Spain: February 1536, 21-29 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 2, 1536-1538. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1888.

Citation:

'Spain: February 1536, 21-29', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 2, 1536-1538, ed. Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1888), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol5/no2/pp52-66 [accessed 28 November 2024].

February 1536, 21-29



22 Feb.	28. Fr. Vincencio Lunel, General of the Franciscans, to the Emperor.
S. E., Guerra, M. y T., L. 9. B. M. Add. 28,588, f. 202.	His Majesty's letter has come to hand. The news having been spread here, at Rome, of a league with the Venetians and at the same time of the cession of Milan to the Infante of Portugal (Dom. Luiz), he (Lunel) was of opinion, and so was the count [of Cifuentes], that the letter conveying that intelligence should be shown to His Holiness. This was done, the Pope not failing on the occasion to praise the Emperor's love of justice and good qualities. Respecting the league with Venice, he (Lunel) observed that he knew nothing at all of it; he believed that if any step had been taken, it was but a renewal of the old league.
	As to the appointment of the Infante of Portugal, he (Lunel) said he did not believe in it; had there been any idea of it, the Emperor would have mentioned it. Thereupon His Holiness declared to him that when he insisted so much on a marriage between the dowager duchess of Milan and the third son of king Francis, it was merely owing to his thinking then, as he does still, that such a marriage might and would ensure peace. Your Majesty (he said) might do as you pleased in this affair; he was quite free and unfettered, not in the least bound to France. He further stated that he had that very day spoken with the French ambassadors, and told them that since the provision for Milan and league with Venice had been made public, they ought to write home, and tell their master not to commence war until after His Majesty's arrival in Italy, as otherwise it would be considered a great offence.
	The duke of Urbino (Guidobaldo della Rovere) says the Pope has not correctly reported his case in the Camerino affair. The Emperor should be informed of it, and decide according to law.—Rome, at Ara Celi, (fn. n1) 22 Feb. 1536.
	Signed: "Fray Vincentio Lunel."
	Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty of the Emperor and King, our lord."
	Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
24 Feb.	29. Eustace Chapuys to the Same.
Wien, Rep. P. C., Fasc.	On the day before yesterday Master Cromwell sent me word by his cousin that at he wished particularly to speak to me, and therefore that if I could go to a church of the Austin Friars close to my lodgings, and facing a large house he is now building himself, I should do him a great favor. I politely excused myself on the plea that ever since the Queen's death, expecting that the King would, as it was rumoured, order some sort of funeral service to be performed, and owing also to certain other considerations, I had kept indoors, and was determined not to leave my house on any account without having previously repaired, as was my duty, to the said church of the Austin Friars, and caused masses to be there said for the soul of the good Queen. The earliest day I intended leaving my room was on that of St. Mathias, and therefore, if he was so pressed, and could not himself call on me, he might send me a verbal message as to the nature of the communication he wanted to make to me.
	Soon after receiving my answer, Cromwell replied by one of his secretaries, who is in the habit of taking his messages to the King, that he would willingly have called at this embassy, were it for no other purpose than to see how I was; but that under the circumstances it was very inconvenient for him to do so, not only because he might thereby arouse the suspicions of the French, but because what he wished to tell me concerned himself personally. It was not (he sent word) by command of the King, who would not be pleased to hear that he (Cromwell) had come to me for the affair of which he intended to treat, but entirely of his own accord, that he wanted to hold a conversation with me, and therefore that he requested that I would choose a place of meeting less open to suspicion, where he might disclose matters highly important alike for Your Majesty's service and that of the King, his master.
	Perceiving his pressing solicitations and the honest excuses alleged,—I mean the latter of them, for as to the former, as 1 sent him word, it could equally serve us both, and. I might just as well as himself make use of it, were it not that I wished to be agreeable to his master in all matters, as I had told him on previous occasions,—I sent him word that next morning early, that is yesterday, the 23rd, I would be at the Austin Friars, and that after the funeral service and mass, which I intended to have said for the Queen's repose, I would return home by the building he himself is now erecting in that spot, which seemed to me my shortest road home.
