Venice: June 1622, 3-13

Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 17, 1621-1623. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1911.

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'Venice: June 1622, 3-13', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 17, 1621-1623, ed. Allen B Hinds( London, 1911), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol17/pp334-347 [accessed 28 November 2024].

'Venice: June 1622, 3-13', in Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 17, 1621-1623. Edited by Allen B Hinds( London, 1911), British History Online, accessed November 28, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol17/pp334-347.

"Venice: June 1622, 3-13". Calendar of State Papers Relating To English Affairs in the Archives of Venice, Volume 17, 1621-1623. Ed. Allen B Hinds(London, 1911), , British History Online. Web. 28 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/venice/vol17/pp334-347.

June 1622

June 3.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
480. GIROLAMO LANDO, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
We hear that the Prince of Nassau has withdrawn with 422 prisoners besides enormous booty taken in his raids, in which his men slew more than 1,000 of the country people of Brabant, who were all laid under contribution. At the news Count Henry of Bergh was compelled to return and had already reached Wesel. His Majesty has rejoiced greatly at these events, although he showed the contrary to the Spaniards, and also at the news that the Margrave of Baden had collected some men and avenged his defeat, although now they think that there was nothing more than the withdrawal of Tilly before a reinforcement of 6,000 foot and 1,000 horse from Wirtemberg. The king also seems wrathful because Tilly will not consent to a truce unless he first has confirmation of the liberty, and also because Mansfelt will not agree to more than a month at most, and on condition that first all the money owed to him shall be paid into his hands for the time he has served, although the Palatine consents for himself, remarking however that he himself is in the hands of the troops and at their discretion. Mansfelt also demands security from the princes for his life and the adjustment of those affairs. Brunswick also lets it be understood that he will have nothing to do with this affair, he is the servant of the States and has promised the Queen of Bohemia either to lose his life or restore her to her dominions. The States detest any idea of an armistice or truce. However here they think of sending San Giems, Lord Grandison, (fn. 1) who recently came from the Viceroy of Ireland, to smoothe the way.
Brunswick, at the solicitation of the Palatine, is setting out for him with 6,000 horse and 11,000 foot, proposing to render himself master of the field with this large force which there is nothing to oppose.
Meanwhile very different news has come from Hungary from what the imperialists announced, and it is thought that a close understanding exists between Gabor and the Palatine, while they think the movements of the Grisons and in Poland will create some diversion. It seems that in Poland they propose here to make representations to the nobility by letter in favour of the king, and the ambassadors of the States themselves told me in confidence that twelve large and powerful ships of theirs were ready to join a good number of others and strike a blow of the greatest moment, which should have been accomplished at this moment, but after a most lengthy consultation between their High Mightinesses and the Prince of Orange they decided to wait fifteen days or three weeks to see what the fleet in Spain was intended for.
It is reported that the pirates and these same Dutch think of sending a large number of Moors to Spain with arms and encouragement; because things generally are in such a state that if they had assistance and the means of holding out, they might greatly change the aspect of affairs; but it does not appear how they can hold out for long. If this takes place it will undoubtedly please his Majesty highly, but if it turns out badly he will change his tune in the usual way, just as he may possibly profess the suspicion that his son-in-law does not desire an accommodation, to plunge himself deeper into indebtedness to your Serenity, and thus through the absence of facilities he will grow colder still and seize upon this pretext to profess the necessity for an accommodation.
They are renewing the usual intentional report about assembling another parliament, in order to please the people, who are discontented, for Michaelmas, as there have been risings and other riots in the country of Deuyncer for lack of work and of money, and at some fair they carried off the corn by force. (fn. 2) For this or for greater reasons still they have issued orders for the general musters throughout the realm, and that everyone must put himself in readiness in case of need. The deputies of the counties have sent papers to the king with fresh requests for provisions, and for leave to make and export such quantity of cloth as will suffice for their necessary maintenance, if the merchants will not.
