Venice: September 1623, 18-30

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 18, 1623-1625. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1912.

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'Venice: September 1623, 18-30', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 18, 1623-1625, ed. Allen B Hinds( London, 1912), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol18/pp113-124 [accessed 25 November 2024].

'Venice: September 1623, 18-30', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 18, 1623-1625. Edited by Allen B Hinds( London, 1912), British History Online, accessed November 25, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol18/pp113-124.

"Venice: September 1623, 18-30". Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 18, 1623-1625. Ed. Allen B Hinds(London, 1912), , British History Online. Web. 25 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol18/pp113-124.

September 1623

Sept. 18.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Signori
Stati.
Venetian
Archives.
146. MARO ANTONIO MOROSINI, Venetian Ambassador in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
Vosberghen, who has returned from the diet of Brunswick, tries to create the impression that the decisions of the princes of Lower Saxony was favourable to the general welfare. I hear, however, that they sent a very humble message to the emperor on the arrival of the news of Halberstadt's defeat. Nevertheless. they decided to arm for the common defence. Here they place little reliance upon those princes, and the Queen of Bohemia justly remarks that if wars were conducted by drinking and if tankards were swords, they would be masters of the world.
The Hague, the 18th September, 1623.
[Italian.]
Sept. 20.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Spagna.
Venetian
Archives.
147. ALVISE CORNER, Venetian Ambassador in Spain, to the DOGE and SENATE.
Besides the very humble supplication which the prince made to the king to have the Infanta without delay, he also presented a paper to the same effect, adducing many strong reasons, among them the benefits that would result to the Catholics, removing every doubt that the execution of the articles would not be continued and showing that matters would be improved if the marriage were completed immediately. This paper was submitted to the usual Junta of divines, who afterwards stated that his Majesty was not released from the consideration of the matters laid before him because he heard of a happy beginning to effect part of the conditions agreed upon, and that he had good reason to hope for even better progress, and especially that the King of Great Britain should not fail at any time in the continuation, because they needed some months to be assured of this, and therefore they stood by their first opinion, namely that the departure of the Infanta should not take place for at least a year.
The Council of State met afterwards to discuss the Junta's reply. They say there were differences, as Olivares and his friends inclined to detain the prince with hopes, and keep temporising in order not to offend him utterly, but the rest of the ministers desired he should be told absolutely that his Majesty would not move from the manner in which his consent was to be obtained, since it would set his mind at rest, seeing that the Infanta would not be granted to him before the spring. Accordingly the Count of Gondomar conveyed this decision to the prince and Buckingham, though he did so with his usual joviality and address. The prince complained bitterly, representing that he felt sure of the result after all that his father had done. However he dissimulated to a great extent and said nothing about going away, as he had done in the paper. This was observed with dissatisfaction by the Council, who decided to convey to him that the king, his confessor and other divines were much perturbed in conscience because of the licentious behaviour of some members of his household, as they disseminated evil doctrine, upon which the inquisition was fully informed and which it could not tolerate. The prince asked who were the guilty persons, but Gondomar, without specifying, persuaded his Highness that if he meant to remain until April he should reduce his train and only keep Catholics with him. This office made the prince undecided, but he made no sign of his wishes or feelings and even wished to present the Infanta with various jewels, which reached him from London, of remarkable value. He therefore sent to the king to ask the favour of presenting them in person and kiss the lady's hand, as he had not done so since the day when he presented his compliments after accepting the articles. His Majesty lauded the present highly and directed that it should be taken to the queen and the Infanta, telling the prince to keep them until the day that the marriage was fully completed. The prince felt this very keenly, and as a courier reached him then from London he told Olivares wrathfully that he had word of his father's poor health and of some discontent among the vassals because of his being too far away, and therefore he was compelled to return without delay. The count tried hard to mollify the wrath, which he perceived in his Highness, but the prince showed himself determined, thinking to advance his intent of obtaining the Infanta immediately, saying they must decide soon what they finally meant to do before his departure, as with the weather becoming less hot he certainly intended to set out. The king was advised by Olivares of what the prince had said, and it was decided in the Council of State, following the opinion of Don Pedro of Toledo in particular, to take advantage of this longed-for opportunity and force the prince to depart, without possibility of drawing back. Accordingly in the name of his Majesty they gave him thirty magnificent horses with rich trappings, some camels, a jewelled sword with various sorts of arms and other distinctive acts of kindness. In presenting the gift they expressly told him that the king understood that he had made up his mind to go, and only wished to give him pleasure, praising moreover his intention not to imperil his grave interests in those realms, and especially remarking that his presence with his father would better establish and accelerate their agreement. His Majesty had decided to accompany him to his embarkation, and orders had been issued to provide the things required for the journey.
