Spain: October 1536, 1-31 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 2, 1536-1538. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1888.

Citation:

'Spain: October 1536, 1-31', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 5 Part 2, 1536-1538, ed. Pascual de Gayangos (London, 1888), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol5/no2/pp262-279 [accessed 1 February 2025].

October 1536, 1-31



3 Oct.	103. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
Wien, Rep. P. C., Fasc. 229, No. 43.	Although secretary Cromwell had promised, as I wrote in my last, to come here [to London] soon after the 22nd of September, that we might have a talk together on pending affairs, he only arrived in town four days ago, on the 29th ultimo. On the same day he sent me a message to this effect: he thought that by this time I had already communicated to Your Majesty the substance of the King's resolution, that is, his readiness to confirm and renew the treaties of friendship and confederation with Your Majesty, without, however, impairing those he had with France, as otherwise his honor would be stained, and he himself be a loser rather than a winner by the transaction (which, after all, in my opinion, is nothing more than the refrain of the old ballad) (fn. n1) Should Your Majesty agree to his interference (said the message), so that a lasting peace may be concluded between you and king Francis, he (the King) would at once tender his mediation, and set to work most confidently and with the greatest pleasure. If, however, I had not yet written home, Cromwell begged me to do so as soon as possible, at the same time recommending strongly that step, and assuring me that nothing would be omitted on his own side to promote the good issue of the whole affair.
	Having received the above message from Cromwell, I sent to ask him for an appointment, which he again delayed for two days more, on some excuse or other, but in reality, as I imagine, because he was unwilling to speak to me on business except in the presence of the bishop of Chichester, (fn. n2) for fear of arousing his master's suspicion, and likewise for precaution; for the King having lately disavowed many things he had told me in private, he (Cromwell) was naturally anxious that there should be at least one witness of our conversation.
	As soon, therefore, as I was in the presence of those two (the Secretary and the Bishop) both began to tell me that they had never seen the King, their master, in so towering a passion as when the news came from Rome of the offers made by Your Majesty to the Pope against him, and to his detriment,concerning which I wrote last to Your Majesty. They further told me that they would never have thought that I should be able so to mitigate and soften the King's anger and passion as I had done; for not only had I succeeded in calming the suspicion lurking in this King's mind in consequence of the said news, but had left him better disposed than ever to cultivate the friendship of Your Majesty, whose great virtues, extreme kindness, and most uncommon wisdom (they added) were such that you could not fail to recognise and appreciate the good offices and favors received on previous occasions from the King, their master. Particular attention (he added) should be paid to those favors under present circumstances, considering the state of Your Majesty's affairs, which had always prospered as long as there had been a good understanding between Your Majesty and this King. There was besides another consideration, namely, the nature, condition, and character of the King, who liked always to be led as mildly and courteously as possible, and not to be made to feel in any way that authority or force of any sort was brought to bear upon him. The King, their mastery, (they continued,) acknowledged no superior, and therefore would very much dislike people to believe or suspect that any one by force or intimidation could induce him to do anything against his will. And whereas Your Majesty was so high in dignity and so powerful, it would be a greater virtue for you to treat him with all possible courtesy, more so in the present juncture of affairs, when you might be quite certain that, should the task of restoring the old friendship and benevolence towards their master be resumed, Your Majesty would easily lead, him wherever you liked, and absolutely dispose of him in every way. Such being the state of affairs, it was important not to let the present opportunity pass, and allow the French with their diabolical inventions, their watchfulness, their ability, and their importunities, to take the field first, since with their sweet words and fallacious promises they have long been trying to blind and deceive all the World. Here the Bishop, as in confirmation of the Secretary's statement, added, "Indeed, had the French been left to themselves, they would have got Master Cromwell himself into their nets; for only a few days ago they tried hard to gain him over to their cause by offering him, in king Francis' name, an annual pension of 2,000 ducats besides certain valuable presents; but whatever they may do in that respect they will not succeed. No time, however, should be lost; a final resolution must be taken; we must be prepared to enter the field by next spring, were it for no other purpose than to put down that intolerable insolence, pride, and boasting of the French, who, ever since the retreat of Mr. de Nassau, and that of Your Majesty's army in Provence—which they have wantonly qualified as a disorderly and shameful flight—have been spreading most disparaging rumours about Your Majesty, proclaiming and writing that the Italians had deserted the Imperial banners and gone over to them; that the Germans had also deserted and carried away the whole of the artillery; and, lastly, that Vercel (Vercelli) and Pavia also had been taken—all of which gallant news has lately been discovered to be a pack of lies forged by the French themselves at pleasure,—not to speak of Your Majesty's retreat from Provence, which they call a defeat, though in the eyes of every impartial man in this country it is considered as honorable and triumphant a movement as could be.