The Ambassador Gondomar continues his journey by very short stages, stopping with the excuse of illness, lodging being refused him in a certain village ill disposed towards his name. For this he has sent a serious remonstrance to the king. This has aroused comment and displeasure in his Majesty, who persuades himself that Gondomar's presence in Spain will greatly assist the marriage. It is now clearly announced that for this the Spaniards demand liberty of conscience in these realms, the new ambassador having come with commissions for this and without it the dispensation of his Holiness cannot be obtained. They are expecting the Agent Cottington from Madrid, who is to serve as secretary to his Highness. They say that he brings many particulars and that he received most extraordinary honours. Thus it is probable that Digby will receive as much, but the point is whether he will receive the most important honour of espousing the infanta, according to his powers from the prince.
The king becomes more and more inflamed against the Most Christian, of whom he has spoken with the utmost freedom and bitterness, with his ambassador recently, being displeased at what took place at Bordeaux to the Dutch ships, although those of this nation and others remained free from the violence of the Prince of Condé. (fn. 3) He lamented that the Catholics had slain the Protestants on such an occasion, of the severity shown by the Most Christian and of the ill correspondence with the professions which he previously made to his ambassador.
Every day we hear that the Dutch men-of-war take some of the soldiers levied here for Flanders on their passage across the sea. Quite recently there was a barque in this river laden with perhaps a hundred of these levies, under the impression that they were going to serve the States, but when the people cried out that they were being taken to Brabant they mutinied and all got away, the officers being unable to stop them, a clear sign of the disposition of the people here.
It is many months since the merchants of the Turkey Company petitioned the king and Council to make some fresh provision to prevent their countrymen from receiving so much hurt from the pirates, as otherwise the Levant trade would be totally undone; as by the latest news there are at present more than 1,000 of this nation in miserable slavery in Algiers, besides those slain and drowned at sea. and the wives have also gone in large numbers to renew their supplication with sobs and tears. Accordingly they are busily discussing what can be done. They asked the merchants for their opinion. Some proposed sending a person to make peace, but this seems to have been utterly rejected, as being indecent to treat such thieves and moreover it might offend the Spaniards. Others recommended the arming of a fleet, which the Spaniards themselves might desire, as it would serve to their advantage like the last one and as a useless charge upon this country. But this was not accepted for that very reason and from consideration of the expense, which makes it practically impossible. So they can form no resolution or carry no resolution into effect without the utmost difficulty, although they are strongly disposed to act. Some advised, supposing they effected this, and as they could not inflict any notable damage upon Algiers without the Grand Turk taking offence and confiscating the goods of these correspondents at Constantinople, with risk to the person of the ambassador himself, to recall both him and their correspondents, withdrawing their goods and ships from every part of the Sultan's dominions, and if they do not decide to arm, asking for letters of reprisal against Turkish ships in the Archipelago and elsewhere. If this lasted some time it might compensate them for their losses and compel the Turks to bridle the pirates and make peace with this nation.
This point is well worthy of your Serenity's consideration, because in such case the English would have occasion to keep more armed towards your waters, and because it would affect your subjects in their trade at Constantinople as well as the customs of your Excellencies, especially if the English had to come to Venice to bring and receive what they now take to Constantinople and receive there, or procure it from the very sons of this dominion. Although it has been whispered to me that this may happen, and one might expect it from what the king himself said to me once, that they thought of removing their ambassador and all their trade from those parts, yet there are numerous and considerable difficulties in the way, and I cannot readily persuade myself that it will take place. However I will keep my eyes wide open during my few remaining days here, and will try and encourage the idea secretly. As I have no orders I may not do more, although I fully recognise that only the greater interests of the merchants can bring this about or some of those objects which are worth more than mere words. Meanwhile, after long consultations, it seems to me most likely that they will ultimately decide upon the easiest course, namely that the merchant ships shall no longer go singly but in fleets, those of this city joining others from the various ports of the realm, and thus rendering themselves more capable of offering resistance and of defending themselves. (fn. 4)
London, the 3rd June, 1622.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
June 4.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Roma.
Venetian
Archives.