They adopted this style in order to compel the prince to go, and his departure took place on the 9th inst. contrary to the expectation of everyone and contrary to what the prince stated himself, who always expressed his intention to stay until he could take the Infanta, and it is certain that he only said the contrary in a simple gust of passion. Report says that he has left in a highly dissatisfied state of mind. His physician told me that the Catholic repented having let him return so ill content, although he dissimulates it, because he will remember the treatment he has received about the marriage. He added that he would wager 4,000 doubles to 500 against the marriage being effected, as besides the disinclination of the Spaniards the prince also was prudent and sensitive, and once he reached London he might not remain so much in love with the Infanta as was expected, when he saw the rejoicing of the people because he had not brought her with him.
In conformity with what the physician said, sensible men and members of the Juntas freely declare that the treaty will vanish at the slightest attack, because so far it consists of nothing but words, and although the prince, when asked again, swore to the articles after the offence, they thought it was merely a show, because three days before he left, in order to show their desire to satisfy him with the marriage, imagining that he desired it, they pretended the divines were meeting in the nuncio's house to discuss whether they could act without any further reply or confirmation from Rome, and what course they should pursue. The prince, being aware of the pretence and knowing that in any case Don Carlos was to act for his sister, let it be understood that they should not in any way affect the satisfaction of the king and the Infanta for his sake, because he accepted whatever pleased them, and his Majesty himself should carry it out at his own pleasure, for which he would give him full powers. Certain persons suspect this act as frank contempt and a practical declaration that he cares little or nothing if the affair is settled or no so long as he can have some excuse for claiming it is broken off. But this, in the present condition of the treaty, would please the Spaniards exceedingly, especially if it came from England's side; and some think moreover that if possible they will try and obtain some hindrance from the pope whereby, at the worst, they can drag out the affair with the intention of tiring out the English and inducing them to renounce absolutely all claims of their own accord.
A person well informed in this subject reported to me that the king had remarked in so many words that he would give the state of Milan to avoid committing himself to such an affair (che conosce potrebbe pagare il stato di Milano e non trovarsi posto in tal maneggio). Yet his Majesty swore to the articles apparently with the intention of observing them.
In the visits which the prince paid to the Infanta, as they allowed him to go twice in the last days, relaxing the rigour which they had observed in this, the most cordial compliments were exchanged. The prince offered to serve her and devote himself to doing her will. She replied saying that she considered his coming to that Court was a proof of his sincerity and considered it a remarkable honour, and she would consider it as infallible evidence that he remained of the same mind if she heard of him protecting the Catholics, whom she recommended to him as her own person. She uttered these words designedly, saying she would give him letters for them to encourage and console them. The prince assured the Infanta that he wished to prove the cordiality and service which he professed to her, and both finished with general compliments.
A very grave scandal which occurred in a house where some English cavaliers of his Court were living hastened the prince's departure by some days. One of them, being at the point of death, desired to be converted and to confess himself. The woman of the house secretly sent for two Jesuit priests. When they arrived and the heretics saw them, they wanted to drive them away with violence, even using weapons, and the religious in resisting were seriously wounded in the head. The people of the district rose in their favour and a considerable riot began, but on the arrival of the alcalde with the justice it quieted down; but the poor man died without confessing. The Court made a great commotion about this event and the nuncio remonstrated strongly. The prince sent away from Madrid one of the most guilty, but the nuncio was not satisfied and declared with his usual freedom that even if the permission for the marriage should come he would not present it, as he meant to inform the pope of what had taken place. He insisted that if before a marriage so eagerly desired took place they did not respect Catholics or allow liberty of conscience, while the prince did not seem sensible of the crime, they would be much worse in London, as he clearly perceived the evil disposition of that people. By the king's instructions the Count of Gondomar urged the prince to deal rigorously with the delinquents, but he claimed to have done so and even demanded the punishment of the alcalde for daring to assume authority over his servants. So that official was sent to prison while the prince afterwards in return imprisoned one of his servants. (fn. 1) Nevertheless the nuncio, although very angry, called upon the prince at the request of the Count of Olivares and presented him with the book de Ratione verborum dei composed by the Capuchin friar Sallozzi. The prince took it, but showed little pleasure, as he made no remark about it. In common with the other ambassadors I paid my respects and he received me graciously.
