiations for peace with Spain, he has always said that he does not wish to interfere openly, because he has no commissions to do so, though he had tried to do his best by remonstrance; but this is bad, where fire and sword are required.
	The departure of Cottington is not announced as delayed, but from what I hear it cannot take place on the 10th inst., and doubtless it will be postponed for a few days.
	We hear that after the appointment of Don Carlo Collona, a courier was sent to Spain to arrange with greater security the date of his despatch. The fact that one hears nothing of Don Carlo's coming confirms this, and perhaps with the upset in the Netherlands through the capture of Wesel and the peril of Bolduch, the infanta may not wish that minister to leave her, because he is the only one she now has of authority and experience, and the business here can be put off awhile without doing any harm. Thus many think that the Spaniards do not want a definite treaty, but their plan is to keep everything in suspense in order to profit by the time and by the mistakes of those who are deluded by their tricks.
	The ambassadors in France advise me that the Spaniards are arranging about renouncing to the emperor the part of the Palatinate which they hold, under the pretext of assistance due from the Catholic League, and to use the troops in garrison there for service in the Netherlands. Undoubtedly the object is to avoid giving satisfaction to England and to evade the obligation of making restitution to them. I cannot understand how they suffer themselves here to be played with in this way; yet the deplorable counsels which now reign may provide the world with this spectacle, because it is certain that the Treasurer wishes to use the peace with Spain as the Achilles of his preservation, and will do everything in his power to bring it about, without regard for the king's honour or the Palatine's interests, and will go with his eyes shut to encounter every prejudice in the hope of saving himself. In this matter he no longer talks of keeping the king from expense, because the war with Spain does not cost a farthing, but only of providing for present needs by opening that trade, without recourse to parliament. I have made careful enquiries about this, and find that in the opinion of the most experienced, who never failed to foresee difficulties in Buckingham's time, even if they conclude the peace and trade is opened and everything happens as they wish, they will not nearly reach the end which he desires, and the entire benefits to be derived from the trade will not nearly suffice to support the royal household alone, and for the other numerous requirements of the kingdom, even putting aside the interests of their friends, who ought not to be abandoned, so it will be necessary in the end to have recourse to parliament, which will not leave unpunished the wrong they claim is being done as they say that the portion of the duties which the king is now collecting, which is not the fifth part of his ordinary, is done by usurpation because without the consent of parliament, and those who pay will be subject to censure.
	The king is well aware of all this, and therefore becomes daily more estranged from his people. It also renders him more harsh towards those members of parliament who are in prison, of whose release nothing is said as yet, and so I have no confirmation of what your Excellencies have heard from other quarters. I have used that news in conversation to do what good I could, and I shall continue to point out the harm done by such a course, because no other business is alive here. In this also my offices and remonstrances will prove fruitless, and it cuts me to the heart to remain useless at this Court amid the pressing needs of my country. I imagine that the lack of opportunity will not prejudice me with your Excellencies, and I shall not fail in application and diligence.
	The continued confidence which Wake enjoys with the Duke of Savoy arises from the duke's desire to see peace concluded between this Crown and Spain, so that he may be able to gratify his resentment against France. The ambassador here has spoken to me about it several times, but does not seem to attach much importance to it. He told me the day before yesterday that Barozzi and Sisa, gentlemen of the Prince of Piedmont, had orders to return, and that they had already taken leave.
	I understand that the grant has to do with the stay of Barozzi at this Court and of Scaglia in Spain, and that after the nomination of the reciprocal ambassadors, both of them will return to their masters. I believe, however, that this is no more than apparent, because the king himself remarked to the French ambassador that the Treasurer had always had good relations with Don Carlo Colona, and this confirms what I have written before, that the whole business has passed between these two, and that the share of Savoy and the others has been more imaginary than real, and indeed I find by my enquiries that Rubens has served merely as a transmitter of letters, because the Treasurer wished them to be directed to himself, and Don Carlo did not want them to get into the hands of any but his confidant. He may, indeed, have brought a word or two, because he is a discreet man, but he has certainly had no part in essentials.