481. RANIER ZEN, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the DOGE and SENATE.
I hear that Dominis is expected here at Rome for certain, and he will abjure the false doctrine taught and published by him. He received a safe conduct from the pope and the Inquisitor feels sure that he comes with the opinion that the king there has proper ideas. The whole thing has been arranged and managed by the Spanish ambassador at that Court, who is reputed here to be very pious.
Rome, the 4th June, 1622.
[Italian.]
June 4.
Misc. Cod.
No. 61.
Venetian
Archives.
482. MARC ANTONIO PADAVIN, Venetian Secretary in Germany, to the DOGE and SENATE.
From Brussels we hear that the Palatine has informed the infanta that he will agree to nothing except a satisfactory peace or open war, as he does not desire a truce. The Spanish ambassador here goes about saying that he will very soon have peace, because he will lose every foot of his dominions, and he will not get them back because England will not mind, since they had discovered in London a person sent by him to assassinate the prince, in order that he might become heir to the throne. Although this is untrue, because no word of it has come from those parts, they spread the report in order to impugn the Palatine's honour, though it is hard to see how it will benefit the Spaniards or damage him.
Vienna, the 4th June, 1622. Copy.
[Italian.]
June 7.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Francia.
Venetian
Archives.
483. ZUANE PESARO, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the DOGE and SENATE.
Since the surprise of Roiano by the Huguenots and the gabelles they have imposed on trade, contrary to the agreements between the English and French, many English ships have been detained at Bordeaux under the pretext that they wish to deprive the Huguenots of the benefit of those gabelles. The king has now ordered the parliament of Bordeaux to release those ships at the instance of the Ambassador of Great Britain. (fn. 5) But the ambassador did not seem to appreciate the favour and said he would have preferred some fresh ill-treatment, in his disgust at being detained while not fulfilling his offices, and not being employed in the affairs of this kingdom. He has sent in haste to England, possibly to ask for instructions, but I believe in order to report the events of the campaign. He did not seem to care about following his Majesty, but seemed to have business at Bordeaux for several days. Accordingly Puisieulx sent him a very polite letter with all speed, saying that the king would be pleased to see him at Toulouse. With this satisfaction the ambassador started off and should reach this city any day. The delays about audiences have offended all the ministers.
Toulouse, the 7th June, 1622.
[Italian.]
June 10.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
484. GIROLAMO LANDO, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and Senate.
As general news about the movements of the Grisons arrived here many days ago, your Serenity's advices of the 6th ult. arrived very opportunely, especially as both the king and the prince desired particulars. In my audience of his Majesty at Theobalds he showed me the utmost graciousness and confidence and after he had told me of his indispositions I imparted the news to him. He greatly rejoiced about it, telling me that at the very outset when those people first threw off the yoke they began in similar fashion, referring to the claims of Leopold upon that country, though he did not seem to approve of them, and by my reply also that those who proposed to take the belongings of others would never lack colourable pretexts even if they were not just, He said that he had never believed before that the matter was of so much importance and consequence as appeared by my information, and he was very glad of it, being especially pleased at the death of the two party leaders. When I suggested that such an occasion must be considered most advantageous for relieving the Palatinate, as the Austrians and Spaniards had already turned towards Rhetia those forces which they previously designed for its oppression, he replied, I am not only pleased for the Palatinate but for the thing in itself, for that pass which is so important to Italy and to all Christendom. Accordingly I added that the joy of hearing a remark so befitting his Majesty's prudence increased my hope of seeing him take up this matter of so much importance to all and not lose such a fine opportunity of doing something for his son-in-law and the general welfare, as one might easily believe that these events would summon assistance from France and other powers concerned. Wherefore the republic was keeping on the alert for what might happen. He answered: I will not fail to do what I can. At the departure of my Ambassador Doncaster for France I instructed him to use every effort to incite that king to insist upon the promises being kept and the restoration of the country to freedom, to show a zeal perceptible to every one and to act in complete accord with the ambassadors of the republic and Savoy, and to let the Spanish ambassador understand, what I have always professed here, that just as I have never advised or assisted any one who aimed at usurpation and aggression upon the possessions of the house of Austria, as I liked every one to enjoy his own, so I would never at any time consent to the unjust oppression and subjection of my friends, and so far as it lay in my power I would always help and encourage them.
