Spain: December 1533, 26-31 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1882.

Citation:

'Spain: December 1533, 26-31', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533, ed. Pascual de Gayangos (London, 1882), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol4/no2/pp895-906 [accessed 6 March 2025].

December 1533, 26-31



27 Dec.	1165. The Same to the Same.
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-u.-StaatsArch. Wien.Rep.P.Fasc., c.227, No. 72.	Since my last I have heard that, among other things which the duke of Suffolk and his colleagues told the Queen in the King's name, one was that they begged particularly to remind her (fn. n1) of the many singular favours and great assistance which this king and his father [Henry VII.] had at all times done to the Catholic King Ferdinand, to Your Majesty, and to the kings your ancestors on the paternal as well as maternal side, which had not been effected but at the cost of incalculable sums of money. This she could not ignore nor forget, but she ought (they said) to use discretion, and consider that all of it had been done for her sake, and that yet in return for those favours, and for the good treatment she herself had experienced at the King's hands, she had behaved most unkindly, for she had molested and worried him for many successive years, causing him to send continually messages and ambassadors to Rome and elsewhere, for the preservation of his rights and privileges, making him spend large sums of money in that service. By this time, said the Duke, she ought to be tired of tormenting and goading the King, especially now that the archbishop of Canterbury has, with the common consent (as is said) of the Anglican Church, and to the great satisfaction and repose of the kingdom, pronounced a sentence in the divorce case. Should she consent to obey that sentence, and at the same time recall her proctors from Rome, and at the same time recall her proctors from Rome, and renounce whatever had been done there in her favour and against the King, their master, she would be most greatly esteemed and beloved by the whole kingdom, besides which the King would treat her to her heart's content. If, on the contrary, she persisted in her obstinate refusal, the King would be obliged to shew his displeasure with her, would clip her wings, reduce her estate, and diminish the number of her servants, as much as he might consider necessary for her punishment. As a beginning, the King (he said) had already given orders that she should be removed, as she has actually been to the house mentioned in my last. (fn. n2) All this, moreover, was signified by the Duke and the rest of his colleagues to the Queen, in words exceedingly bitter, rude, and uncourteous, and with many protests that, should she not comply with the King's wishes in this respect, she might be the cause of incalculable evils, effusion of blood, and great trouble in Christendom, which every good Christian ought to avoid by all means in his power. She was to take no heed (added the Duke) of the sentence given at Rome in her favour, inasmuch as, not having been pronounced according to law, and being besides unjust, it could not avail her in the least, as it contained no declaration respecting the legitimacy of her second marriage.
	To these and other like charges the Queen replied in the most prudent, discreet, and masterly manner, without omitting to refute any of the arguments brought forward by the Duke and his colleagues. With regard to the recall of her agents and proctors at Rome, which she was desired to order, and the annulling of any sentences which the Pope might have given in her favour, she said that it was not in her power to do so, but in that of the King, who was nevertheless bound to obey the Papal precepts. Were she to consent to the relaxation of the ecclesiastical censures, which she would never do, His Holiness would never consent to their revocation. It was to him (the Pope), not to the archbishop of Canterbury, that the decision of the case appertained "ex officio." It was for him to prevent the King from living in mortal sin, not only on account of his ecclesiastical authority, which was much greater than that of the said Archbishop, but because the King himself had in the first instance applied to him for a decision.
	After answering in this way each and every point touched upon in the Duke's address, the Queen ended by saying that she would suffer one thousand deaths rather than consent to or allow a thing which was so decidedly against God's law, and against the King's and her own honour and conscience. She would certainly grieve at the ill-treatment of her followers, but not even that or any other consideration would make her swerve or deviate from what she considered to be her duty. The King might treat her as he pleased, but she would never enter the mansion, of which they (the Commissioners) had spoken, unless she were dragged to it by sheer force, as otherwise she would incur the guilt of voluntary suicide, inasmuch as that which they destined for her residence was so insalubrious and pestilential. (fn. n3)
	After this the Duke and the rest of the Commissioners left the room, and summoned to their presence all the Queen's servants: some they dismissed; others they then and there arrested, and among them two very good priests, who have since been brought to this city and lodged in the Tower. Nor were the dismissed officers better treated, for they were ordered to quit the place within four-and-twenty hours under pain of death. There was also an attempt made to remove her confessor, a Spaniard and a bishop; but on the Queen alleging that she had never confessed in any other language than Spanish, they allowed him, as well as the physician and apothecary, also Spaniards, to remain in her service. They had likewise dismissed every female servant, not leaving even one of her chamber-maids; but hearing the Queen say and affirm that she would take no others into her service, that she would not undress to go to bed, and would lock the door of her chamber herself, they allowed two of them to remain; not those, however, whom the Queen would gladly have chosen. All the Queen's present servants, with the exception of her confessor, physician, and apothecary, who, as above stated, cannot speak a word of English, have been sworn upon oath not to call her by the title of Queen; against which she duly protested before the Commissioners at the time and afterwards, telling them that she should never repute them as her servants, but merely as guards, since she considered herself a prisoner from that moment.