To accompany the prince to the place of embarcation at Santander in Biscaya they deputed Cardinal Zappata, the Marquis of Aitona, the Count of Gondomar and Don Agostin Messia, representing the Council of State, and accompanied by the Secretary Prada. There was also a great number of cavaliers and personages, who followed by the king's order. His Majesty only accompanied him for three days, pointing out his pleasure resorts about Madrid. They only ate once together and once went hunting near the Escurial, but upon the pretence of the arrival of a courier saying that the queen, who is pregnant, had been taken ill, his Majesty excused himself, and so did Don Carlos and the Cardinals, falling in readily with the protestations of his Highness (havendo facilmente assentito alla resistenza di S.A.).
The Count of Olivares, who always acted as the advocate of the marriage, is now observed to be changed and most melancholy with the reflection that even the last concessions made to the prince and Buckingham did not keep them here, and he seeks an opportunity to declare that he only thought of the marriage with England for the service of his Majesty, but if they thought better of it he would rejoice exceedingly as he only valued the interest of the king and the satisfaction of the Infanta. He spoke to this effect even to the French ambassador, but they do not believe him, because if ever he has the chance he will uphold the project and endeavour to bring it to a successful completion.
Sharp words passed between the count and Buckingham at the final parting of the king and the prince, because Buckingham told Olivares that they left greatly indebted to his Majesty, and he would say how very gracious he was, but he could not say as much of the count, whom he hoped to make his friend, because he knew the ill offices he had performed against them both with the Catholic King and with the king his master; but nevertheless he would not fail to assist the marriage to the extent of his power. Olivares replied that they were indeed beholden to the king, who had shown so much kindness and generosity in his welcome. He hoped that God would bring about the marriage if it would benefit the Catholic faith. As regards not parting friends, he cared nothing about that, as he had never professed to value his friendship, but his offices had always been those of a gentleman and a man of honour and he would make that good. The king heard and sent for the count, separating him from Buckingham, and shortly afterwards his Majesty saw the prince and each one went his way. This colloquy is much discussed, and they say that Buckingham greatly fears he will find his intimacy and influence diminished in London, especially as the prince also seemed offended with him for various circumstances.
His Highness wrote two letters to the Infanta, but she did not answer, and it was decided that she should not even see him, devolving this upon the Countess of Olivares. It is also said that they will not be opened; as in case of the breaking off of the negotiations they could send them back. With the same idea, the presents for the Infanta, which were ultimately received, are not in her hands, but the king took them and protested that he would not hand them over to her before her departure. They say generally that these objects with the diamonds and pearls are worth 150,000 ducats. The other presents made by the prince were of considerable quality and value, and in the estimation even of the Spaniards themselves, who usually depreciate the things of others, the total value of the jewels left amounts to 400,000 crowns, although the English declare that it amounts to over 600,000. His Highness also gave presents to the king, the queen, the princes, all the ladies of the palace and various lords, especially to many members of the Council who took part in the Juntas, and the members of the Council of State, each one receiving a fine jewelled piece, excepting only Don Pedro of Toledo, the Marquis of Laguna and Don Diego of Juara, who spoke openly against the marriage.
Madrid, the 20th September, 1623.
[Italian.]
Sept. 20.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Spagna.
Venetian
Archives.
148. Alvise CORNER, Venetian Ambassador in Spain, to the DOGE and SENATE.
News of the fight between Tilly and Halberstadt reached the ambassador of Germany by express courier. He at once went to congratulate the king on the event. It seems that the prince showed open sorrow at this mishap to his kinsman, and even Buckingham broke out, saying that this would not ruin the Palatine when his father-in-law was induced to protect him, as he will ultimately be forced to do I hear, however, that the emperor is most anxious for a composition, and Don Pedro of Toledo indicated his desire for one, so that the emperor and the king here might join forces against the States, but they fear that they may not succeed in this owing to the reluctance displayed by the Palatine to accept the last arrangement.
Madrid, the 20th September, 1623.
[Italian.]