But as regards the King of France I do not know what he will do. I have never seen a king behave as he does, harassing his own faithful subjects, allowing himself to be ruled, doing everything in the worst way. He has detained ships of my subjects and others laden with wine, which will spoil; as they paid the duty I do not know why such violence was shown to them. The republic indeed is worthy of all praise because she is doing her utmost, and I say so always. Seeing his Majesty speak with such satisfaction and for other reasons I thought the moment opportune to refer briefly to the heavy expenses sustained by your Excellencies so long, redounding not only to the advantage of yourselves, but of every one, especially his son-in-law.
He answered: It is true, more than true; I am not only satisfied but deeply indebted. When I touched upon some words of the reply recently given to the repeated offices of the Ambassador Wotton he added: Very good; no one could do more of a surety. The ambassador spoke out of the freedom he previously received to assist the interests of my son, but say this if you please, it suffices that I am completely satisfied, assure your masters thereof. My negotiations at Brussels are proceeding very well, and in that quarter I have no reason so far to be anything but thoroughly satisfied. Weston writes to me that they are disposed to grant a truce until the negotiations are finished, and his hopes are high. When I suggested that his Majesty possibly relied more upon other matters in the present conjunctions he said laughing, That is true, indicating that he would rejoice greatly at the progress of Mansfelt's arms and like matters, with the idea of which I have so frequently written.
He then began to speak about Lady Arundel, thanking your Serenity with every show of affection and regard, charging me to write about it and repeat it on my return to Venice, with offers to reciprocate at every opportunity, and other cordial and sincere demonstrations. He considered himself obliged not only by the reply of your Serenity and the decree of the Senate, but by the open demonstration to all the world, the slander having been iniquitous. While attesting the innocence of the lady and the worthy education of her sons, I assured his Majesty of the regard of your Excellencies for him and of your esteem for this nation and these realms.
The prince, whom I saw some days before in this city, thanked me warmly in similar terms, referring to the obligations of his father. He told me clearly that the Ambassador Wotton had committed a great fault in this. He seemed anxious to hear particulars about the above mentioned event in the Grisons, but as at that time I had no other advices except what was generally known, I could do no more than offer to communicate with his Highness immediately I received word. I did so by a gentleman, by whom he sent to thank me warmly, he appreciated it highly as the matter weighed upon his father, who would be the more interested if he saw the King of France move to some purpose, as being the first concerned, although he is concerned in defeating his own subjects, and in wishing them obedient renders them disobedient, and to make them loyal compels them to be disloyal.
The Marquis of Buckingham also passed a very cordial office with me for the honours shown to the countess, offering himself to your Excellencies for every occasion with much graciousness. I can add no more to this except that I am assured the Ambassador Wotton has not written a word to the king or to the ministers on this subject. Moreover, some say that he will be removed from Venice for this, not immediately owing to the difficulties I indicated, but within a little, and that Sir [Isaac] Wake, at present agent at Turin, will be sent in his stead, a worthy individual and, what is of more importance, well inclined to the general interests.
London, the 10th June, 1622.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
June 10.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Inghilterra.
Venetian
Archives.
485. GIROLAMO LANDO, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the DOGE and SENATE.
It is reported, though its truth is uncertain, that Mansfelt has defeated Leopold, that at all events the former is ready to agree to an armistice for a month, putting himself in his Majesty's hands without any conditions, although he asks to be able to keep his men together, feeling doubtful that the king may take away his help from the Palatine and fulfil his threat not to assist him. Accordingly it is not thought that it will take place without including Brunswick as one who claims to be the servant of the States, into whose hands he has surrendered the places he has taken. In the subsequent negotiations for peace and restitution it appeared that the ambassadors of Caesar and the Catholic had not sufficient instructions at Brussels but they promise to have them as early as possible. From this quarter they propose to join Grandison and Chichester with Weston, accordingly delays will not fail. Some hope that in the meantime Mansfelt in conjunction with Brunswick will not refrain from striking some sound blow so as not to lose his opportunity. Some think that if the truce is arranged he may go to help the Grisons, encouraged by your Serenity, also for the benefit of the Palatine, but the arrangement so far seems to be to proceed to Alsace and Bavaria, since they cannot maintain themselves in the Palatinate owing to the sterility, while Baden and Vere propose to guard the little that remains from Cordova and Tilly.