	I fancy Wake will not leave Turin before Scaglia returns, and he may want to see Spinola arrived at Milan. Beyond a doubt he is not making good preparation for his embassy to France by these operations, and in the interests of your Serenity, because a minister in an atmosphere of distrust cannot give credit to his opinions, it might not be amiss for me to do what I have not been able to so far, although I have tried hard to get some one else appointed in his place. I have acted though I have not written about it, and I will continue to do so.
	The king is still away, and the Dutch ambassador has followed him the last six days to obtain some money. The French ambassador also has been away all this week, because he cannot serve his master properly so. When Joachim comes back I shall know for certain what he has done, but I can safely say that he will have nothing, and though they rejoiced about Wesel, he told me they mocked at his recent proposals. Indeed to ask just now is to invite certain refusal and to betray ignorance of what everyone is talking about openly. Ven has not gone, and will not go for some days, because he has not got his commissions. The French ambassador told me that the king himself remarked that if the States take Bolduch it will not be necessary to send him, because they would mock at it.
	Burlamacchi continues here, and although he says every day that he is leaving on the morrow, he has spoken like this for two months, and one need not pay much attention to this, because his business is more private than public, although the Treasurer gives the ambassador good hopes that the States will be provided with money when he goes.
	The whole intrigue (cabala) consists in selling several pieces of ordnance to the India Companies to redeem the jewels, in order to pawn them again, because the merchants who now hold them are unwilling for their redemption to be delayed any longer. Possibly a part of the money may be given to the States, but that is not very certain, and even if it were, it will be such a long business that the assistance will not amount to much. The remainder will be brought here for the needs of the royal household. Your Excellencies will perceive the truth of what I said above when they have to live on such uncertainties.
	The French ambassador continues to assure me that the king will not abandon the Duke of Nevers, and that the cardinal declares himself deeply interested. I observe they resent the reply given to Sabran, but we must not slacken on that account. With respect to Nevers' request of France to send ships to prevent grain going to Genoa, the French ambassador told me roundly that they would not do it, because they did not want to commit themselves so far against the Spaniards. I could not refrain from retorting that this was no time for reserve, as the movements of the emperor had no other guide than the offices of the Spaniards, and the infraction of the treaty, the attempt against the Duke of Mayenne and the constant preparations for war called for corresponding resolutions in opposition. I also mentioned Monsieur to hear what importance he attached to the discontent of that prince, and gathered it was not much. He said very decidedly that they would never agree to the marriage with the Princess Maria. I also tried to find out if the cardinal or king suspect the Duke of Mantua of having anything to do with Monsieur's departure, as his enemies state, and in encouraging him about the marriage. The ambassador told me they did not believe he meddled in such affairs.
	On the 16th inst. will take place the ceremony of swearing to the peace. This will be at Windsor, twenty miles away. Some of the lords here tell me that I may be asked to attend, because the matter was negotiated by the republic, but so far I know nothing for certain, although mere decency seems to demand it.
	I have just heard that this evening the Count of Odolengo, ambassador of the Duke of Mantua, will arrive, who is afterwards to proceed to Denmark. I imagine he will use every confidence with me, and I will not fail to support his offices when I know what commissions he holds. If he comes for help, he arrives at an unfortunate moment.
	I have no letters from your Serenity this week, lkdue, I suppose, to the winds being contrary.
	London, the 7th September, 1629.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Sept. 8. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Roma. Venetian Archives.	222. ANZOLO CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	I sent my secretary to Bethune to learn what he had gathered from his conversation with the imperial ambassador. Among other things, Bethune remarked that it was known to me that all negotiations for peace between England and the Spaniards were broken off. It was quite enough to have the English separated and for us, and now the Spaniards saw Bolduch practically lost, they seemed to accept the failure of that enterprise, because they expected it would lead to a truce, which they desired so greatly.