	After such flattering words on the part of Cromwell and the Bishop I could do no less than remind them of the many sweet and loving expressions contained in the letters which Your Majesty had written to their master, and assure them that the love and affection were mutual and reciprocal. Their answer was that they had not the least doubt of that; everything had hitherto gone on as well as could be desired, and yet scrupulous or clearsighted men might attribute all that to the cleverness of the writers or reporters rather than to the frank, perfect, and sincere will of Your Majesty. For the better manifestation and evidential pooof of which it was necessary that Your Majesty should write a holograph letter, declaring, among other things, that you were quite ready and willing to treat of an alliance with him, at the same time intimating that this was not the occasion for mutual recriminations; and that, as far as Your Majesty and he (the King) were concerned, no allusion should be made to past events one way or the other, but, on the cvntrary, that each of you should vie with the other in conciliatory measures, and true and fraternal friendship. Then Cromwell repeated to me the very words he had uttered on a previous occasion, namely, that he would have been glad had Your Majesty openly requested the King, his master, to join his arms to his against the common enemy and usurper of estates and lands belonging to each of you.
	And upon my telling Cromwell and the Bishop that it was entirely their fault if a letter such as they now desired had not been drawn up, and that, had they sooner opened their lips on the subject, I would immediately have complied with their wishes, they both kept silence, for in reality they had nothing to say against my argument I added, that he (Cromwell) ought to recollect my having once told him that should such a letter be required for the good issue of the affair in hand, Your Majesty would write it at once, and send besides some personage of his court with it; and yet I could never get him to say at the time that the letter was wanted. Upon which, Cromwell owned that I was right; the letter would now come more a propos than ever; adding that under the circumstances he would willingly pay one thousand pounds sterling for a holograph letter from Your Majesty to the King, his master, couched in the above terms or nearly so, which letter (he said) might for better effect be brought to England by one of your chamberlains or some other high personage. And upon my naming to him several gentlemen now in the Imperial camp with Your Majesty, he said to me that Monsieur de Montfalconet was perhaps one of the best suited for that charge. And in order the more to persuade me that this was the best course for Your Majesty to pursue, he and the Bishop alleged that king Francis generally wrote to king Henry once or twice every month in his own hand, sending his letters by a gentleman of his chamber.
	Finally, after telling Cromwell and the Bishop, that, trusting in their wisdom and in the singular affection they had always shown for your personal affairs, I would try and do my best towards persuading Your Majesty to write the desired letter, and sending Monsieur de Monfalconet with it, I ended by promising to do so by this post or the next. "Yet (said I) if the letter is only wanted for the purpose of forwarding the negociations for a treaty of alliance and confederation with the King, your master, I really can not see of what use it can be to you, inasmuch as the treaty of Cambray has not to my knowledge been derogated from, but is still in full vigour, and sufficient for all purposes, as the King and yourself (Cromwell) have frequently signified to me."
	This reasoning of mine rather disconcerted the two councillors; they remained silent and thoughtful for some time, and then said that it was perfectly true that they had no express mandate to tell me more than the King himself had told me on previous occasions; and yet they had reasons to believe, nay, considered it almost certain, that such a demonstration of sincere friendship and kind regard on your part, as they had ventured to ask in the shape of an autograph letter to their master, would have the best possible effect on this King's mind, and dispose him better to grant anything he was asked for. Here the Bishop interrupted Cromwell, and began to expatiate further on the subject, slightly hinting, as far as I can judge, that one of the chief points the King wished to have settled before he declared against king Francis was, that Your Majesty should ensure the payment of the arrears of pensions due by France. But Cromwell interrupted him, saying, in English, "This is not the fit time to introduce such a matter; it might spoil the remainder."
	After some remarks of this kind addressed to his colleague, Cromwell said to me that the personage who came on behalf of Your Majesty might at the same time broach the subject of the Princess' marriage, and other articles contained in my instructions, except, however, those touching the Pope and his authority, of which there was no need for the envoy to treat, unless he wished to undo what had already been done, which would be tantamount to spending our trouble and our time for nothing.