	The Commissioners remained six days at the place, that they might lock the house door and take away the keys, also that they might hear whether the Queen, through the dismissal of her servants, the threats and the manifold bad treatment she was undergoing would not change her mind; but seeing her constant and unmovable, they caused all the baggage to be packed, got litters and hackneys ready, and made other preparations for the journey. The Queen, however, on the morning of that day, locked herself up in her room; and when the Commissioners came to fetch her, she spoke to them through a hole in the wall, and said, "If you wish to take me with you, you must break down the door." But they dared not; for, as one of the Commissioners has since owned, such a number of people had collected there, all crying and lamenting at such unheard of curelties, that they were actually afraid of coming by the worst (assommes).
	I have been told that the place where the Queen is at present is bad and unhealthy enough, and that there will be no need of a worse one. But such are the iniquity and detestable wickedness of the Lady (Anne) that she will not be satisfied until she sees the end of both the mother and the daughter. The latter has since been deprived of the only two maids of honour, who accompanied her when the duke of Norfolk took her down to [Hatfield]. She has only one common chamber-maid, who was lately engaged for her service; and I hear that the usual practice of making her taste first the Princess' food as a precaution has been done away with, which is equivalent to opening the gates to the perils and insidious dangers from which may God Almighty preserve her! (fn. n4)
	Many Englishmen, both high and low (grans et menuz) who desire the reformation of these affairs, moved to pity, and out of affection for the Queen and for her daughter, the Princess, without taking into consideration the present state of affairs [throughout Europe], and the reasons Your Majesty and your Privy Council may have for not resenting immediately such insults, are very much scandalized at the Flemish Government having suddenly granted the intercourse of trade, as in former times, without difficulty or fear of any sort for these merchants. They had thought this a favourable opportunity at least for the Governess of the Low Countries to delay giving an answer until Your Majesty should be apprized of the state of things. True, those who think so are somewhat comforted by the idea that, perhaps, previous to the arrival or the English ships in those parts, or at least before the goods have been disposed of, the term fixed for the ecclesiastical censures and interdict will have expired; and that the Queen Regent in Flanders will then be better able, without further trouble or discussion, to forbid the inhabitants from entering into mercantile transactions with the English,—which would be a much harder blow to them,—whilst they would still be obliged to Your Majesty for allowing them to bring back their merchandize. This would be, in my humble opinion, the best, the quickest, and the most lawful remedy to be applied under the circumstances. During this time the King would, no doubt, cause all manner of measures to be taken against the Queen and the Princess, and will more and more oblige his people to maintain and support any such measures he has taken, or intends taking in future, and he himself will be encouraged to attempt or allow any bad turn against the said Queen and Princess, of which I am constantly hearing, coupled with all manner of suspicions and conjectures. Indeed ever since the Commissioners' return a rumour is being circulated at Court that the Queen is in bad health, and cannot possibly live long; which happens to be exactly the same trick of which they made use some time before the Cardinal (Wolsey) died, or even before he was ill,—thus covering beforehand any secret designs they may have formed respecting her. A worthy Englishman sent me word the other day that I ought as soon as possible to warn the Queen to take care that at night the door of her bed-chamber should be well closed, and the room itself carefully inspected for fear of anyone being there concealed, for he had heard from a good quarter that she was in danger of some trick being practised one fine night upon her. He could not positively say which,—whether to inflict bodily harm, or accuse her of adultery, or pretend that she was planning a flight to Scotland or to Wales, in order to raise there a rebellion against the King; but he assured me that the Queen is really in danger of some sort, and that he knows it from a very good source.
	However incredible these things may be, I have considered it my duty to report them, and I must also say, that, besides the above-mentioned dangers to which the Queen is now exposed, there is another, and a very great one, which in my opinion admits of no remedy whatsoever, except that which has been pointed out in some of my despatches. I mean that in order to guard against the supposed designs of the Queen the King will apply to his Parliament for help in money, which he will spend in annoying Your Majesty in all manner of ways. I have written to Flanders to acquaint Madame, your sister, with all this, that she may be on her guard, and provide for all contingencies in accordance with Your Majesty's good pleasure.