	Rome, the 8th September, 1629.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 8. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Savoia. Venetian Archives.	223. FRANCESCO CORNER, Venetian Ambassador in Savoy, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Your Serenity has every reason to resent the duke's statement that he cannot take away the goods captured by the pirate. The English ambassador, who with his countrymen has contributed much to that port [Villefranche], told me that I must not be surprised if the goods are declared lost, because two years ago the duke did the same thing with a very rich English ship. Wake spoke very strongly in his king's name to recover it for his countrymen, but without success. This favoured minister promised to write to his English merchants not to buy those goods.
	Turin, the 8th September, 1629.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 8. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Savoia. Venetian Archives.	224. FRANCESCO CORNER, Venetian Ambassador in Savoy, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Some one has arrived to-day for Wake, (fn. 1) who sent to his king about his proposal to the duke that the King of Great Britain should interpose with the Most Christian for the restitution of Susa, the English king making himself surety that the duke would give France a passage for the affairs of Italy. I have not had time to find out if the king approved of this proposal, as Wake is away from the city and I do not want to delay my despatch.
	Turin, the 8th September, 1629.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 8. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Spagna. Venetian Archives.	225. ALVISE MOCENIGO, Venetian Ambassador in Spain, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	They sent a fresh courier to Flanders two days ago. They keep offering better terms to the Dutch. Their only hope of saving Bolduc rests on these negotiations. They do as much to set on foot the negotiations of England. According to the last advices these seem upset, and they do not now speak with so much freedom of Cottington's coming. They maintain an extraordinary silence upon all affairs.
	Madrid, the 8th September, 1629.
	[Italian; deciphered.]
Sept. 10. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Savoia. Venetian Archives.	226. FRANCESCO CORNER, Venetian Ambassador in Savoy, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Wake has not yet returned here, but I understand he will come this evening. I will see himself. Meanwhile I can only say that some business is believed to be on foot, and Wake sent me word that he would speak to me after he had seen the duke.
	Turin, the 10th September, 1629.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Sept. 11. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Candia, Proveditore. Venetian Archives.	227. FRANCESCO MOLIN, Proveditore of Candia, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	There are some English ships here which have come to lade Muscat wine for the west. As they will not leave here for a month, as they have to wait for their cargo, I had some idea of making use of them by sending them to Volo and Cassandra for wheat, to bring it here, as they would certainly have brought a considerable quantity, and profitably. But as I had no authority from your Serenity to adventure the large sum of money I should have required for this, and as the commands of the Porte had not reached me from the Bailo for the exportation, I could not adopt this course.
	Candia, the 11th September, 1629.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 13. Senato, Secreta. Deliberazioni. Venetian Archives.	228. To the Ambassador SORANZO in England and GUSSONI at the Hague.
	Spinola has shown a desire for peace, and expresses astonishment that no proposals have been made to him, as he has full powers. Actually he has always declared that he cannot keep the Germans north of the Alps, has busily prepared for war and has opened no real negotiations, although the papal minister suggested a meeting on neutral ground between Cæsar's ministers and those of the two kings, because Spinola wished for time to learn Wallenstein's intentions. His commissions, which were very ample when he left Spain, have been restricted. It is understood that he no longer has the power to conclude peace, but has decisive orders to make war. On receiving them, he spoke with more reserve and acted with more zeal. He has mounted several guns, and counted and appraised them. In the Lomellina and Novarese he has ordered quarters for 20,000 foot, and is preparing to receive the Germans in the Giradada and Cremonese. One hundred and eight companies of foot and about 70 of horse of these fill Swabia and Alsace, and we understand that the first of them began to descend into the Milanese on the 9th inst. They propose to occupy the Valtelline by Merode, although it is sinking under the contributions. The imperial ministers are hastening the march of their forces, having promised the princes of the empire that by September they shall be relieved of the burden which they have supported so long. They are also beating the drum in Germany in order to fill up the regiments. A conference is arranged between Wallenstein and Collalto, who is going as his lieutenant-general, and Spinola, some say at Gravedona, others at Como. The Marquis S. Croce, the Duke of Lerma, Don Filippo Spinola and many other leading men are to take part, and they should arrange the conduct of the war. Spinola has also arranged to confer with the Duke of Savoy, perhaps at Asti.