	Your Majesty, with your incomparable wisdom and great experience of political affairs, knows better than any one else what degree of trust is to be placed in the words of Cromwell and of his colleague the bishop of Chichester, and what they are now aiming at by recommending both the mission and the letter. Yet, whatever their idea on the subject may be, I do not hesitate to say, under Your Majesty's benevolent correction, that the mission which these people solicit cannot be but advantageous and beneficial under present circumstances. Were it only to show hereafter to the World that Your Majesty had done in that line more than could be expected from you, it would be, in my opinion, desirable that the wishes of these councillors should be complied with on many accounts, and especially because in the meantime, and in the present emergency, God might perhaps be pleased to inspire this king to behave towards Your Majesty better than he has hitherto done. Indeed, as Master Quin, once this King's privy councillor, said yesterday morning to the bishop of Carlicque (Carlisle), who came and repeated it to me, his own private opinion was that ultimately this king would declare in favor of Your Majesty, provided you insured him the payment of the French pensions. This, and no other, was, I think, the tendency of the King's words when he said to me some days ago, and repeated it three times over, that were the French pensions to be regularly paid, he himself was not the man to give up the certain for the uncertain. Please let Your Majesty take a resolution on this point, and transmit me your orders that I may act in conformity with them.
	The conference ended by Cromwell assuring me that the King, his master, had been so much pleased with my moderation during the last audience that on my leaving the Royal chamber he suddenly felt some kind of remorse at his not having let me depart in better spirits; so much so that when Cromwell himself was preparing to quit his presence he said to him, "I doubt not but that the Emperor's ambassador has left this room disappointed and low-spirited, since, instead of advancing a step in the negociation, lie has found us further than ever from the conclusion. You should go to him, and try to console him and give him hopes." I must add, however, that Cromwell, who, as I lately wrote to Your Majesty, was bound to answer the question I asked him through my man the day after the audience, sent me no message whatever about it, nor did I at the time insist upon knowing what the King's impression was after the audience. But, as I said above, Cromwell no doubt brought out that praise of my behaviour on the occasion, and the King's approval, merely to serve his purpose.
	This Queen's coronation, which was to have taken place at the end of this month, has been put off until next summer. Many even doubt its taking place at all unless there be signs of her being in the family way. I find no harm or inconvenience in the delay unless it be that the return to Court of the Princess, which was to take place at the Queen's coronation, will be consequently delayed. But even if the Princess should not appear in Court before the Queen herself, I venture to say neither her affairs nor those of Your Majesty will suffer through the delay.—London, 3rd Oct. 1536.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	Addressed: "To the Emperor."
	French. Original, entirely in cipher. pp. 9.
7 Oct.	104. The Same to the Same.
Wien, Rep. P. C., Fasc. 299, No. 44.	I have just this moment received a letter from the Princess, saying that yesterday the King, her father, sent her the draft of a letter, which he wished her to write to Your Majesty, the substance of which is, that being now better informed than she was before, through reading books, and continually consulting various learned and holy persons, perhaps also inspired by the grace of the Holy Ghost, she had of her own free will, without compulsion or fear of any sort, suggestion, impression, respect, or regard for any person whomsoever, acknowledged, confirmed, and approved the statutes of this kingdom, declaring her mother's marriage to have been unlawful, and the King, her father, to be the chief of the Church; at the same time begging and entreating Your Majesty to allow truth to prevail, and not disturb nor impede it at the General Council or anywhere else;—all this in order that the King, who has behaved so kindly towards the Princess, may not have occasion to treat her differently.
	The Princess desires me to inform Your Majesty of this, and wishes to know what answer she is to give to her father's request. She would also be glad for Your Majesty to show discontent at her and her acts. Though it seems to me that this is not the time nor the opportunity for doing so, I could not do otherwise than obey the Princess, and express her wishes in that particular. It might perhaps be that Your Majesty could find hereafter some excuse for dissembling, not meddling in the affair, but giving some evasive answer or other; for although this king may insist upon the letter being written, perhaps he will not send it on, and will keep it by him to use at the proper time and place. This has been the cause of my reporting as fully as I have done on the contents of the draft which the Princess has in her possession. I have taken care to inform count Cifuentes of everything, even of the protests which she has already signed, as well as of that which she ought to make before the letter demanded of her is written, that the Count may speak [to the Pope] and answer as the case requires.
