Venice: September 1628, 11-15 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 21, 1628-1629. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1916.

Citation:

'Venice: September 1628, 11-15', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 21, 1628-1629, ed. Allen B Hinds( London, 1916), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol21/pp281-292 [accessed 25 November 2024].

September 1628



Sept. 11. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Francia. Venetian Archives.	382. ZORZI ZORZI, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	The open letters from the cardinal have reached me which are to serve as a passport for anyone from England who will venture to come here and trust to them. If he is sincere about Italy I am ready to believe that he is also proceeding candidly in this business of England and that anyone may trust to a sheet signed by him.
	The Governor of one of the towns here sent me the enclosed.
	Niort, the 11th September, 1628.
	[Italian.]
Enclosure.	383. On the last day of last month the Count of La Valle, brother of the Duke of La Tremouille, left the Hague with two gentlemen. He embarked at Flushing on the 1st inst. with 4,000 infantry, English, Scotch and Dutch, who came from Stadem and other towns taken by the emperor. The fleet is composed of 20 large ships of 40 guns each and of 100 small barques with fireworks. The preparations were all made secretly at Antwerp. The Dutch prepared the force secretly to help the Rochellese. The informant said he spoke to the Count, who was going to Plymouth to see Buckingham. The fire barques were covered with chalk within and without.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 11. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Signori Stati. Venetian Archives.	384. GIOVANNI SORANZO, Venetian Ambassador in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	Great news, but as yet unconfirmed, was published last Saturday that the Duke of Buckingham had been murdered in his own apartment in the presence of Soubise and others by an English gentleman who went to ask him for the repayment of some money he had advanced for the fleet. They say the duke not only drove him off with insults, but had had a brother-in-law of his killed a few days before because he had spoken with too much freedom of his interests. (fn. 1) The first news was brought to the Queen of Bohemia by one who says he left Dover when it arrived. No letters have come, but as the wind is favourable some confirmation may arrive before I send these presents. The Queen of Bohemia spoke to me about it yesterday with passion, fearing that it might not be confirmed, as although I believe that she does not desire these unbecoming things, it is nevertheless certain that if the registers of his fate cannot be changed in any other way, she will not object to them.
	The English ambassador has paid me a complimentary visit, as the Ambassador Wake has informed him of my election. I made a suitable response. He told me that Contarini had complained of him and his offices with the Prince of Orange about the negotiations with Spain. I feel sure that his uncle told him to do this. I told him I was sure his Serenity's minister had cast no aspersions upon him personally, but only on the affair itself. The Prince of Orange had told me about it and asked me to inform Contarini immediately, as I did, in order to prevent its progress if possible. I had merely reported the business as it was; he could not be blamed for executing his commissions. He said the prince had acted too precipitately. He had never said that there was any conclusion, as seems to have been reported. He said what he did more in the way of conversation. I replied the prince could not display less ardour in such matters because the interests of all Christendom were at stake and those of the States in particular. The declaration that nothing had been concluded did not exclude the existence of negotiations. Moreover the prince told me that he had gone on purpose to impart the matter to him in his Majesty's name. He did not answer me in detail, but in general he told me that there was no treaty whatever on foot, and we should see the vanity of these reports, as well as of the talk of Carlisle and Porter going to Spain, which would all prove to be built in the air. If past events had not compelled me to disbelieve him, he spoke with so much decision that I should certainly have been convinced.
	The Hague, the 11th September, 1628.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Sept. 12. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Inghilterra. Venetian Archives.	385. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	For two days after the duke's death the king remained in his own chamber without admitting anyone, betraying extraordinary grief. He proposes to make the Court go into mourning for some days. He also contemplates a stately funeral and to make a severe example of the murderer. But the people are delighted with the event and fear of a riot may deter him. So the culprit will die at Portsmouth and the duke will be buried privately. The body was sent to London yesterday in his Majesty's own coach. The king has had the entire council summoned to assemble in the place where he is, despite its great inconvenience, because he does not want to leave the neighbourhood until he sees the fleet ready to put to sea. He declares his intention to undertake the affairs of the government, which will be very advantageous for the common cause, as he is a prince of most upright intentions, and to the great satisfaction of the people. Now the great cause of their hatred is removed, I am convinced they would give the king every satisfaction, that being the nature of this realm, as shown on several previous occasions.