	To England:
	We have no letters from you this week, but we continue to acquaint you with the state of Italy, so that you may use it for our advantage.
	Ayes, 117.	Noes, 3.	Neutral, 3.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 14. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Inghilterra. Venetian Archives.	229. GIOVANNI SORANZO, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Four days after the despatch of my last the ducal missives of the 17th ult. reached me, together with the reply made by M. de Sabran to Cæsar, and his answer. I also received at the same time two extracts from letters, the one from Spain and the other from Turin. It will all serve me for information to use as your Serenity commands. I observe from Sabran's business the constant propensity of the Imperialists towards war, especially as the Secretary Vico writes to me from Vienna that he has now left without any conclusion, because he recognised that the negotiations of the Capuchin, Father Magno, had no other object than to lull them to sleep, so that he might not perceive the real intentions of that Court, and that, in consequence, the Most Christian might remain without advice about them. All the other advices concur in indicating that the war in Italy will be very resolutely and ardently waged. But while I need no spur to induce me to try and obtain some useful diversion from this quarter, I have to lament my unhappy lot, because I see only too clearly the impossibility of obtaining any resolution whatsoever from the king here for the advantage of the public cause. I state this the more openly because all those who are at this Court know the absolute truth of it. Your Excellencies must understand that until my letters bring word of the meeting of parliament it is useless to count upon the slightest assistance.
	The Dutch ambassador, whose interests speak for themselves, without requiring arguments or representations, has returned from the Court as empty as he went there. He proposed either the summoning of parliament, as the safest, indeed the only means of obtaining succour, or that his Majesty should send out letters patent to the counties of his realm, setting forth the present needs of the State and asking for money to relieve them. The first was absolutely refused, owing to the king's antipathy for the very name of parliament. As regards the second, they told him it was too unusual, and no good could be expected from it, because while the people are wanting to compel the king by necessity to bow to their requirements, they will not, by contributing money without parliament meeting, open this gate to their own detriment. There is no doubt that the consideration is a sound one, but the ambassador hoped to receive some satisfaction, counting upon the affection that the community bears towards his masters, as defenders of liberty, a bulwark for this realm and on the ground of religion also. Moreover, he maintains with great assurance that if the king decided to send these letters and the people were sure that the money would not get into the hands of the Treasurer, they would gladly consent to afford considerable assistance. He has spoken about it to several members of the Council, and found some well disposed. He should have heard their decision two days ago, but as the French ambassador was at Windsor for the oath about the peace, he would not go there, but waited until this next week. It is certain, however, that all these negotiations will end in talk, and the steps which are so requisite, recede more and more into the distance.
	The French ambassador recently spoke to the Treasurer about a subsidy of 50,000 crowns a month for the King of Sweden, having received very strong instructions about this from his Court. He received a favourable reply, expressing good will and an appreciation of the need, but the impossibility of finding money has reached the limit (ma l'impossibilita di trovar danaro e ridotto al colmo). He will speak about it to the king when he sees his Majesty, but will not fare any better. When he told me about this office of his, I commended it in a suitable manner, and urged him not to slacken his instances. He told me frankly that he expected nothing, and if his king had not been committed to the business of the Grisons and Mantua, he alone would contribute that sum to Sweden; but things being as they are, it was quite sufficient that he should express his readiness to contribute half.
	The Ambassador Spenser still remains on here for this affair. He recently told the Treasurer that he should be careful what he did, because the responsibility of all that went wrong would fall upon him. He seems to have thought over these words, and there is proof, because with the French ambassador recently he almost seemed to have repented about Cottington's journey. He declared that the matter was not initiated by him. The business was begun by the duke here, upon whose death the king had taken it up, and that now he could not make him draw back. It looks to me as if this was an overture to interest him thoroughly so as to have the resolution withdrawn, because when men are undecided they need some stimulus. In such matters it is a sign of prudence to recognise the right moment and disposition, because at the moment the Treasurer cannot for his honour's sake withdraw it of his own accord, but he might have wished to be asked to do so, in order to afford him a pretext for changing his mind. In spite of all this, the ambassador did not take fire, and let things slide. If there had been time I should certainly have put in my spoke, but the Treasurer had already left for the Court, and it would have been too pointed to have followed him without having any other ostensible pretext for negotiating with him.