	For the last five days in Lincolnshire, a county 50 miles distant from this place, there has been a great rising against this King's commissioners charged with the levying of the tax lately voted by Parliament, as well as against the demolition of the abbeys and convents throughout England, about which I wrote to Your Majesty in one of my despatches. They say that some of the commissioners have actually been slain by the rebels; that others have allowed themselves to be taken prisoners, and have been literally compelled to swear fidelity, first to God, then to the Church, and lastly to the King, besides promising never to consent to the demolition of convents and churches, nor to the collection of taxes decreed by the King. The same sort of oath have the rebels exacted from their own people, as well as from three or four gentlemen they have with them. As to their numbers there are various opinions; some estimating them at 10,000; others at less. They must, however, be in considerable force, and likely to increase, to judge from the great preparations now being made to meet them; for the King is continually calling upon persons of rank and gentlemen to assist him with all their power, and has not forgotten to send for the duke of Norfolk, though rather unwillingly, as it would appear, owing to secretary Cromwell having lately by his suggestions brought on him the King's indignation. Indeed, there is a report that, owing to his being in disgrace with the King, the Duke had retired to his estates in the country half exiled from Court; but, as aforesaid, he has been recalled for the present emergency. He passed yesterday through this city on his way to Court. To-day he dined with the bishop of Carley (Carlisle), who did me the honor of sending for some of my wine in order to entertain his guest. Immediately after dinner the Duke started hastily for the county of Norfolk, in order to make levies of men in that district, and march against the rebels, as well as prevent any serious rising in the northern provinces. The Bishop has sent me word that the Duke does not think much of the said rising, and believes that it will be easy for him to put it down, as the rebels cannot exceed 5,000 in number. He also tells me that he never saw the Duke in such high spirits as he is at present; which I take to be caused, either by his reconciliation with the King or the pleasure he feels at the present commotion, because he imagines that it will ultimately work the ruin and destruction of his competitor and enemy, Cromwell, whom the rioters designate as the chief cause of these troubles, and whose head, as the report goes, they actually demand (fn. n3) Perhaps also the Duke fancies that the rebellion will be the means of arresting the progress of the demolition of churches and monasteries, and putting an end to religious innovations, which are not to his taste; for it is supposed that it was partly owing to his having lately expressed his views on that subject that he did incur the King's indignation. Indeed, when the old lord, (fn. n4) about whom I once wrote to Your Majesty, came and revealed to me what his plans were, the Duke was one of those on whom he counted in case of need to support the cause of Faith and Church, though it must be said that owing to the said Duke's versatile and inconstant humour the good old lord to whom I allude did not much rely on him. The King, on the other hand, as a prudent monarch, is doing all he can, and using all possible diligence, to stop the increase of the rebellion; otherwise everything would go to ruin in this country, and there might be a danger besides, which is that when this King had done assembling a large force to march against the rioters, part of their number, if not all, might desert and make common cause with the rebels, as happened the other day with 500 men whom the husband of the duke of Richmond's niece had levied. True is it that it does not seem as if the rioters could hold out long for want of money, and principally because they have no captains of enough experience and reputation in military affairs, or having authority and influence in the country, for until now I hear of no one being in command except an abbot, a secular presbyter, and a shoemaker.
	Whatever good mien and countenance the Duke may put on the event, as I said above, the King is not at all re-assured as to that. This very day information has been brought to me by a man of trust, on the faith of Cromwell's nephew, that the Secretary had told him under reserve that he was very much astonished, and in great fear, at two lords of my acquaintance (fn. n5) living in that part of England where the rising has taken place having written to the King that, intending from the very first to serve him with a good number of men besides their own retainers, they found themselves unable to raise one-fourth of the force they calculated upon.
	A, large number of debtors, criminals, and malefactors of all sorts, who for the sake of immunity had taken refuge in the churches and monasteries now closed or demolished, have lately been confined to prison for fear they should go and join the rebels. To-day Cromwell's nephew has taken out of the Tower a quantity of ammunition, as well as arrows and other weapons of war; and at the same time a number of citizens have been enlisted to march against the rebels, including in their number 60 or 70 carpenters, masons, and so forth, who were working at the Secretary's house.
	I forgot to mention that the duke of Norfolk has requested the bishop of Carly (Carlisle) and one merchant to try and persuade certain rich traders of this city to buy a large quantity of woollen cloth lying here in London for sale, as otherwise the makers, seeing they cannot dispose of their goods, will be obliged to close the factories and dismiss their workmen, who might then go over and join the rioters. (fn. n6) So pressing has the Duke's request been that the said bishop has actually promised to lend to one of the city merchants he has named, to me no less than five or six thousand crowns for one year, to be exclusively employed in the purchase of the said cloth; and I have no doubt that many other bishops will be compelled to devote similar sums to the same purpose.—London, 7 Oct. 1536.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	French. Original, entirely in cipher.