	Yesterday, before my departure for church, Cromwell was already on the spot, which in nearly half a league distant from the house he now inhabits. Thither, after hearing Divine service, (fn. n2) I myself went, and met Cromwell, who, having first thanked me for the honor of my visit, as well as for the favorable reports I had from time to time made to Your Majesty concerning his doings and good intentions—as the English ambassador (fn. n3) had lately heard from Mr. de Granvelle —began reciting his customary preface to all our conferences of late, namely, the great advantages of a closer friendship between Your Majesty and the King, his master, through which, he said, you could easily achieve all your undertakings against the Turk and elsewhere; for (said he) on Your Majesty, and the King, his master, being closely united, and with a good natural understanding, no prince in Christendom would dare show hostility (gronder). He, himself, thought of nothing else day and night than of the proper means of bringing about and insuring that in dissoluble friendship. For that reason he (Cromwell) had always tried to abstain from any negociation with the French likely to be injurious to Your Majesty, or prove an obstacle to the said closer alliance and friendship. I might well recollect, Cromwell added, that on the departure for Calais (fn. n4) of the Royal Commissioners to meet the admiral of France (Chabot) and other French notables, he had assured me that nothing injurious to Your Majesty would be discussed therein; and this had been strictly observed, as he could prove by showing me a copy of the instructions delivered to the bishop of Winchester (Gardiner), in which an article had been inserted expressly forbidding any discussion to your prejudice. He could, moreover, show me letters of king Francis continually importuning the King, his master, to declare war against Your Majesty and invade Flanders; but, king Francis, observed Cromwell, is very much mistaken if he thinks that my master will ever join in such a dance. You may be well assured of that, said he, "for there is nothing the King desires so much as the Emperor s friend- ship, to which, besides being himself greatly inclined, he is " daily assiduously urged by the members of his Privy Council, not only by those, who, like the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and the Treasurer, (fn. n5) are pensioners of France, but also by those who, he said, belonged to the opposite party and faction, namely the earl of Wiltshire and others." The above-named councillors, he added, considering the incredible ingratitude, inconstancy, deceit, and malignity of the French people—which are such as to cause general horror and detestation throughout Europe—at the same time bearing in mind the extreme benevolence and innumerable virtues of Your Majesty, whose worldly affairs seem guided and conducted by Divine grace and clemency—to judge from the care, help, and success constantly granted to you by God—had for some time back been in favour of a closer alliance. Neither the King nor his councillors could doubt for a moment of Your Majesty's favourable disposition, judging from the reciprocal good-will by which they themselves were animated, the more so after the very gracious and amiable words continually addressed by Mr. de Grandvelle to their ambassador at your Imperial Court; considering also that, according to letters received from Rome, up to this day Your Majesty had not allowed the Pope to fulminate against this King those tremendous censures which, after the execution of the bishop of Rochester and the cardinal, His Holiness had been strongly solicited by the Sacred College to launch Therefore as the Privy Councillors and himself were sure of Your Majesty's good will towards this King and kingdom, he (Cromwell) and all of them imagined that if Your Majesty had only for them the tenth part of the love and affection which all the English profess for you, that benevolence and kindness which you have hitherto shown could not fail to increase in such a ratio as to render it quite impossible for the Pope,—who, by the way, was no great friend of Your Majesty,—or for any other person in the world, to induce you to harm or in anywise molest them. And that since it had pleased God to remove from this world that which was the sole and unique impediment to the true and perfect friendship between Your Majesty and the King, his master, this seemed the fit time and season for the servants of both princes to think earnestly of the best means for bringing about the renewal, confirmation, and increase of the said friendship and good understanding. As to himself, in particular, knowing, as he did, my disposition to favour such views, he trusted that I would exert myself thoroughly to further this cause, since, besides the profit I might have in acting thus, I should thereby acquire immortal glory and fame. Cromwell ended by praying me to write in haste to Your Majesty, and communicate the above and anything else I might consider to be for the favourable issue of the matter, begging me to solicit Your Majesty in the most humble and affectionate terms possible not to let the present opportunity pass of consolidating and increasing that friendship, now that the door was wide open to attain so desirable an object.