Sept. 22.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
149. ALVISE VALARESSO, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
Glenham, the gentleman whose arrival I reported, brings word that the prince has taken leave of the King of Spain and the Infanta; he has distributed presents of great value, and should start his journey on the 7th September. But a day later a servant of Cottington came, and they said that the Infanta had besought his Highness and written to the king to let his son stay until the spring, and in the meantime they could complete all the negotiations to their mutual satisfaction, and they could then come together. Amid these doubts, added to which were the advices sent me thence of the 22nd August telling me that the prince had decided to stay, a late page of the prince named Turet arrived yesterday at daybreak. He found the king at Whitehall, having arrived that day to leave on the morrow, and gave him the despatch. Rumours circulated in the Court about the certain departure of the prince, from whom he also had orders to bring back anyone he might meet sent hence to those parts. This rumour at Court spreading to the city filled everyone with the utmost satisfaction, men congratulating each other warmly even in the public streets.
The departure took place on the 7th. I have heard something of a journey to the Escurial which I do not quite understand. When the prince took leave, the queen and Infanta only accompanied him to the door of the room, the king only a little way out of Madrid, the Count of Gondomar and some others to the coast. There they embarked on the two ships, escorted by the English merchant vessels, as the fleet had not arrived there as they hoped, though it had left here. In any case if they meet it, it will escort them on the voyage. The prince made rich presents in that Court. Among others he gave the king a jewelled sword. It is reported here that he gave precious gifts to the Infanta, but this is an invention, the truth being that when the prince offered them the Infanta refused. It is true, however, that she wrote to his Majesty, but merely in reply to thank him, as I know for certain. I also know that, whereas the king signed himself father, she did not respond as daughter. For the rest, his Highness leaves without a bride, without nuptials and without any contract. One may indeed say that as he went without reason so he reasonably returns without results. His Master of the Horse, Andover, has left with horses to meet him at sea. His entry here will certainly be private and incognito.
The prince's pretext for leaving, as I hear, was obedience to his father, who commanded his return; this makes some suspect that he announced his departure to discover the intentions of the Spaniards, and the same obedience might afford him an opportune pretext for staying. We have also heard reports that the inability to obtain satisfaction about the Palatinate was the motive for return, chosen perhaps to cover the greater injury in the exclusion of the marriage and to win greater popularity with his own subjects and abroad. But the true reason was that the prince had had enough and found the affair desperate, being unable to obtain the marriage promised him and proclaimed to all the world. The excuse of the Spaniards, because all others fail them, is that of the importance of the affair and their custom of moving slowly in business, while the pope renews difficulties about the dispensation. If I may give my humble opinion, I think that the prince's return will bring little advantage beyond change of place, as he will always find it difficult to will even when personally free, being chained by the snares laid for him by the Spaniards or by his father's wishes. As for the king, I do not believe he can suffer a change of the affair, as he could not do so without passing from the things which he loves most to those which he most detests; a change too difficult, not to say impossible, especially with his inveterate ideas and in his senility. The Spaniards know this full well, and it is probable that the affair will always proceed its even course, and it will end only with the king's life, in my belief.
At the news of the prince's coming the ambassadors seemed in suspense and amazed. However, they had audience of the king the same morning. They are not so well viewed at Court already but the king received them as usual. They stayed with him a short while, and assured him, I understand, that he would be satisfied with the intention of the King of Spain and assured of the necessity for impediments, but he hoped for a favourable issue, while he would not alter anything in the arrangements granted in favour of the Catholics.
The affairs of these last are such that they have a general pardon for the past and for the future they are made like other subjects, by the annulling of penalties and making them capable of holding office, the public exercise of their religion being alone excepted. The instrument of dispensation has been drawn up, signed by the king and sealed with the royal seal; but is not yet issued.
The Queen of Bohemia has sent word of the birth of a son (fn. 2), and has nominated as godfathers the Dukes of Richmond and Buckingham. The naming of the latter seems to have pleased the king greatly, an argument, though not infallible, of the continuation of his favour towards him; and if this be so, his offices upon Spanish affairs will have great weight. Certainly he believes himself disliked by the Spaniards, but I also hear that the prince has not been well satisfied with him, as in the disputes between Buckingham and Bristol he sided with the latter. One may foretell the approaching fall of one of these two. The king has not yet answered the Palatine's letter consenting to the truce, but renews his promises of help. It has been noticed that the more hopeless is it to expect any action the more lavish is he with his promises. The Duke of Bavaria is now recognised as elector by all the princes. The King of Spain and the Infanta of Brussels have written giving him this title. This is the way they behave, though one poses as a mediator and the other promises restitution.