	I am becoming more and more convinced that Preo avoids every occasion of interesting himself. I rather gathered as much when they hinted to him the king's wish that he should stop on here after the swearing of the peace, and he refused to do so. A similar overture was made to him four days ago by the Earl of Carlisle, who said it would be advisable for his Excellency to remain here until the first letters arrived from Spain from Cottington, who is about to depart. The ambassador replied that he could not do it, and that he had not come for that. He told me, when I renewed the office, that there were two reasons why he should not. One concerns his own private interests; the other is that he suspects that if he stays here the English will make use of his stay to make the Spaniards believe that the only reason is in order to counteract their negotiations, and so gain an advantage in the treaties. I replied to this that a good declaration would be appropriate, that France is in no condition to have these scruples, and that if, by his offices, he could break off the negotiations with the Spaniards altogether, it would be a most useful work, redounding exceedingly to his glory. He answered in the usual style, that it was not worth troubling about, because with respect to the peace with Spain, no help is to be expected from here. If I may state my own opinion, I think that the French consider such overtures as a public diversion at this Court, because they know that they cannot be taken up, since the king here is in no condition to embrace any of them.
	Barozzi and Sisa have taken their final leave, and are only staying on in order to receive the usual tokens of esteem. Thus they have assigned to Barozzi a chain worth 1,000 crowns, although the presentation has been postponed because of the scarcity of money. Only four days ago a gentleman arrived from the Princess of Piedmont, who comes under the pretence of visiting the queen here. (fn. 2) But the French ambassador is by no means satisfied with this pretext, because he knows that there is no occasion for it. He told me that the gentleman brought word of the arrival of Scaglia and Spinola in Italy, and he seemed to suspect that he might also have brought a complete account of all Scaglia's operations in Spain about the peace with this Crown and that he made use of the report of a complimentary mission in order to pass safely through France. He seemed aggrieved that this had proved successful. It may be that this gentleman brings that same overture of which the Ambassador Cornaro writes from Turin, about the king here taking up some negotiation for the restitution of Susa; but so far I have nothing to support this, and I can add nothing to what I wrote about the office which the king made recently to this ambassador about the restoration of that place.
	With respect to the news from Spain about some English ships off the coast of Portugal, I imagine that they cannot be very formidable either in numbers or in quality, because at present there are no royal ships at sea. I ask your Excellencies to believe that I am unable to do anything for the relief of those interested in the goods taken by Digby, because the king and the ministers are determined to uphold the sentence in Digby's favour, and will not allow anything to be said on the subject. You direct me to make a protest to some one I consider suitable that it will be necessary to assist our merchants in some other way if there is no means of obtaining justice here. I have done so and I think I reported as much; nevertheless I leave no methods untried which I think may help the business.
	The letters from Italy have just arrived. They have all suffered severely and the majority of them have gone astray. I ought to receive letters from your Serenity of the 24th ult., but I find they are missing. The Master of the Posts at Antwerp writes me that the courier was robbed in your Serenity's dominions, so I suppose you will have heard about it, and that I shall have the duplicates next week.
	I have not been invited to Windsor for the ceremony of swearing to the peace, upon the supposition that the ambassadors will not be present in France. This reason satisfied me, if it is authorised.