	Hearing such language, after praising Cromwell for his wisdom and good will, I replied that up to this moment I had known no other sentiment on Your Majesty's part than a most sincere wish of maintaining, nay increasing, that very friendship with the King, his master. It was not Your Majesty's fault if things had not sooner come to the state of which he had spoken. There, was no need, for me to produce evidence in favour of that assertion; he himself was a good witness of that. Yet that to write to Your Majesty, and report the conversation we had just had in general terms, without coming to particulars, or making fresh overtures thereupon, would be but lost time and labour, for it was the same song over and over again, and that, to cut the matter short, and show that he, was in earnest, and spoke sincerely, and without his usual dissimulation, it was necessary that he should make at once some further declarations.
	Cromwell's answer was that I might be sure there was no feint, mystery, or dissimulation whatever in what he had, just told me. It would have been foolish on his part to hold such language should it bring neither advantage to his master, nor honor to himself. He would not, for anything in this world, be held as a liar or dissembler. But as what he had just said proceeded entirely from himself, without any mandate from his master, I could easily believe that he had no power to make overtures, which, in his opinion, ought to come from Your Majesty. And upon my replying to him that no categorical answer had yet been received to the first proposal, which I had made by Your Majesty's order, he said that there could be no question as to that, inasmuch as the Queen, who was the principal foundation on which those overtures rested, had since died. I would not on this occasion make further observations on that subject, save to hint, in passing, that perchance the article on the validity of the Papal sentence with regard to the Queen's marriage required now a fuller explanation than before. Cromwell asked me why ? but I declined to answer, only saying that I had not spoken positively, and would not insist thereon.
	After this, Cromwell began to praise the bishop of Winchester's sound judgment and superior tact in discovering the ruses (tromperies) of the French, as well as in wisely advising this King not to trust in them, but to look out for the means of again making alliance with Your Majesty, in doing which the Bishop had, as he asserted, given the King immense pleasure, for he was tired of negociating with the French, and hearing people talk about them; whereas, on the other hand, whenever there was a question of treating with Your Majesty, his heart jumped for joy. (fn. n6) At this point of the conversation, Cromwell, in a passion,—so much so that he could hardly utter his words,—exclaimed, that the French had played such tricks on the King, his master, that he would much prefer being hanged from the highest belfry in London than to have said or thought one half of what they had said or maliciously surmised on the subject; and, besides that, in order to make their profit by it, they had given Mr. de Likerke (fn. n7) to understand that the King, his master, had offered to send an army against Flanders, and against the kingdom of Denmark, which was untrue.
	Cromwell also told me incidentally that there was a rumor afloat of the marriage of the duke of Angoulême (Charles) to the [dowager] duchess of Milan, (fn. n8) and that Your Majesty wished to give him the investiture of that duchy. But I apprehend that this and other things Cromwell told me on the occasion tend to interrupt and impede any alliance of Your Majesty with the French. What makes me suspect as much is that the Secretary requested me particularly to write to Mr. de Likerke on the subject at the same time as to Your Majesty.