A royal ship has pursued one of the Rochellese, which has been infesting these seas of late and in particular captured the vessel I wrote of with a quantity of merchandise, and arrested it with its booty, which will be restored to those concerned. They found more English than French and Rochellese on board. (fn. 6)
His Majesty after many consultations, on which he even seemed disposed to dismiss the French ambassador here, had him summoned before the Council to make a grave remonstrance to him about the ships arrested, laden with wine at Bordeaux, of which I wrote. But it is thought that as the Most Christian told the States that it had happened without his orders, they will probably make a similar reply to them here, as well as make restitution. Owing to the dissatisfaction about the Huguenots, which is fomented secretly by the Spaniards, it almost appears as if they were on the point of breaking with that crown, or that there was some danger at least of a suspension of the commerce between the two powers.
They have been paying much attention these last days to the requests of the Levant Company, and it is rumoured that they propose to arm a number of merchant and royal ships. Accordingly, in order to meet the expense they have called upon not only the members of the said company, but those of others also. But they fear if this is carried out, which does not seem at all likely, that this great fleet will serve to protect the Spanish coasts more than the employment they desire for it. They waver the more the more the Spaniards urge it, who claim that the Ambassador Gondomar received a promise from his Majesty that he would keep his fleet in conjunction with theirs against the pirates for three years. Although this is not admitted, yet the king seems more desirous of effecting it than otherwise, if there be a way to satisfy them in everything in accordance with the usual ideas; and although many councillors are not of this opinion, yet the king's nod suffices, or that of the few who have such influence these days. The merchants would rather unite their own ships alone to proceed to the Archipelago, accordingly it is suggested that this fleet also, in spite of rumours that it is aimed against Algiers, as at other times, will possibly go off cruising in that direction. Meanwhile they say a great deal more than they actually do, and the results rarely correspond to the ado of their rumours.
On the other hand they say that first they will convey secret hints to the merchants at Constantinople and elsewhere in the Turkish dominions to collect these debts and get their goods together, and to the ambassador to keep himself ready for any eventualities. They seem to have given up the idea of sending an extraordinary, and propose to instruct their ambassador to proceed regularly according to the style affected by the king here, warning the Porte that if the pirates of Algiers are not forbidden to molest his Majesty's subjects and if the slaves are not released, he will consider the peace broken. But first they desire the merchants to give security for the custom, taking the charge of it upon themselves.
For the present those merchants have not announced by what mart they propose to take their goods to Turkey or to be transported thence to this kingdom, and it seems that the king and council will concern themselves but little about it, provided they are assured of the said custom. Some speak of going to Ragusa, others of Leghorn, perhaps in order to excite jealousy, but the bulk of them speak of Zante, Cephalonia and Venice. They say that at the beginning of his Majesty's reign your Serenity made great offers, but the Secretary Salisbury prevented them from coming to anything. I remember having read that the merchants asked the Ambassador Molino if the republic would agree to the exportation from Venice of merchandise coming from the Levant, without payment of the export duties, promising to give up that trade entirely if they obtained that concession (fn. 7); but apparently no attention was paid to this. Accordingly I am unable to divine your intentions, although the moment seems favourable for obtaining advantages perhaps from other requests. Information should be supplied for any eventuality, to take full advantage of any opportunity that may occur.
London, the 10th June, 1622.
[Italian; the part in italics deciphered.]
June 10.
Consiglio di X.
Lettere di
Ambasciator.
Venetian
Archives.