	With regard to the duke's death, all, save the king and the favourites, rejoice at it, and it has been very difficult in many parts of the kingdom to prevent bonfires and other rejoicings. The common cause certainly derives singular advantage from the event, and your Excellencies may rest assured that things will go differently now. Indeed it has been whispered to me that a discovery may be made of some understanding or dependence between the duke and foreign princes; but this may be consigned to silence. I already know for certain that a gentleman of Carlisle, who passed through Brussels, brought letters for the duke from the painter Rubens, who is said to have gone to Spain, and from others who were in correspondence with him about Spanish matters. When the king saw them, he said they were cabals and things of no consequence. If I can elicit any further particulars, I will not fail to announce them. In short I hope the best for the common cause provided the king cares to know how matters proceed, and acts with the Council, which for the most part consists of men well affected to the cause. I have enquired whether Porter, Gerbier and others, who went away with Scaglia about these Spanish affairs, will be recalled owing to this accident. I am assured that none of them has letters or commissions from the king, but they were sent by the duke, the one under pretence of going to Antwerp to buy pictures, the other from curiosity to see Italy, and they may possibly avail themselves of these pretexts to cloak their return. I will keep on the watch.
	His Majesty's agent at the Hague writes of the great alarm prevalent there about the truce, in conformity with what I wrote to Soranzo, founded on the last treaty of Rosendal for the exchange of prisoners; but the Prince of Orange and other members of the government assured him that the commissioners had no other orders than to effect the exchange, and there was nothing of the sort either in treaty or in thought. I saw all this in the agent's letters, and it serves for comparison, and even more as an additional proof that here they are beginning to understand the disadvantage of the overtures made to the Prince and the Countess Palatine, though they still assure me that it had no other foundation than remarks and compliments between the two favourites, Olivares and Buckingham. So I expect they will make a fresh declaration to the Dutch ambassadors here, in order that they may not conclude anything, on the grounds of what was announced here, perhaps without grounds, for the purpose of making the French jealous, on which Buckingham was exclusively intent.
	The Ambassador Joachim is about to depart with the Indiamen, which have obtained special leave, notwithstanding the general closing of the ports, though he awaits despatches from the Court, which may detain him some days longer. They say that Dulbier's cavalry, if necessary, will pass into the service of Denmark.
	The Duke of Savoy has sent the king an account in an autograph letter of the defeat of the French, when descending the Alps to help Mantua. The Earl of Carlisle forwarded the letter by an express with a very favourable account, though I understand that the duke complained confidentially to him that the Spanish commanders who went to his assistance did not want him to charge the French home. This has aroused some suspicion of Don Gonzales in his Highness. I must admit that this intelligence did not cause regret, as here they would like to see the French committed to the affairs of Italy, for the relief of the Huguenots; but it was not received with such joy as at first; indeed, at my audience, the king spoke to me about it with marks of vexation that the French should allow themselves to be thus maltreated when they might have avoided it, merely from their humour to take La Rochelle. Even if they capture it that would prove the beginning of an interminable civil war. This agrees with what the Rochellese deputies told me some time ago, and the Spaniards are certainly plotting something with that faction in order to keep France engaged for a long while. In short I am of opinion that it is a good thing for Italy that the Duke of Savoy has lost the traffic of this Crown, as Buckingham alone kept him in great repute, contrary to the views of the other members of the government, who thought him too unstable and not to be trusted. It may be hoped that henceforth England will not second his caprices, to the ruin of the common cause. I hope that your Excellencies will be able to use for the advantage of the State all these particulars, which have reached me partly from the king's own lips and partly from the chief ministers.
	When the Secretary Conway was thanking me in the king's name for the permission given by your Excellencies for Colonel Durante to continue in the service of Denmark, he told me that when Wake gave an account in the Collegio of the coming of Carlisle, in order to gather how he would be received, they told him that the Signory knew nothing about it, only that he had been appointed to Brussels, Lorraine and Turin, but if he brought credentials from his Majesty he should have a fitting reception. I remember having written so far back as last April about his departure, as well as what he told me when he came to take leave, of his having to come to Venice, so I do not understand this. I mention this as a coincidence, and because such things by no means help to increase that good confidence which I seek, and which I need for your service, especially at present.