	Perceiving that Cromwell took no notice whatever of my observations, and seemed disinclined to proceed any further with the subject in question, and, moreover, that it was already time for him to go and attend to his business at Court, I ventured to suggest, as originating with myself, that in order to bring about again the good understanding and friendship of which he had spoken, four conditions were required. The first was that it seemed to me that Your Majesty, as a very Catholic prince and protector of the Church, could not do less than ask the King, his master, to return before all things to Apostolic obedience, and reconcile himself with the Church. Secondly, I thought that if you were to establish also as a condition that the Princess should be declared legitimate and reinstated in her rank, it would not be too much to ask. Thirdly, that, those conditions being fulfilled, Your Majesty should solicit and obtain his master's help against the Turk and make alliance with you. Germany having already offered to assist most efficiently, provided the rest of the Christian princes joined in the undertaking, there could not be any difficulty in that country joining the league against the Turk. Fourthly, were Your Majesty to request the king of England to make besides a defensive and offensive league against whomsoever might act wrongly towards one of the parties, what would the King do ? I wished (I said) to know what answer his master was disposed to make upon the whole.
	Cromwell's answer was, that concerning the last point he thought that the King, his master, would do anything that might be desired. With regard to the third, he had no doubt that he would contribute much more efficiently than you perhaps expected; his only regret was that he was not more powerful, and better situated to lead the undertaking in person. He could not employ his treasure in a better cause.
	With regard to the Princess, Cromwell observed this was the fit opportunity to treat of her prospects, and of the settlement of her affairs in future, in a manner to please Your Majesty; the door was already open for negociation.
	Respecting the first point, which was the most difficult of all, after some preliminary discussion and a good deal of hesitation, Cromwell said he thought the King, his master, would readily accede to what might be agreed upon between the deputies of both parties. To this I objected that the deputies named could scarcely know of what to treat, and that it was necessary for the King first to put the Pope in possession of all his rights in England, and then submit to the determination of the Council; and I then went on explaining my views on the subject. "For (said I) the Kings allegation so often repeated that the convocation of the Council belongs by right to the Emperor, and not to His Holiness, is, to my mind, a manifest proof that your master, the King, does not wish for the celebration of the Council, whilst the rest of the Christian princes all believe it to be necessary for God's service and the repose of Christendom."
	Cromwell's answer was, that I might be right in my views, and yet it was necessary to begin by one of the two ends. I ought to try and have myself appointed as one of the commissioners, with such articles as Your Majesty would approve of, or else a declaration should come from Your Majesty purporting that, should the King, his master, send ambassadors to treat of that matter, they would be well received at the Imperial Court; this being done the King would prepare a most honourable and numerous embassy, and, once the negociation on foot, I was to let him act, and he would pull the strings. (fn. n9)
	After this, we both kept silence for two or three minutes, until Cromwell repeated to me what he had formerly said concerning the Princess, adding that at any rate I was to hope for the amicable settlement of all pending matters. I ought to consider what wonderful things he had achieved ever since he had had the administration of the King's affairs; whereby he seemed to imply that it was in his power to undo part of what he had already done, even as regards the Princess, for whose service he offered to work as much as was in his power.
	Having had occasion to allude to the King's late practices in Germany and Denmark, Cromwell assured me that there had been none at all, and that he would willingly lose his head if it could be discovered that there or elsewhere any thing had been treated of to Your Majesty's injury or disadvantage. On the contrary, he protested that, were the understanding between Your Majesty and his master to become such as he (Cromwell) wished it to be, your affairs abroad, and even in Denmark, would get on much better than they actually do. That the reason for sending to Germany the bishop of Harfort was that they wished to get the opinion of several men in that country respecting their own affairs, and hear how the people governed themselves, and for no other motive. I might have told him that, to attain the object he spoke of, there was no necessity of remitting to the said Bishop, besides a large sum which he had received on his departure, no less than 20,000 ducats; but I would not say so for fear of betraying the merchant, who only two days before had positively assured me that Cromwell had requested him to make out the bill of exchange payable at Neurenberghe (Nuremburgh), and that he (the merchant) had refused until he heard from Jehan Carlo de Affaictatis, the banker, whom he should consult on the subject.
	There has been no change yet in the Princess' state. She wrote to me yesterday to say she intended to apply again to Your Majesty for help and assistance.