8 Oct.	105. Eustace Chapuys to Count Cifuentes.
S. S. d. E. y G. Mar. y Tierra, L. 9. B. M. Add. 28,589, f. 76.	This king insists, with all his force, upon the Princess writing two letters, one to the Pope, the other to the Queen [of Hungary], the substance and meaning of which is to be as follows. She is to tell the Pope that she is now convinced, and has come to the conclusion, that her mother's marriage to this king was not valid, or words to that purpose; having of her own free will, not by force, been moved to consent to that which the King has, and is asking of her. That she accordingly begs him (the Pope) to agree, and not trouble himself further with the affairs of this country, since the King had really and truly the right on his side, and reasons of his own to act as he did to Her Majesty (queen Katherine). (fn. n7) The Princess is to state her readiness to furnish any information that may be required respecting the above statement, and say that she has willingly and of her own free consent renounced her right (to the succession), begging that neither in the future Council, nor out of it, the subject be mentioned, or anything done contrary to the wishes of His Highness, the king of England, or for the sake of the king of Portugal, because such is her resolution, and she is much pleased with it.
	It will be necessary to warn His Holiness of all this, that he may, in the event of the said letter or of a similar one being exhibited to him, reply to Her Highness, the Princess, as if he were angry for what has been done here. As these people have their doubts as to the precise wording of the Princess' renunciation, and have their fears and suspicions concerning the future, they are now taking their measures, and trying to make sure of her before they bring her back to Court. Should she come I will do my best to find out a remedy in all this business; for the present nothing more can be done. Her Highness must be advised and encouraged to listen to the words of these people, and not let them imagine that under what Her Highness is now doing there lies a danger for them.
	If your Lordship does not know of it already, I can tell you that for a long time back Her Highness has, by my advice, applied such a remedy and drawn such protests for the safeguarding of her right that I do not think any more are required. To the protest formerly made the Princess herself has since added, after consulting over the matter with me, certain clauses and words which render all other precautions perfectly useless. Your Lordship, however, must keep profoundly secret in these matters, for should these people hear of our precautionary measures for the future the Princess would not be allowed to live long. It is, therefore, necessary that no living person should know of this, save your Lordship, to whom I cannot at present sufficiently declare the precise text of the letters, which Her Highness, as aforesaid, will be compelled to write. You may, however, be sure of one thing, namely, that those who have the charge of making the draft thereof will forget no circumstance nor expression likely to serve their purpose, and will make the Princess sign it.
	The Princess herself, being apprehensive of what may come out of all this, has sent me orders to communicate with His Imperial Majesty and with your most illustrious Lordship on the subject, that you may be warned and prepared to answer whenever the thing be made public; but above all let it be settled that whatever papers and letters Her Highness is made to sign on this occasion there is no truth whatever in them, and that she signs them by sheer force.
	Owing to the tax imposed upon the country people, and to the breaking up of the abbeys, monasteries, and other religious houses throughout this kingdom, there has lately been a rising of the people in a county called Liconser (Lincolnshire). The case is not a trifling one, for this king is making ample provision to quell the rebellion, as if the greater part of England were up in arms against him. I cannot yet tell your Lordship what the rebels are aiming at, nor what their number may be, except that several towns and villages seem to have risen; yet, as they have no leader of note, it is to be apprehended that the movement will be put down soon. Revolutions and popular risings of this sort, which appear formidable at first, often end in smoke. Should I hear more details, or know what the rebels are about, and whether they increase or diminish in number, I shall not fail to apprise your Lordship.—London, 8 Oct. 1536.
	Spanish. Original, mostly ciphered. pp. 3.
8 Oct.	106. Count Cifuentes to the Emperor.
S. E. Roma, L. 9. B. M. Add. 28,589, f. 73.	Is in receipt of His Imperial Majesty's letters of 30 Aug. and 5 Sept. from the camp upon Assays (Aix), and 24 Sept. from Frejus. The last Imperial courier not having arrived until the 6th inst., at a time when His Holiness was out of Rome, he (Cifuentes) delayed his visit until the next day, when the former was expected to return. His Holiness made his entry yesterday, the 7th, and he (Cifuentes) went out a good distance to receive him. Did his best on the road back to Rome to inform His Holiness of the contents of the Emperor's letters, as well as of the reasons for his raising the camp in Provence and returning to Italy. His Holiness approved and seemed pleased. He said, in the course of conversation, that his secretary, Ambrosio, (fn. n8) has written in praise and commendation of His Majesty, and mentioned also the kind reception he had met with at the camp. He, moreover, promised to give him (Cifuentes) audience early the day after his arrival.