486. GIROLAMO LANDO, Venetian Ambassador in England, to the heads of the COUNCIL OF TEN.
I have nothing to add about the cipher to what I wrote on the 13th ult. though I find more than ever how little one can trust those who do the deciphering. But as I must not hide from your Serenity anything that the king says to me, it is my duty to report what took place at my last audience. His Majesty said, Be so good as to tell me what that unhappy Foscarini had done? I knew him here a long while, certainly eccentric but a worthy man (ben capritioso ma valoroso), and most zealous to the service of your country and strongly opposed to certain princes, whom he named specifically. He went on to ask me if he had revealed public secrets to these or others or to their ministers, and if I thought it was true, showing remarkable feeling and compassion, commiserating the manner of his death and hinting that undue severity had been displayed. This assured me of the truth of what I had heard two days before but had not believed, that his Majesty had expressed similar opinions in the presence of certain persons, saying that it seemed impossible to him that Foscarini should have betrayed his country, and with no praise, to say the least of it, for the public decision and justice, adding that he wished to speak to me about it, and he made remarks with considerable freedom with a bluntness that he occasionally adopts (et con quella lubricita che tal hora usa proferendo qualche concetto assai libero).
I answered that I really did not know more than his Majesty himself, because such cases were dealt with most secretly in the Council of Ten, where justice was administered with a dispassionateness and disinterestedness that I would venture to say was desirable for the whole world. The death he suffered showed clearly that the crime was treason, though I did not know with what princes or ministers. There were many ways of doing wrong if one wished. If he had previously been as his Majesty described him, he might have changed.
He answered, That is true, and what I said seemed to appease the uneasiness he displayed about the affair. He concluded by saying: I believe that traitors should be severely punished everywhere and that those princes who do not punish them deserve to be betrayed, and that is even more necessary for republics than for others (io trovo che in ogni luogo li traditori vengono ben castigati, et che quei Principi quali non li punissero meritarebbono di essere traditi, ciò più che altrove nelle Republiche anco necessario).
The prince also pressed me to tell him what exactly was the imputation, though not so earnestly and apparently out of simple curiosity.
London, the 10th June, 1622.
[Italian; deciphered.]
June 11.
Misc. Cod.
No. 61.
Venetian
Archives.
487. MARC ANTONIO PADAVIN, Venetian Secretary in Germany, to the DOGE and SENATE.
The emperor told the Ambassador of Denmark (fn. 8) that he welcomed the offices of his king about the Palatinate, but he could not open any fresh negotiations before he knew the result of those with England at Brussels. The ambassador was not satisfied with this reply, as he desired a more precise answer to his representations.
Vienna, the 11th June, 1622. Copy.
[Italian.]
June 11.
Misc. Cod.
No. 61.
Venetian
Archives.
488. MARC ANTONIO PADAVIN, Venetian Secretary in Germany, to the DOGE and SENATE.
They write from Brussels that the English ambassador has arrived and has already begun his negotiations with the two deputies of the infanta, namely Pecio and Baescot. They are now showing their credentials and the others do not consider that the Englishman has sufficient powers, their only object being to gain time. The imperial ambassador is taking no part and has even taken leave, but the infanta seems anxious that he should be present at all the negotiations. Meanwhile he has sent the King of England's letter in reply to the one of the emperor, which he presented, of which I enclose a copy.
Vienna, the 11th June, 1622. Copy.
[Italian.]
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Germania.
Venetian
Archives.