	Some courtiers tell me that for the three last months this King has not spoken ten times to his concubine, and that when the news of her miscarriage was brought to him, he only observed, "I see that God will not give me male children;" and that, having gone to visit her, on leaving her room he added by way of farewell, with much ill grace, 'When you are up I will come and speak to you." It seems that the concubine has assigned two causes for her miscarriage; one is the King's fall from his horse some time before; the other the love she bears him, which she says is greater and more vehement than that of the late Queen, so much so that whenever she hears of his loving another woman but her, she is broken-hearted. The King, however, has been much disappointed as well as hurt at Anne's excuses at least he has all the appearance of being much discontented with her, for during these last days of festival and rejoicing he has remained in London, leaving Anne at Greenwich, whereas in former times he could hardly be one hour without her.
	I had forgotten to say that among the news which Master Cromwell said he had received from France, was a rumour, originated, as it was said, from Spaniards, to the effect that the late Queen had been poisoned. This Cromwell could not tell me without some visible change of colour and countenance. My reply was that I did not think there could be a Spaniard at the French court capable of spreading such news. That was, no doubt, a saying of the French themselves, who might think so, and have their suspicions. Perhaps the more discreet among them did purposely attribute the rumour to Spaniards in order to give greater authority to the report. Cromwell agreed with me, and said he would write to the English ambassador in France.
	Having told Cromwell that the shortest way to arrive at the friendship of which he spoke was to refrain from persecuting the Church and the Clergy, he answered that no further proceedings would be instituted against them.
	Just at this moment I am in receipt of a message from the Princess to say that after leaving me Cromwell had, by the King's command and in his name, sent for a cross which the Queen, her mother, had bequeathed to her. I fancy that the cross is not set with precious stones, and that the gold of it is not worth 10 crs., but that there is inside a piece of the true cross,—an object of great devotion and consolation to the Princess. By which act Your Majesty may well calculate what faith and reliance can be placed in these people's words. I apprehend that God will never grant them His grace that they may acknowledge their error, and avoid the punishment of their execrable crimes and misdeeds.—London, on the prosperous and happy day of the glorious St. Matthias, (fn. n10) 1536.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	Addressed: "To the Emperor."
	French. Original. Entirely in cipher. pp.
26 Feb.	30. Report of the Privy Council in Spain on the Articles presented by France. (Sent by the Empress to the Emperor.)
S. E., L. 33, f. 75-91. B. M. Add. 28,588, f. 205.	With regard to the general answer which His Imperial Majesty caused to be made to cardinals Siena and Cesarino, and their proposals about Milan, the Council has nothing to observe. On the Emperor's arrival in Rome the matter will, no doubt, be discussed; and as it is presumed that king Francis will insist upon having the duchy, and will propose the means of getting possession of it, the Council will limit its remarks to the remaining articles.
	With regard to Article XI., wherein it is stipulated that the king of France shall try to secure right and justice to the queen and princess of England, as well as the execution [of the sentence], and the reduction of that kingdom to the obedience of the Church, the Privy Council is of opinion that, the Queen being now dead, the article may be modified; and as to inducing king Henry to return to the obedience of the Church, it is a matter for the Emperor and the king of France together to try for at the request of His Holiness.
	Article XVII., relating to the duchess of Hurliens (Orleans), (fn. n11) confirming, approving, and ratifying the will of pope Clement, and her own renunciation, in favour of the duke Alessandro, of all the rights and claims she might have, or pretend to have, to the inheritance of the Medici, offers no difficulty at all, and may remain as it is.