Captain Best, being summoned before the Council a second time, answered beside the mark, so they ordered him to make his defence in writing without further declaration. They appointed a new commander for his ship (fn. 2), deciding nothing else. The Dunkirker is still at Gravesend.
Amid the general rejoicing at Court over the prince's return, I thought fit to send and congratulate the Lords of the Council on the good news, and I expressed to the Lord Chamberlain my desire to express my content to his Majesty personally. Although the king left at once, I may decide to ask audience for this office.
London, the 22nd September, 1623.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Sept. 25.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Francia.
Venetian
Archives.
150. ZUANE PESARO, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
They have informed his Majesty by special courier from Spain that the Prince of Wales is about to leave, and a courier of his Highness on his way to England has published his departure. The confirmation is awaited greedily. The going of that prince distressed them, and they are consoled by his return, but it is thought that the King of Great Britain, in his great desire for nothing but peace, will keep up the disadvantageous business, so that he may always have a pretext for not making the requisite declarations.
Poissy, the 25th September, 1623.
[Italian.]
Sept. 29.
Senato,
Mar.
Venetian
Archives.
151. Whereas the customary donation to the secretary was omitted from our decision about the English ambassador, that 200 crowns be sent to the secretary as a gift in the name of his Serenity, in conformity with what was done with him in 1619 and what has always been observed with others.
Ayes, 131. Noes, 4. Neutral, 22.
[Italian.]
Sept. 29.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
152. ALVISE VALARESSO, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
As I considered the end of the king's progress and the news of the prince's return were sufficient motives for an audience, I asked for one with the usual reserve, if it suited his Majesty. He immediately courteously gave me last Wednesday at Theobalds. Accordingly I went and found him in the best of health. I congratulated him on his return in good health, for which he thanked me. I said I had heard of the prince's decision to leave Spain, and I wished him a pleasant voyage and safe arrival home. I felt sure that the Divine help, which especially watched over the prince and had safely taken him to Spain, would also bring him back to England. The king heard me with pleasure, thanked me and said that if the wind changed, it being now unfavourable, one might expect him at any moment. I proceeded to praise travelling, and how the prince would benefit by his experiences of both land and sea, being born to command in both elements. The king agreed, and applauded the lines of Homer which I quoted, Qui mores hominum vidit et urbes.
As I heard nothing said about the marriage, I asked when it would be completed and when the Infanta would come here. The king replied with great affability that the Ambassador Bristol remained behind with authority to complete the business and espouse the Infanta. I remarked that there was good cause for wonder, after eight years' patience, that the prince's own presence and his Majesty's great graciousness had not been able to effect it, and it was an insult to delay what might be so readily granted. The prince's journey should have settled it if nothing else, and I observed that their action was an insult as well as a sign that they did not want it. Possibly my words made some impression upon the king, as I think they did, but with some amount of transparent dissimulation he said the Spaniards declared that the pope's indisposition had caused some delay in the business, as he had to give his benediction to the dispensation; such was his formal promise. I replied that the pope's sickness had not interfered with any other business. He said the King of Spain laid all the blame on the Count of Olivares, saying that Olivares was more master than himself. He said this with a sneering laugh, adding he would never say as much of Buckingham, and if he dared so far he would cut off his head. I replied that blaming ministers was always a device of the Spaniards, as was shown in Italy, but this slight excuse would not deceive his Majesty. Here he stopped me and asked about the death of the Doge Priuli, his age, and if his successor was appointed. I gave him the information, and said the republic would always remain devoted to his Majesty whoever her chief might be. The king replied most graciously, saying he would never relinquish this old friendship. I thanked him and took leave. Such was the substance of my audience, and although the king is very reticent and impenetrable he could not avoid showing some signs of resentment in response to what I said, but these are lucid intervals. However, God knows that I leave nothing undone to serve well, and I deserve commiseration if not excuse for being here at so unfortunate a time. Meanwhile I ask that my labours may not be measured by the results, as I am sowing among barren rocks and reap a scanty harvest with much sweat.