	Advices from several quarters state that the late storms have destroyed many dams made by the French to close the channel and that some supplies of oxen got into the place, through an understanding between the Rochellese and their friends outside. I cannot vouch for the truth of this at once, though it is believed here, so that they raise their hopes and claims over the peace. If the French desire it, I think it will take place and even with honour to them.
	Bethampton, the 12th September, 1628.
	[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Sept. 13. Senato, Secreta. Deliberazioni. Venetian Archives.	386. To the Ambassador in France.
	The ambassador extraordinary of England here has confirmed the excellent sentiments of his king towards the universal cause, and asked for our opinion. We enclose our reply, so that you may impart its essence to the Most Christian, and especially point out to him how we have laboured adroitly to divert that Crown from inclining towards negotiations with the Spaniards, of which we heard from several quarters, with some of the conditions most hurtful to his Majesty's interests as well as the common cause, so that every effort has been made for the reconciliation of the two crowns. You will say that our certainty of the upright intentions of both sovereigns moves us to offer our interposition. If you think it advisable to say anything to the Most Christian, as of your own accord, about what some minister of England and the king said to the ambassadors of Denmark, of the States and our own about the kings sending their ambassadors to a third place, of which you have heard from the Ambassador Contarini, we leave it to your prudence, according to the circumstances and the inclination you perceive, as discretion must always be left with the minister in serious affairs.
	With Richelieu you must omit nothing of these matters of Mantua and England, in order not to show a decline of confidence, but you will confine yourself to essentials, to avoid giving him an opportunity for making comments, and possibly weakening the impression on the king. We think that our reply to the Ambassador d'Avo, enclosed, will suffice for the purpose.
	Ayes, 79.	Noes, 12.	Neutral, 54.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 13. Senato, Secreta. Deliberazioni. Venetian Archives.	387. That the French Ambassador be summoned to the Collegio and that the following be read to him:
	The Earl of Carlisle has assured us of the excellent sentiments of his king towards the common cause, his steadfastness in supporting those princes who fight for it, and his desire to hear our opinions. We replied that in our opinion the only way to preserve the common cause from greater evils was a reconciliation with France, and the more others tried to hinder this great boon the more his Majesty should advance to a result desired by all right thinking men. We offered to interpose our offices for this, when a favourable opportunity should occur, and we have sent a similar expression of our goodwill this evening to his Majesty.
	Ayes, 79.	Noes, 12.	Neutral, 54.
	[Italian.]
Sept. 14. Senato, Secreta. Dispacci, Inghilterra. Venetian Archives.	388. ALVISE CONTARINI, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
	From the enclosed letter your Excellencies will learn the progress of the negotiations about the peace between the two crowns. Would to God that my poor efforts were strengthened by the Divine mercy as I desire. It could not but prove advantageous if the Senate sent me two lines of especial credentials to his Majesty, as I suggested long ago, and in order to pledge the king still more to what he said and had read to me, your Excellencies might perform a complimentary office with the Ambassador Wake, in acknowledgment of the esteem expressed by the king for the republic, with remarks calculated to incline him towards the peace. I ask pardon if I exceed the limits of my position in my earnest desire for this benefit.
	Bethampton, the 14th September, 1628.
	[Italian; deciphered.]
Enclosure.	389. ALVISE CONTARINI, Ambassador in England, to ZORZI ZORZI, Ambassador in France.
	As the king wished to know everything about the peace, I went to the Court with the assent of his Majesty and the duke, to dissipate the obstacles raised, especially by Soubise, who wants everything to share his own ruin. By God's grace I overcame, but on the very day that I was to have audience of the king, to put the finishing stroke, the duke was murdered. Having allowed a few days for the king's grief, I thought fit to follow up my negotiations, and having obtained audience of his Majesty, I resumed what had previously been arranged with the duke. The king answered me almost word for word, according to the enclosed paper, which he had read to me by the treasurer and Viscount Carleton, the sole commissioners, with myself, appointed to treat of this affair.