	His Holiness (Pier Luigi said) had signified to him his wish, upon the Emperor's return to Italy, to meet him either at Bologna or at Piacenza; that is, provided His Majesty's intentions were peaceable, and there was a good chance of something being done for the welfare of Italy, otherwise he himself would not go, but would send him (Pier Luigi). He (Sylva) did not approve or disapprove of the plan, not knowing exactly what his (the Emperor's) ideas may be on the subject.
	The news from the French court is that king Francis will visit next winter the provinces of his kingdom. He will not invade Flanders or Spain, but will send reinforcements to Savoy, and, if necessary, increase the forces he now has in Piedmont, and perhaps try and get a bit of the duchy (of Milan). Although there is no certainty for all this, the news is well worth reporting.
	The viceroy of Naples (D. Pedro de Toledo) has been written to; he is to collect as much money as he can in that kingdom, and send it by the Imperial galleys as far as Civittà Vecchia.
	(Cipher.)—Wrote on the 25th of September that it would be quite useless and even dangerous to apply for a papal brief absolving the Princess (Mary) from her oath, as in his opinion the Imperial ambassador in England (Chapuys) has not shown sufficient cause why the publication of the Princess' justification to the World should, be delayed; (fn. n9) for should His Holiness come to know what the Princess has done, it is almost sure that the French will sooner or later hear of it, and, if so, king Henry will be immediately informed of the fact, and therefore the danger to the Princess' life, recorded in former despatches, would be increased twofold.
	The above were the reasons he (Cifuentes) had then for not applying for a delay; but since the Imperial ambassador in England still insists upon it, saying that there are just causes, very important for God's and the Princess' cause, for so doing now, after mature deliberation the following expedient has been thought of,—which is, to apply to His Holiness for a vivæ vocis oraculo in genere, tacitly including the said Princess, and empowering all confessors to absolve those who may have fallen into these new English errors. In that class the Princess would necessarily be comprised, and therefore any public justification on her own part might be delayed for some time. And since, for the complete security of the Princess, great reasons are said to exist, which, though slightly touched upon by that ambassador (Chapuys), are not sufficiently clear to his (Cifuentes') mind, it would seem as if the whole thing ought to be remitted to him, (fn. n10) whose wisdom and learning, besides the advice of those in whom he can trust, cannot fail to help him in the matter, as one who is in the midst of the whole business. If he should find just and honest causes why the Princess should be absolved by her confessor, let it be so, and in that way His Holiness will entirely ignore the precise and particular object for which his verbal declaration is needed. As Dr. Ortiz will most likely write about this matter, he (Sylva) need not enter into more details.—Rome, 8 Oct. 1536.
	Signed: "Count Cifuentes."
	Addressed: "To the Sacred Majesty of the Emperor and King, our Lord."
	Spanish. Original. pp. 4.
14 Oct.	107. The Same to the Same.
S. S. de G. Mar. y Tierra, L. 9. B. M. Add. 29,589, f. 81.	Tello de Guzman arrived here on the 10th inst. with despatches, upon which we both (Guzman and I), went to call on His Holiness, and communicated the substance thereof. The Pope was already apprised of most of their contents, for Micer Ambrosio had arrived three hours after Tello, and had immediately called on him. Notwithstanding all our efforts, we could not induce the Pope to express an opinion on the Milan question. We told him distinctly that, should peace not be made between Your Majesty and the king of France, you proposed giving the investiture of the duchy to the Infante Dom Luis of Portugal. His answer was, that he had no objection to offer, and would be glad to hear that in the event of peace not being insured Your Majesty had given the investiture of Milan to the Infante or to any other prince. There was no need for him to consult the Venetians thereupon, they for their own particular ends having refused to join the Italian defensive league. This was, however, said in so general away and in such a tone that he (Sylva) did not feel at all satisfied with the Pope's answer. All the other efforts he and Guzman made to get a more explicit declaration from His Holiness were altogether in vain.
	In addition to this it must be said that His Holiness is now dispatching a courier to France to ask for the Grand Master (Anne de Montmorency) to go where Your Majesty now is, that he may promote peace, &c.; this being a proof of what he (Sylva) has always represented, namely, that for some reason or other His Holiness is now more than ever intent upon peace, and that he wishes for it more ardently perhaps than king Francis. This coming of the Grand Master seems to be an old idea of the Pope. It is said that the answer from France is favorable, and that he (the Grand Master) will come. Money from Naples.—Rome, 14 Oct. 1536.
	Signed: "Conde Cifuentes."
	Spanish. Almost entirely in cipher. pp. 4.