489. Gratissima nobis fuit haec legationis vicissitudo unde tanquam publico aliquo signo manifesta est fraterni vestri amoris sinceritas, eo tamen gratior accedit quod ex ea nobis constitent de Caesareae Vestrae Majestatis animo publicae pacis sic studioso quam predecessores vestri integram atque illibatam velut sanctissimum felicis Imperii pignus reliquerunt. Que omnia, uti Caesaris legatum decuit, candide et magnifice nobis exposuit vir nobilis Georgius Ludovicus, comes a Schvarzberg. Ad constantiam hortari foret promissis diffidere: Nam quod ad nos attinet Christianum orbem jam testem facimus displicuisse omnino nobis res novas, cordique semper fuisse veterem Imperii concordiam, quam malis dissutam consiliis, nulla non arte conati sumus religare atque in eadem etiamnum mente nos persistere docebit Legatus noster qui vestrum brevi subsequetur Bruxellas, de cessatione et depositione armorum ingenue ac serio illic disceptaturus, sicuti etiam cum ad solidora lisi pacis remedia ventum erit (quod ex legato C. V. Majestatis futurum intelleximus quam primum tractatio illa de indiciis habenda, optatum finem sortita fuerit) nihil utique patiemur in nobis deesse qué perplexa nune videntur et intricata, ex sincero concordie desiderio et mutua caritate facilia fient atque expedita, et quod in lite infinitum forte erat futurum id in partium verecundia brevem inveniet modum. Nos Deum Opt. Max. precamur ut Caesarem Maj. V. ciet atque sospitet, fraternumque hoc inter nos amoris vinculum arctius constringat, tum si quid amicitiae hujus progressum quod absit aut obscuraverit aut impedieret id Vestre moderationis prudentiam tempestive despellatur.
Datum e Regia nostra Albaula, 17 die Aprilis, 1622.
Mtis. Vae. frater Amantissimus,
JACOBUS REX.
Copy.
June 11.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Roma.
Venetian
Archives.
490. RANIER ZEN, Venetian Ambassador at Rome, to the DOGE and SENATE.
Cardinal Ludovisio told me that they are now pressing hard for the license for the marriage with England, and that the Spanish ambassador had seen him on the subject that morning. The Cardinal told me that they would make a fresh commission, and when I asked him whether they would grant the license he did not seem so much opposed as on previous occasions. From this I perceive that matters are leaning towards gratifying the Spaniards in all things, because actually they are bound hand and foot to their interests.
I also mentioned Dominis. He told me that he had left England and would come here quickly. When I asked him what they expected of the man, he told me that he really thought he was coming as a penitent. I expressed the greatest satisfaction on religious grounds, but only showed curiosity as regards matters of state as to whether it might not be some contrivance of the Spaniards, as I heard they were bringing him and with great pomp. He told me that it was all the idea of the Ambassador Gondomar, who seemed very pious. When I asked if they would fulfil the promise to give him those 12,000 crowns income, he answered we shall not give it him, but only a safe conduct and some money for the journey. We could not do less as he has written that he has not got a farthing.
Encloses the news sheets, which arrived very late.
Rome, the 11th June, 1622.
[Italian.]
Enclosure. 491. Extracts from the news letters.
They are not pleased at hearing that Lord Chichester, the English ambassador, is going to the Palatinate with provisions to maintain 10,000 foot and 1,500 horse for his son-in-law, and that the Bishop of Halberstadt is marching thither with his forces. He has made some proposals to the said ambssador, but some subtlety is suspected on both sides, as he asks for admission to the congresses held in this city with a truce for some months. The Spaniards agree provided the Palatine humbles himself and disarms. Matters pass very secretly. Those acting for the King of England are the ordinary resident and a councillor he has brought with him. For the Catholic there are the Chancellor Pechius and M. Busquot, councillor of State. They meet frequently but with scanty results, according to the opinion commonly held at this court.
Marc Antonio di Dominis continues to stay at the nuncio's house, and is made much of by the ministers here. They say he will proceed to Rome and then to live at Naples. They expect to derive great advantages from the knowledge of English affairs which he professes and of those of Venice in particular. Before he leaves this Court he will publish a manifesto stating the reasons why he left London and the cause of his return to the Catholic faith. He says that St. Paul appeared to him in his study in London and told him to return and preach the true gospel. He turned over in his mind some words of the pope, and decided to return. He hoped God would allow him long enough to live to prove by his life and preaching the reality of his reconciliation to the Roman church. My informant is a serious person with a high office in the Church, and he charged me not to tell a living soul.
Brussels, the 27th May, 1622.
[Italian.]