	These two are well intentioned, and I hope the best from them, in their own interest also, as they are known to be of the right party. If it prevails they will keep their places, otherwise they will fall. After the paper had been read I was allowed to make a note of the principal points. On reflection the statement seems to me rather reserved and difficult for progress while they hasten on the fleet to the utmost, and the negotiations require time, as the interests of many are involved, and we must not lose sight of their own scruples about offending the French, instead of acting as mediators. I therefore repeated that even if the French could be induced to renounce La Rochelle, which would be very difficult, England gained her point while France remained the loser, from fear lest impossible demands should be made in the treaty about to be drawn up, so that the cost of taking La Rochelle would be wasted, her repute suffer and England remain with a powerful fleet to attack France whenever she pleased. I added that to induce the French to come to terms we should endeavour to make the peace general, leaving the forces of the two kingdoms intact for the service of the common cause, which needs them greatly. There was one difficulty in the way of domestic peace, that the Huguenots would not accept it without the consent of England, in order not to lose her protection, as was the case with the treaties of L'Alve and Lagrange. To remedy this we might let them understand that if they accept the peace England will not disapprove.
	Your Excellency has provided admirably for peace abroad. As regards the sea we might refer to the old treaty made with King James, in which I know of no difficulty. The prizes made hinc inde would remain alike to all or the matter might be referred to commissioners with other minor differences. There will be no great difficulty about the queen's household now the duke is dead, and his mother and sister, who were the cause of all the trouble, will perhaps resign of their own accord. It is also believed that the queen will hence-forward have great influence, if she knows how to use it, and provided the French give her the means and recognise the advantage and if there is a cessation of hostilities and resumption of trade. By combining the two, asperity and bloodshed would be avoided, and doubt of the result, depending more on chance than prudence, would not give the Spaniards time to thwart it while the French would be more inclined to accept a complete treaty than an imperfect one.
	I advanced these points to feel my way and clear the ground. My remarks were communicated to his Majesty and discussed for two days. They told me that he confirmed his goodwill for peace with the Most Christian and that the forces of the two crowns should act together, the French in Italy and the English in Germany. He commended my proposal to negotiate both together, but he could not proceed further at present, because my overtures did not proceed from the Most Christian, and he did not think it decorous for him to do more at present, French intentions being still uncertain whilst his own had been fully declared to me. Also that the short time before the sailing of the fleet did not allow of starting such important negotiations, and there was reason to suspect that the Huguenots might lose heart or make peace and leave out England. If, however, the Most Christian proved his sincerity to the common cause by leaving La Rochelle, proving that he does not intend to massacre the Huguenots, the king would send a gentleman to France to acquaint the Duke of Rohan with his intention to make peace, empowering him to negotiate a reconciliation between the two kingdoms. Your Excellencies might procure a passport for this and forward it immediately. I thought this important, as the king thus binds himself even after the relief. It is a great gain to the French that the first overtures proceed from this side, as they always desired, and it saves our ministers from interfering in the affairs of the Huguenots, which is a very delicate matter for us in these times.
	I knew I could get no more, as here they do not know what to promise themselves from the French or from the new admiral Linze, who is a man of small capacity, and so they would not give him authority to have an interview on the spot with the cardinal, as had been already arranged with the duke. I also knew that the preparations for the fleet were so far advanced under the king's eye that the secretary could hardly arrive in France before it, so that negotiations with the French might detract from their prestige. But rather than let the thread slip, I sent the despatch, as the king seemed to ask for it, and my object has always been to prevent bloodshed, as whichever side remains victorious the common cause must suffer from the loss of men and strength. Even if there is no time for the negotiation let something be set on foot, so that it may be continued even after the relief. That is why I suggested the commissioners, and I am hourly awaiting a reply about that and my negotiations with the duke. Soranzo tells me that he sent my last packet with speed, and although the proposal was in an irresolute form, yet as the king noticed it, it will serve to elicit the opinion in France and help me greatly to further the negotiation and discover the disposition of the French.
	I am of opinion that up to now this has been a war of the favourites. Now one is dead it ought to cease. If it lasts a long time it will be more difficult to adjust, as the people will become concerned, and the King of England, when reconciled to his subjects, will have money and again be in a position to do much. Besides the English will never desert the Huguenots, as they have imbibed this maxim with their mother's milk, and it is strengthened by time and their faith, so that even if the king desired he could hardly do so, especially now the Council rules. With this impediment removed all the rest are trifles. The king and Council are singularly bent on peace with France and on supporting Germany, so the forces of this kingdom will not alarm the French by their vicinity. It is also impossible to suppose that the English will utterly abandon the Huguenots, especially if they are molested, so by a little modification I hope to arrive at the furthest point here.