	London, the 14th September, 1629.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Sept. 14. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Savoia. Venetian Archives.	230. FRANCESCO CORNER, Venetian Ambassador in Savoy, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Wake talked to me yesterday, and I should attach more importance to his remarks if I had not noticed how gladly he announces these ideas. He says that Edmondes wrote on the 31st that he had made careful observation to see if the French mean to attend to Italy and the Austrians, and he finds no sign of it. He says the most they talk of is sending one army to Champagne and another to Picardy, but this was more in talk and for show. They had also sent for the Dutch ambassador about providing money for the States, but there was no certainty about this. Wake told me in confidence that he expected to go to France within six weeks. Edmondes could do nothing without him, and had only been sent to swear the peace, which would be on Sunday, the 16th, arrange about trade and release prisoners. None had been set free as yet, though all in England had been at Chateauneuf's request. The French king wrote that they could do nothing without the cardinal. Wake said they thought Louis XIII was king of France, not Richelieu, and they esteemed a favour from the king more than one from the cardinal. Wake said he heard Richelieu proposed to send his brother the Archbishop of Lyons, to the emperor for the same offices which Sabran took, but with more address and authority. I spoke about this to Sabran, who repudiated the idea, saying it would show little respect for his king; but this may be a private rather than a public feeling.
	So far as I can gather the King of England approves of Wake's proposal for interposition. But I think the matter is postponed by Wake, because the peace is not yet sworn, and they have written that until friendship is re-established between the two crowns the King of Great Britain cannot meddle in the affairs of France. Wake suggested this interposition to Crichi as well as the duke, and I know that the marshal sent an express to France about it, but I do not know if he had an answer. I gather from what Wake said to me that they take exception to the duke's sentiments, and he is certainly so tied to the Spaniards that he will not find it easy to break loose and he desires nothing but Susa, as if the French keep it he ceases to be a free prince, while if they give it back he could do anything. I made no reply to this, except that the more the duke trusted France and the republic the better it would be for him.
	I urged the ambassador, since he was going to France, to achieve the glory of winning back this prince, assuring him of the goodwill of the republic to this house. Wake retorted that the republic had not persuaded the French to relinquish Susa. I replied that it had contributed to the true welfare of his Highness. I reminded him of what the republic had done for the duke and its interest that he should be satisfied. I knew he was here in the time of the Proveditore Zeno and later, and might devote himself to dissipating these clouds. Wake answered little except that the Duke of Savoy would do what was desired for the public weal if they would leave him a free prince, but they would do nothing by force, and he would prefer ruin.
	Turin, the 14th September, 1629.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Sept. 15. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Costantinopoli. Venetian Archives.	231. SEBASTLANO VENIER, Venetian Ambassador at Constantinople, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	I sent to the French ambassador to inform him of the advices which had reached me, and spoke of the need of making representations here for creating some diversion. But he only thinks of his private affairs, and does not even act for the relief of his own countrymen, who suffer insult and wrong daily. I also sent to the Ambassador of Flanders, but he has not the credit that is desirable. I passed an office with the English ambassador, but expect little or no good from it, because he is not Sir [Thomas] Roe, an active man strongly animated for the public weal, but an ambassador of merchants, intent on trade and business.
	The Vigne of Pera, the 15th September, 1629.
	[Italian, the part in italics deciphered.]
Sept. 15. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Costantinopoli. Venetian Archives.	232. SEBASTIANO VENIER, Venetian Ambassador at Constantinople, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Nothing has been said here about the incident with the English consul at Aleppo that would make it necessary for me to perform any office, perhaps because the English ambassador recognises that our consul was in the right.
	The Vigne of Pera, the 15th September, 1629.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 15. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Costantinopoli. Venetian Archives.	233. SEBASTIANO VENIER, Venetian Ambassador at Constantinople, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The Captain Pasha returned to Scios from Rhodes. He stopped a large English ship there, which was bringing textiles (telami) here from that kingdom, and other goods, which it may have taken at Leghorn, where it touched. The Captain said he would have done the same to any Venetian ship that fell into his hands, because of what the English ship did off Zante. (fn. 3) The English ambassador has made a great stir about this arrest, and obtained a catticumagiun from the king and sent it to Scios for the ship to be allowed to come here. I cannot say if it will be obeyed.
	Silk comes occasionally on the English ships, and I hear that there were some cases on the ship stopped at Scios. The Captain Pasha demanded them for himself, with violence, and paid for them at a very low rate in small instalments, which means a heavy loss. Our merchants suffer such loss from the trading of the French, English and so many others that it could hardly be greater.
	The Vigne of Pera, 15th September, 1629.
	[Italian; deciphered.]