	About Article XIX., respecting the kingdom of Navarre and Don Enrique de Labrit, (fn. n12) the Privy Council makes the following suggestion. Unless the said Don Enrique himself renounce formally and unconditionally his pretensions to Navarre, no promise the king of France may make in his name will be considered valid, nor can the King be more closely bound in that respect than he has been by the treaties of Madrid and Cambray. If the means can be found for the said Don Enrique de Labrit (D'Albret) to renounce formally the kingdom of Navarre in his own name and in that of his successors, well and good; if not, we must be contented with the king of France and his sons confirming and ratifying the articles of the treaties of Madrid and Cambray relating to the said renunciation.
	Articles XX., XXL., and XXII., by which the King is required to renounce the treaties made with the duke of Gheldres (Charle d'Egmont) and with Ruberto de la Marcha, respecting the lands and bishopric of Liege, &c., offer no difficulty whatever, and may remain as they are.
	To the Articles XXVIII. and XXIX., establishing rules for the cession of the duchy [of Milan] to one of the King's sons, it seems to us that, for the causes specified in the said articles, and especially on account of Florence, and because the duke of Orleans happens to be the second in order of Francis' sons, and might, one of these days, inherit the Crown of France, the Duchy should rather be given to the King's third son (Charles) duke of Angoulême, who might marry, if he liked, the widow of the last Duke (Christina); that is, when of age to marry and consummate matrimony, he (Charles, the future duke of Milan) being only 14 at present. (fn. n13) In the meantime the said duke [of Angoulême] to remain under the Emperor's care until marriageable age. Should, however, king Francis insist upon his son marrying immediately, the marriage to be celebrated only per verba de prœsenti, &c.; and until the consummation of the marriage the government of Milan to remain in the hands of His Imperial Majesty.
	With regard to the articles wherein it is stipulated that the king of France will renounce at once any intelligences he may have in Italy and Germany, and assist in the recovery of the kingdoms of Denmark, Norway, and Suhevia (Suede?), the duke Frederic (fn. n14) and for his wife, the Duchess, the Council has nothing to remark; nor to those articles which treat of the king of the Romans and of his differences with the Waywode. As to that relating to the Hanz towns, and their complete obedience to the Empire, there is no sufficient data here to go upon or give an opinion.
	Spanish. Original, pp. 14.
	Indorsed: "Copy of minutes of letters and memorandum of the Empress (Isabella) to the Emperor." 26 Feb. 1536.
26 Feb.	31. The Empress Isabella to the Emperor.
S. E., L. No. 33, B. M. Add. 28,588, f. 211 b.	Has received his letter of the 18th ult., as well as the copy of that which was written to the Imperial ambassador in France after the conversation of king Francis with queen Leonor, his wife, on the subject of the peace now being negociated. Also the copy of what His Holiness and king Francis had proposed with respect to Milan. Immediately on the receipt of which, she (the Empress) caused the Privy Council to assemble; and all the papers and letters having been read in her presence, the Councillors proceeded to deliberate on each and every one of the articles, all of them having promised that, considering the importance of the affair, and the pressure of time, they would not rest until their report was ready for the next day, &c. (fn. n15) Glad to hear that the duke of Ferrara (Guidobaldo) has returned to his estate.
	Approves of the inquiry now being made about the duke Alessandro's government at Florence.
	The duke of Urbino and his estate of Camerino.—Bishopric of Jaen.—Ambassador Figueroa and pay of the 100 Spaniards composing the garrison of Monaco.—Madrid, 26th of February mdxxxvi.
	Signed: "Isabel."
	Spanish. Original. pp. 4.
27 Feb.	32. Count Cifuentes to the Same.
S. Sd. G. Mar. y T. L. 9. B. M. Add. 28,588, f. 215.	As soon as the Imperial letter of the 22nd inst. came to hand Mr. Praet and he (Sylva) took it to His Holiness for perusal. Failed not at the same time to bring before his notice how the negociation about Milan stood. King Francis had declared through his ambassador that on no account would he consent to treat of the duchy of Milan for his third son, the duke of Angoulême; he wanted it for the duke of Orleans. Upon which the Emperor had replied to the French ambassador, and also written to his own at the Court of France, that as his visit to Rome would shortly take place, he proposed the suspension of the negociations until his arrival; it might then be seen, with the assistance of the Pope, whether any means could be found of satisfying both parties.