	What is now negotiated will always remain firm on good foundations, and not liable to cavil, as when the duke was alive, who, for his own safety, wished for peace with everybody. I hope that now the Spaniards will not find such easy access. If La Rochelle is not succoured, an attempt will certainly be made on Oleron, or other places, not for the purpose of keeping them, but to obtain better terms for La Rochelle, and because the English could not do so if they wanted, as the fleet is only provisioned for three months. If the French mean first to await the issue of the relief, you must keep the affair tight in hand, as if the relief enters it will proceed much as now. If not it will be necessary to wait the turn, and will then be more difficult, as the Huguenots, in a panic, may throw themselves into the arms of anyone, and the Spaniards will certainly help them. The projects I mentioned are already on foot, and Rohan has received money. Others are solicited for the same end, in order to secure for themselves what they acquire in Italy, about which they are very anxious. If the French do not seize the opportunity, the Spaniards, who have hitherto been backward, seeing the weakness of the duke and that he was doing everything for their advantage, might now offer such terms as to secure a preference. This is to be feared because of the affairs in Italy, and the schemes of Scaglia, Gerbier and Porter are still on foot, and the king has already declared to his sister and confidants that however slight their foundations, he shall listen to them.
	There are no difficulties about the foreign peace, and for the domestic one we must hear what they think in France. Here they will not make the one without the other. This must be our wish also, and we must have the State's commands for its better accomplishment as well as the good offices of all the other parties concerned. If the duke had not died the business would have been farther advanced, but not so surely, and my advices would have arrived in better time. But I hope you will not have allowed the overtures to fall to the ground, and any slight attack ought to be to our advantage. It may seem strange to the French that you should introduce the business when the dagger is at their throats, but I think this may be softened by the duke's death and the fear that La Rochelle may succumb in the meantime and things of that sort. I hope for a speedy reply, and remember that the short route by Calais will always be open on this side.
	Bethampton, the 14th September, 1628.
	[Italian; deciphered; copy.]
Enclosure.	390. Paper which the King caused to be read to the Ambassador.
	His Majesty commends the loving and sincere intentions of the ambassador in his negotiations for a reconciliation with France. In return he declares it to be his royal pleasure. The late Duke of Buckingham spoke to him several times about the ambassador's offices, and on the very day of the catastrophe his Majesty had determined to give him entire satisfaction; but as a consequence of it the entire aspect of affairs changed, and the ambassador's offices ceased. As the duke, on whom his Majesty entirely relied, is no more, he has entrusted the relief to the Earl of Linze, a competent and prudent man, but he is a man of the sword rather than the toga, and better at action than negotiation. If the King of France will give up the siege of La Rochelle, the king has authorised the earl to begin a treaty for peace and not to do hurt either by entering that place or any other. France must consent to the introduction of the provisions sent with the fleet into Rochelle, not as part of the relief from England, but as victual bought by the Rochellese in the way of trade. The fleet will then return without doing anything further. If the Rochellese are freed by the Most Christian's desire to give peace to his subjects and to attend to foreign affairs, his Majesty will assist him in this work, for the sake of the common cause, to which he is much attached.
	To this end the ambassador's secretary or any other person whom he may employ will be allowed free passage to France, as the king is sure that he will perform these offices in accordance with the friendship of the republic and his own esteem for Venice.
	[Italian; deciphered; copy.]
Enclosure.	391. ALVISE CONTARINI, Ambassador in England, to ZORZI ZORZI, Ambassador in France.
	Carleton has been to me in the king's name to say that the preparations for the fleet are so far advanced that it will start in three or four days, as it will if the wind serves. It would be too advantageous to the French to allow letters or persons to cross the Channel in the interval, as they would have warning and flock from all quarters to take part in the fight, according to the nature of that warlike nation. If the fleet met with any reverse, the people and Council would complain of the king for having allowed the news to get abroad, and in case of defeat the commanders would make this their excuse. Time was so short that it did not allow of negotiating a treaty of such importance, and the republic's ministers themselves would have scruples about transacting the business so near the scene of action. He therefore asked me to delay the despatch, especially as the Danish and Dutch ambassadors had not been allowed to depart with the Indiamen, but only one servant on his way back to the Earl of Carlisle, who goes through Brussels with commands how he is to regulate himself about this matter, at the peril of his life.