June 13.
Senato,
Secreta.
Dispacci,
Signori Stati,
Venetian
Archives.
492. CHRISTOFFORO SURIAN, Venetian Secretary in the Netherlands, to the DOGE and SENATE.
I hear from Brussels that Sir [Richard] Weston, the English ambassador extraordinary, is going to take a house, as he does not intend to be defrayed after the expiry of a month, because it is thought that the negotiations will last longer than that. This is confirmed by what the English ambassador remarked to me, that it will not be so easy to come to a decision, because negotiations carried on at a distance from the parties interested and whose forces are facing each other may easily suffer change at any moment. Although secrecy is observed they speak publicly at Brussels of an armistice. Moreover Weston has sent to Mansfelt, Brunswick and other persons interested to hear what they have to say, since it appears that the King of Great Britain desires the concurrence in the agreement of all who have taken his son-in-law's part in the Palatinate. The person who told me this said nothing about those who had interests in the affairs of Bohemia.
The Hague, the 13th June, 1622.
[Italian.]

Footnotes

  • 1. Oliver St. John, Viscount Grandison, Lord Deputy of Ireland, 1616–22.
  • 2. The entries in the Domestic Calendar point to the disturbances having been in Somerset rather than in Devon, Cal. S.P. Dom., 1619–23, pages 395–7, nos. 94, 99, 109.
  • 3. On Monday the 9th May Condé demanded that certain Dutch merchant vessels which had gone to Bordeaux with cargoes of grain as well as three Dutch men-of-war, should be handed over to him for service against the Huguenots of La Rochelle. When the Dutch asked for time to consult the States General, Condé demanded instant compliance, and when this was refused he fired on the ships, killing several and arrested the captains who had gone on shore to treat. Louis hastened to disavow this high-handed procedure of the Prince, and apologised to the Dutch ambassador.—Letter of Augier of 28 May and enclosed account from one of the Dutch captains.—State Papers, Foreign. France, Vol. 70. On the following day Doncaster sent home the subjoined account of the affair:—"They would have compelled three of the Dutch men-of-war which came to guard the merchant fleet, to serve the king, which they, excusing themselves that they could not do without commission from their masters, divers pieces of cannon were planted upon the shore to hinder their going away, which nevertheless they attempted, and after some fight two of the States men-of-war passed with some 20 English, Scottish and Hollanders, the third remaining much bruised and beaten, twelve of their men slain, the master imprisoned, the ship confiscated and by occasion of the tumult all the strangers in the town as well his Majesty's subjects as the Dutch, hardly escaping the having their throats cut with a massacre of those of the religion."—Doncaster to Calvert from Bordeaux, the 19/29 May, 1622.—State Papers, Foreign. France, Vol. 70.
  • 4. The plan of sailing in fleets was suggested to the Council on the 15/25 May by the merchants of the several trading companies and the Master and Wardens of the Trinity House, as the only practicable means of meeting the difficulty. Cal. S.P. Dom., 1619–23, page 393.
  • 5. There is a list of 36 English, Scotch, and Irish ships so arrested at Blaye among the French papers. Puisieux notified Doncastor of the order for their release in a letter dated from Aiguillon on the 30th May. He explained the arrost as effected "pour empêcher que les ennemis du roi ne s'en prevalussent en surchargeant d'impots extraordinaires les marchandises contenus dans les dits vaisseaux."—State Papers, Foreign, France, Vol. 70.
  • 6. The man was apparently named Gallenoue. See remonstrance of the French ambassador of the 21st June.—State Papers, Foreign. France, Vol. 70.
  • 7. Molin's despatch of the 6th October, 1604, Vol. X. of this Calendar, page 185. On the 15th Nov. following Wotton assured the doge that if the English merchants were reasonably treated they would in a few years abandon the Levant trade and concentrate at Venice. Ibid, page 192.
  • 8. Siegfried Bogwisch, Simon Digby calls him, and mentions his recent arrival in a despatch dated the 15th May, old style.—State Papers, Foreign: Germany (Empire).