14 Oct.	108. The Empress to Luys Sarmiento [de Mendoza].
S. E. Port., L. 37, f. 46. B. M. Add. 28,589, f. 83.	His despatches of the 25th ult., 6th and 10th inst., have been duly received, our secretary Juan Vazquez [de Molina] having fully reported to Us about their contents.
	Glad to hear that our brother Dom Enrrique (fn. n11) is in good health.
	You did right well in informing Us of the news brought by the courier from France, and of your own conversation with the King (Dom Manuel). Since he gave you no copy of the letters (fn. n12) you had better drop the subject altogether. We are not at all surprised at the rumours spread by the French ambassadors; it is no new thing for them to go beyond the just limits of truth. We shall soon learn what amount of credit is to be given to such reports, and, if .so, information shall be forwarded to you immediately. Our brother's answer has been such as might be expected of him, &c.
	Respecting the French vessel, which you say entered the port of Vilanova pursued by the Imperial galleys, and the King's answer when you asked for her surrender, we will, upon our arrival at Valladolid, see that our Council follows up the business.
	The gold at Lagos. One Salinas, who remained in the Azores.
	Our object in coming here was to visit the Queen. (fn. n13) —14 Oct. 1536.
	Signed: "Yo la Royne."
	Addressed: "To Luys Sarmiento de Mondoca."
	Spanish. Original. pp. 2.
14 Oct.	109. The Emperor's answer to Reginald Pole.
S. E., L. 1311, f. 137. B. M. Add. 28,590, f. 1.	Your letter of the 17th June, (fn. n14) brought by this gentlemen, We have duly received; by the contents of which, as well as by what the bearer himself has verbally said, We are certified of the affection and attachment which, according to Martin de Çornoça, you entertain towards Us. The discourse which you sent Us, and what the bearer tells Us, are both prudent and wise; but, the affair being of the nature that it is, it seems to Us as if it were better, before proceeding further, to wait for Our arrival in Naples, towards which We are at present journeying. Once there, and having heard from His Holiness' lips what his will and intentions are in this matter, and likewise what is the state of affairs in England, We shall be able to consider what had better be done; so We have told the gentleman, bearer of your letter, and who will also be bearer of this Our answer.
	We have no more to say on the subject except that the blood and family to which you belong, the learning, virtues, and modesty with which you are adorned, and the attachment you profess to Our person, make you worthy of all the honor and favors We are quite disposed to confer on you.
	Spanish. Original draft pp. 1½.
14 Oct.	110. Eustace Chapuys to the Empress [Isabella].
S. E., L. 806, f. 54–5. B. M. Add. 28,589, f. 85.	I wrote to Your Majesty a few days ago, giving such intelligence as I had up to the date of my last despatch. Indeed, I should wish there were more opportunities and more frequent means of reporting on English affairs.
	The Princess, thank God, enjoys good health, and expects to go in two or three days hence to the King, her father. I dare say he (the King) regrets the time she has been separated from him, for certainly her many virtues and accomplishments cannot be sufficiently praised.
	There has been lately a great rising and rebellion in the Northern counties, some saying of 30, others of 40, and even of 50,000 men, openly declaring that they will not pay the tax or service voted by this last Parliament, nor allow the churches and monasteries to be pulled down and destroyed, as decreed, but demanding that all religious houses be restored to their original state, and no innovation of any sort made in Church matters, and in other things.
	The popular rising I allude to must have been considered as of some importance, for the King has made and is making great preparations, as if he feared that the rest of the nation was about to join the movement True is it that since yesterday a rumour is current about town that the gathering is decreasing, and that most of the country people have already returned home; but still, to judge from the preparations this king is making, and the orders he has issued for the artillery—in all 80 pieces—and the infantry to advance, besides the great stores of provisions and ammunition actually being made, are indicative of his fear that the gathering of the people will not cease so soon. However, we shall soon see what comes of it, and I shall not fail to advise your Majesty of the result. Until now the rebels have not said a word with relation to the Princess; and yet if the rising of the people has any foundation, as many here suspect, their clamoring for the redress of the grievances of the Church must also refer to those of the Princess. As soon as I can get reliable information on this point I shall not fail to advise your Majesty.—London, 14 Oct. 1536.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	Addressed: "To the most high and powerful and most serene lady, the Empress and queen of Spain, our Lady."
	Spanish. Original, partly in cipher. pp. 2.