	His Holiness was thankful for the communication, and repeated what he has said many a time before, namely "on no account ought the Emperor to accede to the demand of king Francis with regard to his second son, the duke of Orleans, because neither is there any reason for doing so, nor can sufficient security be obtained." This, the Pope added, was his opinion in the matter, and he had written to his Nuncio in France to inform king Francis thereof. If the King thought that, in order to ensure the possession of the duchy of Britanny to the Dauphin it was necessary to give that of Milan to the duke of Orleans (Henry), thus compensating the rights of the latter, he was much mistaken, since that was not a sufficient reason for the king of France and Christendom at large losing the benefit to be derived from the duke of Angoulême having Milan. Took this opportunity of remonstrating against the armaments of France after promising to wait until the Emperor's arrival at Rome, and begged His Holiness to write to his Nuncio at the French Court about it, which he promised to do.
	Savoy was introduced next, when both Praet and Sylva remonstrated against the violence which Francis, assisted by the Bernese Lutherans, was using against the duke (Carlo III.). It seemed to them as if making alliance with people who had deserted their Faith for the purpose of unduly oppressing a Christian Prince could not add much to Francis' reputation. His Holiness' answer was that according to the French ambassadors the accusation was untrue; the King did not favour the Bernese in their quarrel with the Duke; it was they who in their interest had commenced the war. The ambassador's reply was such that His Holiness had nothing to say in reply, save to promise, in virtue of his Papal office, to assist the Duke [of Savoy] as effectually as he could. "I have already commenced (said he), for out of the 4,000 ducats " destined for the subvention to the Catholic cantons, I have " ordered that a good sum of money be remitted to him (the " Duke)."
	Respecting the ratification of the league with the Signory of Venice, His Holiness showed some displeasure and disappointment, not so much on account of the league itself, but at his not having been informed thereof whilst it was being negociated. The Venetians, he said, had frequently assured him through their ambassador that they would never enter a league in which he (the Emperor) was not already included.
	With regard to the rumours here circulated of His Imperial Majesty having said,—not to the Papal Nuncio, but to another personage,—that His Holiness had not counselled king Francis well when he advised him to arm, adding that if that King did arm, the Emperor would infallibly make over to him the duchy of Milan; also that both he (Sylva) and Ascanio Colonna had written home accusing the Pope of having secured the services of several captains, and among them of one Ramassot, in the mountains of Bologna, and of another, called Guido Guayno,—and many other like reports equally exaggerated or totally untrue,—the ambassadors need not trouble the Emperor; full explanation was given, and His Holiness concluded by stating that he nourished no suspicion whatever against the Emperor or the count of Cifuentes (Sylva).
	An explanation has also been asked and obtained of the Anguillara case at Civita Vecchia. The Count was reported to have fired from the battlements of the castle, of which he is governor for the Pope, upon certain Spanish ships entering that harbour. The ships had on board two companies of Spanish infantry coming from Sicily; the Count had ordered his artillerymen to fire upon them, and the Spaniards had again unfurled their sails and departed. No more had been heard of them. His Majesty (say these people) was not well informed. The thing happened thus: The ships arrived and anchored in the harbour, the men began to land without asking the Governor's permission, upon which an order came down for the Spaniards to go on board again; those who did not were compelled by force. Captain Morales, in command of the force, wrote to him (Sylva), and an order was obtained from His Holiness, reprimanding the governor, count of Anguillara, for what he had done, aad directing that the Spaniards should be allowed to land, and provisions be furnished to them. Since then the ships have set sail for the kingdom of Naples, touched at Neptune, and landed the infantry, who marched on Gaeta. Praët met them, spoke with captain Morales, and he writes from that city that they seemed orderly.