London, the 29th September, 1623.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Sept. 29.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
153. ALVISE VALARESSO, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
Since the arrival of Turet, who said he had been despatched from Spain at the moment when the prince was getting into his coach, nothing else has been heard. This silence is interpreted in two ways; some think his departure has been revoked, while others fear some change. Certainly the diligence of the expresses never equals the importance of the business. The wind remains contrary for a sea voyage, although it was favourable recently. There have been many false reports of the prince's arrival in the kingdom. He seems, however, to be expected hourly. I have seen his rooms all ready and the beds in Theobalds palace. It does not seem credible, after matters have gone so far, either that the Spaniards will detain him by force, or that they will make fresh proposals, or that the prince will change after so much indignity. They have told me that he is undeceived upon the possibility of success and too deeply offended, and he would not even consent to the king's brothers accompanying him to the sea. Though presents were exchanged, they were very meagre on the part of the Spaniards. They had also selected to wait upon the prince as far as England another Ambassador, Mendoza, for whom apartments were prepared in Inoiosa's own house, who seems piqued at such an embassy, especially as the ambassador was to have come here as his gentleman. The Marquis of Hamilton and others at the Court to whom I have spoken, however, seem to doubt the departure, either because their desire is always accompanied by fear, or because reason is really wavering where so far nothing is done according to reason. Inoiosa, seeing it may be the ill success of the affair, blurted out that he would give his son's head to be out of this embassy. The temporising in the curiosity of the Escurial caused me no small misgiving, but I find that the despatch went, although Grens, who took it, was brought back by Turet. Certainly the king has ordered Bristol to continue the affair, although he has sent no one since the news about the prince. He has, however, sent letters by a courier despatched by the Spanish ambassadors with their account of the reception here of the news of the prince's leaving without his bride. The ambassadors have also shown a letter from some grandee, expressing surprise at such a sudden decision, and they cannot imagine the real motive, as the king had expressed such a desire to give satisfaction to the prince. Certainly oaths will be exchanged upon the things arranged. It is said they are hourly awaiting the new dispensation, and we also hear that the Infanta used broader expressions of great courtesy in the last compliments.
The Spanish ambassadors here speak doubtfully about this arrival, and say the king would never allow the prince to leave dissatisfied. The Spaniards themselves are doubtful about the business from what I can gather. One of their plans, which is kept very close, is to use Tilly's forces against the Dutch ; but I learn that Tilly has been detained, awaiting instructions from the Duke of Bavaria, who refuses his consent against Mansfeld to avoid offending France. Cologne fears for himself if the Dutch are worsted and Treves may not be altogether destitute of proper feeling towards the common good; in short, all the princes of the league recognise that once they begin a war in the interests of the Spaniards they must keep on at their own charge. The Spaniards are trying to induce the emperor to make this declaration, which would amount to a declaration against the Dutch, and would constitute a very important point for their interests; so others ought to be on their guard, and France in particular, to offer an active opposition.
At mass the other day Inoiosa told the Catholics publicly that they must not lose heart at the news of this return, as their affairs will prosper so well that they cannot desire better, a rather ambiguous expression. Many masses are said daily in his house and there is a great concourse of people. He keeps six religious with him, two Benedictines, two Capuchins and two Jesuits, the last not abstaining from wearing their own habit. The king has ceased to defray this ambassador.
The ordinary of this week has not yet arrived.
London, the 29th September, 1623.
Postscript.—A rumour originating at the Spanish embassy reports that the prince has remained in Spain.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
Sept. 30.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Firenze.
Venetian
Archives.
154. VALERIO ANTELMI, Venetian Secretary at Florence, to the DOGE and SENATE.
The Grand Duke hears from Brussels that the King of England has sent the certificate for the deposit of Frankendal and the armistice signed by himself and the Palatine, but now the Infanta is pretending to debate whether it has come in time.
Six very fine hackneys and a quantity of dogs have passed through Calais which the King of England is sending as a present to the King of France.
Florence, the 30th September, 1623.
[Italian.]

Footnotes

  • 1. Gardiner gives an account of this incident, Hist, of Eng. vol. v. page 102. The sick man was Henry Washington. The one banished was Sir Edmund G. Verney. He only mentions one priest, the Jesuit Ballard, not two,
  • 2. Louis, born on the 31st August.
  • 3. Best's ship was the Garland. His succossor, Sir Richard Bingloy, was transferred to the Happy Entrance, while the Garland seems to have been discharged.—Cal. S.P Dom., 1623–5, page 66.