15 Oct. S. Secr. de Guer., Mar. y Tierra, L. 9. B. M. Add. 28,589, f. 87.	111. News from England.
	. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
	Yesterday the nephew of the Imperial ambassador in England (Eustace Chapuys) arrived here; he brought news that the Northern counties were up in arms against king Henry, owing to his having ordered the destruction of convents and monasteries throughout his kingdom, and having besides seized the property of the Church. The gathering of the people is said to amount to 50,000 men; what the object and plans of the insurgents may be no one knows yet. They need a captain "qui animos excitet et regat populum meum Israhel."—Brusselia, 15 Oct. 1536. (fn. n15)
	Indorsed: "News from the Court of England."
	Latin. Original. p. 1.
24 Oct. S. E., L. 2005, f. 1. B. M. Add 28,589, f. 92.	112. Instructions to the Bishop of Modena, (fn. n16) going to the King of the Romans.
	Instructio pro causa fidei et convocatione concilii data Domino Episcopo Mutinæ D. N. P.P. III. ad Serenissimum. Romanorum Regem Nuntio destinato.—Oct. 24, 1536.
	Latin. Contemporary copy. pp. 3.
27 Oct.	113. Count Cifuentes to the Emperor.
S. G., Mar. y T., L. 9. B. M. Add 28,589, f. 94.	Received by Giovan Pietro Capharello the Emperor's letter of the 8th ult., as well as the one from Genoa of the 20th inst.
	With regard to the Monferrato affair His Holiness is grateful for the message, and says he has hopes of a speedy settlement, having been told that those called upon to decide the pending suit are willing enough to abide by the Emperor's determination, and do his pleasure. Meanwhile their opinion seems to be that the marquisate devolves by right upon His Majesty; and, moreover, as the dukes of Savoy and Mantua, and the marquis of Saluzzo, all of whom pretend to have a right to it, are now residing at the Imperial Court, matters can more easily be settled with their concurrence, (fn. n17) His Holiness, on the other hand, says such good words and makes such offers as those do who particularly want a thing for themselves.
	Respecting the peace and his great desire that a lasting one should be arranged between His Majesty, the Emperor, and king Francis, His Holiness reproduces the very same arguments used by the Papal Nuncio (Poggio) at the Imperial Court. He only wishes to know which clauses and conditions, as well as securities, among those specified in the memorandum given to Micer Ambrosio, the Emperor is willing to relinquish in order to make peace more attainable, &c.
	Pier Luigi continues to show great attachment to the Imperial service. He (Sylva) places great trust in him, and communicates confidentially and under reserve whatever he deems important under present circumstances. Pier Luigi says that Pope Paul wishes to send him on to Genoa that he may there negociate the peace with France; but more likely it is to promote tree interests of his own family, and see what can be done in the Monferrato affair, Pier Luigi hinting that, should the thing be decided according to his wishes, the Pope would then be ready to become the Emperor's ally, and at once grant the crusade for all his kingdoms and dominions. Believes that between this day and to-morrow Pier Luigi's departure for Genoa will be decided.
	Must not omit to mention a rumour well worthy of notice under the circumstances, namely, that the French, as he (Sylva) wrote once, are renewing their offers of most advantageous marriages for the daughter of Pier Luigi. Although this may not be positively certain, he (Sylva) considers it most probable.
	Count Pitigliano has entered the service of France with 200 horse and a number of foot; he is to receive annually 3,000 crs; Stephano Colonna that of Venice; that is why, in his (Sylva's) opinion, the offers lately made to him according to orders, must be discontinued.
	The servant of this embassy sent to Siena, Florence, and Lucca for the ruppose of selecting forces from each of those places to escort to the frontier of Tuscany the Emperor's keeper of the hannap (guardo-joyas), has not yet reported his arrival at the latter city, whence he was instructed to write specifying the route the man is to take, that he may be properly escorted and attended to on the road.
	Enclosed are two letters, one from Ascanio Colonna, another from His Majesty's ambassador in England (Eustace Chapuys). As to the former he (Sylva) cannot make up his mind to believe what he says; there must be either gross exaggeration or misunderstanding of some sort. With respect to the ambassador's, and the affair mentioned in it, he (Sylva) has thought it better not to speak to His Holiness about it, for that would be tantamount to falling into the same evil, which the ambassador very wisely wishes to avoid. Indeed, were His Holiness to become aware of the caution (cautela) with which the Princess is proceeding in that affair, he might impart his suspicions to the French, and very soon the king of England would be informed of them. Yet if His Majesty thinks that the Pope ought to know, let orders come in that sense.—Rome, 27 Oct. 1536.
	Thanks the Emperor for the leave of absence that came on the 20th inst.
	Signed: "Conde de Cifuentes."
	Addressed: "To the Sacred Majesty of the Emperor and King, our Lord."
	Spanish. Original, partly in cipher. pp. 6.