	The affair Carondelet was submitted to His Holiness, and recommended besides to Pier Luigi.—Rome, 27 Feb. 1536.
	Signed : "Conde Cifuentes,"—"Loys de Praët."
	Addressed: "To the Sacred Majesty of the Emperor and King, our Lord."
	Spanish. Original. pp. 9½.
28 Feb. S. P. R. Dm. de It., c. 593. B. M. Add. 28,588, f. 220.	33. The Treaty of Marriage of the Illustrious Duke Alessandro [de' Medici]. Naples, 1536.
	The objection which might possibly be raised against the legality of the treaty of marriage between Alessandro, duke of Florence, and Margaret, natural daughter of the Emperor, celebrated at Barcelona in 1529, was then disposed of, both parties, the Emperor as well as the Duke, holding that treaty as perfectly binding.
	Madame Margaret, now of age to marry, approves of the said treaty; the consummation of the marriage to be postponed fur 18 months, or thereabouts. Madame to remain, meanwhile, in the keeping of Francisca de Montbell, princess of Sulmona, (fn. n16) or of another lady, appointed by the Emperor. The duke Alessandro to defray the expenses of the establishment.
	As security for Madame's dower, the Duke will pay 120,000 crs. (scuti),— 50,000 at once, and 70,000 within two months. In consideration for the above sum of 120,000 scuti, the Emperor gives the Duke the barony of La Roche Guillen, (fn. n17) now held by Philip de Croy, duke of Arscot (Aarshot) (fn. n18) besides other lands in Naples.
	The Emperor to give Florence to the Duke, and take him under his protection.—Castil Nuovo in Naples, the last day of Feb. 1530.
	Signed: "Antonius Perrenot, Secretaries."
	English. Abstract by Bergenroth.
28 Feb.	34. The General of the Franciscans to the Emperor.
B. M. Add. 28,588, f. 221.	This morning, the 28th of February, I had a long conversation with His Holiness, who told me that on no account would he make a league with Your Majesty; he much prefers remaining neutral. His reasons are,—1stly, that should he make a league with Your Majesty, the king of France might out of spite do more mischief than was at first thought of, and that he did not think it just or befitting a Pope, when a king was on the verge of a precipice, to push him over it.
	2ndly, that if he joins the proposed league he can no longer mediate between the belligerents, which is contrary to his office and intentions.
	3rdly, that he is very sorry to hear of Your Majesty still continuing to make levies of men in the territory of the Church, because, such being the case, he fears the king of France will complain of him, with reason, and say that, ever since the death of the duke of Milan (Francesco Sforza) he has been amusing him with words, and promising that, upon the arrival here (at Rome) of Your Majesty, a good turn shall be given to this affair; whereas now that the Emperor is in Italy, he allows him to make levies in the territory of the Church, in consequence of which king Francis will also consider himself entitled to raise troops therein. In conclusion, since the Emperor can enlist as many men as he pleases at Naples, as well as at Florence, Urbino, Mantua, Ferrara, Milan, and Genoa, why not leave the Roman territory entirely free, that he (the Pope) may, in case of need, have also a place to recruit men from? Otherwise the world might say that he had been compelled to quit his neutrality; which is a thing he will never do.
	My answer was, "What security can your Holiness give us that the neutrality spoken of will not degenerate in time into an alliance with France?" "I would," replied the Pope, "much prefer death to being the friend of that country. I take my oath that I never did or thought of a thing likely to instill that suspicion into the Emperor's mind. I am, nevertheless, disposed to remove such a sinister idea, and ready to give any security that may be demanded of me, provided it be not one that implies my ceasing to be neutral, for that I will never do, nor do I intend forsaking neutrality, except against those who unjustly mar and impede the public welfare of Christendom."—[Rome, 28 February 1536.]
	Signed: Fray Vicente Lunel. (fn. n19)
	Spanish. Original. pp. 221.