	To tell the truth, this disturbed me, though I cared very little about the affair itself, but because the king in his paper had invited me to send it. I replied that the object of the first negotiation was to divert the extremity of this succour and to preserve the entire forces of the two kingdoms for the common weal. Carleton admitted the force of my arguments, and said that a free commission had been given to the duke, but after a full discussion no means could be devised for drawing up the instructions for the new admiral, with a clause about negotiating, without embarassing him, as he had never been a member of the Council of State, and he again assured me of the king's excellent disposition towards the peace, and that the overtures made to me were the greatest made to any foreign minister, by reason of his esteem for the republic; so we might avail ourselves of them at the fitting time with the certainty of not being deceived. I thought this very hopeful of good results, but tried to learn particulars about the change. I found that at the Council many of the members said that if the admiral received limited instructions, the French would impose upon him, as he is not much of a negotiator, and the limited time did not allow of making everything clear. To delay the fleet was impossible, as the soldiers and sailors on board consumed the provisions, of which there was no great plenty. Peace might ensue with the Huguenots, and England be left out, to her dishonour, or the Huguenots might lose all heart on hearing this. It would be too rash a display of self confidence to allow the advices to cross on the eve of the departure of the fleet, and after the relief the negotiation would be carried on more freely and with better prospects. Some news received lately of a breach made by the sea in the dike and other defence has encouraged the delay, as they hope by an easy entry to repair their honour. If the relief gets in you will immediately acquaint me with the inclinations of the French on these points of domestic and foreign peace, as I begin to hope well of them. If not we must wait to see what the Huguenots will do, or rather what will be done against them.
	Meanwhile I suspend the mission of my secretary, as it would avail little. I keep you informed and my letters are always ready for any opportunity that may occur for crossing the sea. I work hard here, and will do more when I know the intentions of the French. Do not fail to let me know it, as the slightest foothold will enable me to keep the business going, so I have not insisted over much on contesting this new opinion of the king. The matter is a delicate one, as if the fleet met with any disaster it would be attributed to my despatch and by seconding him I hope to advance further in his confidence, and I must try to pledge him gradually. We must use these steps to gain ground.
	I must add an important particular. When Carleton assured me that the king was determined that for the present no one should cross the Channel, I saw it was hopeless to insist, and told him that I had already sent you what had been arranged with the duke to keep the business alive. He answered: You did well and we expected no less from your assiduity and desire for this blessing, and as I of my own accord forewarned the king. From this I infer that they do not object to our making use of these proposals, although, out of punctilio, they withdraw; and although this does not help the business to advance so speedily as I could wish, it is not to be despised. To summarise, if the French grant peace to the Huguenots, England will not thwart it, but rather urge its acceptance, although made in separate treaties; and if, in order to convince the French of the goodwill of England, you show some confidant that part of the paper where England declares he will go hand in hand with them for the common cause, I leave it to your discretion. Meanwhile I will not stop my progress, and I have approached the Court for the purpose.
	Bethampton, the 14th September, 1628.
	[Italian; deciphered; copy.]
Sept. 15. Collegio, Secreta. Esposizioni, Principi. Venetian Archives.	392. The English ambassador came into the Collegio with the secretary of the extraordinary, who was slightly indisposed, and after the doge had expressed his regret at this and the deliberation of the Senate of the 9th was read to the ordinary he spoke as follows:
	We see from the paper read the excellent views of the Senate upon the affairs of Europe, and its disposition to remedy the evils. We will report to the earl the prudent opinions and sound considerations upon which the deliberation is based, and when his Excellency is better, as I hope he will be soon, he will come to give his reply and bring any further particulars. In the meantime I thank your Serenity warmly in his name for the honours and entertainment afforded to him, to which he responds with a perpetual devotion.
	The doge replied: We are sorry for the earl's indisposition, and hope he will soon be better. Upon the matters contained in the paper and in the exposition of the earl and your Excellency we are of opinion that all good depends upon the reunion of the two crowns. We rejoice that the earl is receiving those facilities here which the state intends. With this the ambassador departed and in the hall of the Pregadi he caused the earl's secretary to take notes of the office.
	[Italian.]