	The day before yesterday, on Christmas eve, the bishop of Paris [Jean du Bellay] and the other French ambassador residing here came to visit me. The Bishop failed not on this occasion, as on a previous one, to preach to me a long sermon about the friendship and complete brotherhood existing between his master and this King, owing to which (he said) King Francis could not do less than bestow upon him all the help and favour that was in his power if he ever wanted it. Though our conversation was not on this theme, His Reverence kept continually referring to it, so much so that I could not help answering him in the very same terms I did once to this king when he spoke to me about his indissoluble alliance and intimate friendship with king Francis: "That (I said) will be very agreeable news indeed for the Emperor, my master, for there is nothing he desires so much as the union of all the princes in Christendom, and especially of the two Royal Houses of France and England, the differences between which once caused the loss of the Holy Land, and particularly of two princes, both of whom are his relatives, allies and friends. Whatever difficulties and scruples may exist with regard to the Most Christian King and the king of England, I can see nothing to the contrary up to this moment; for, matters well considered, king Henry will acknowledge that the Emperor in this business has behaved towards him as his true friend, and one who has regard for his honour and conscience. Sick people often hate medical men because they give them at first bitter drafts, but when convalescent they esteem them a good deal more than those who, against the prescription of their physicians, have given them wine, fruit, and other hurtful things."
	The conversation ended by the most Reverend Bishop telling me of the gracious reception the Lady had made him, even going so far as to kiss his cheek when he presented to her the letter which the King, his master, had addressed her. Upon which, and coming to the subject of the present differences between the Queen and the King, the Bishop owned that the King, his master, had in reality spoken to the Pope and to his cardinals, begging them to consider whether some means could not be found of conciliating this king, and securing the obedience of his kingdom, which might otherwise be entirely lost to him. "My master (said the Bishop) has been unjustly accused by the greatest princes in Christendom of having upheld and supported this king's pretensions, but I do not hesitate to declare on my honour and conscience that he has not. As to my brother, Monseigneur de Langey, he only acted in that business as he was instructed. But it seems (exclaimed the good Bishop, with a certain compunction), as if God would not leave the world without some cause or other for quarrel and dissension; for, as you may have observed, immediately after the Burgundy question came that of king Francis' captivity, and now this present one, which is no trifle; and though, in the interest of the King, my master, I ought perhaps to wish for dissension, discord, and dissimulation among the princes, his neighbours, so that he may be more at liberty and free from engagements, and be sought and requested by either side, yet, having regard to conscience and the public weal, I would rather pay a good sum of money out of my revenue to see all matters peaceably arranged." "The Emperor," continued the most Reverend Bishop, "the King, my master, and this one [of England,] ought each to have disbursed 100,000 crs. that this wretched divorce question might never have arisen, or that the suit might have been determined at once to the mutual satisfaction of the parties therein concerned. Having done his duty towards the Queen, his aunt, in so perfect a manner, as everyone acknowledges, His Imperial Majesty would lose no credit with the people, if, in order to avoid war and the calamities consequent upon it, he would now yield a little of his pretensions.
	I could not possibly let pass the Bishop's peroration without correction. I told him that the affair in question concerned many people, and was one fraught with mighty consequences; that it was bringing great scandal upon Christendom and inducing contempt of the Holy Apostolic See. (fn. n5) If he were to know what people said about it, both in Spain, and here in England, he would be compelled to own that Your Majesty could not discharge your duty towards God and the world at large, unless by pursuing this affair to the very end: and that the bad treatment of the Queen would very soon disgust Your Majesty, and make you put aside all other considerations. That, no doubt, (replied the Bishop,) was a rash and a foolish act on the part of the King. I have spoken about it to the duke of Norfolk, and he owned to me that he entirely disapproved of it, but could not and dared not contradict the King and disobey his commands.
	Such were the Bishop's words; but my impression is, that, whatever he and the other Frenchmen may say to the contrary, they would not like to see the affairs of the Queen in a better position. This, notwithstanding, I felt it my duty to hint at the Queen's late treatment, and to remind him at the same time of the interest which the Most Christian Queen (Elinor) must naturally feel for her Royal aunt.
	In short, after many arguments of the same sort I told the Bishop that those who surrounded Your Majesty and king Francis could not do better service to God and to their respective masters than by preserving and fostering friendship between them; and that I had no doubt that he, being the sort of personage I had known and experienced him to be, would work towards this with all his might. This I begged and entreated him, in the name of the faith and loyalty he owed his master, to do. Which the Bishop readily promised, in words both affectionate and courteous, assuring me that he had hitherto done, and would in future do, all such good offices, and that he prayed to God not to let him live if he were to think or act otherwise; and that the friendship of so powerful and virtuous a prince [as Your Majesty], and your constant and strict adherence to your engagements, were things to be valued and secured at any price. I really believe that this very cordial and polite reply in the mouth of the Bishop was partly intended to counterbalance the very exaggerated and highly eulogistic terms in which he had previously spoken of the affection and friendship existing between his master and this king (fn. n6)
	The Bishop went yesterday to Court at Grynuic (Greenwich), and will not come back to London, as he himself told me, until the business for which he came is over. What this can be I have been unable to learn, and up to the present moment nobody knows anything about it. I am told that those who follow the Lady's party seem to have been in good spirits since the Bishop's arrival;— (fn. n7) though, after all, that might only be a feint to make people believe that everything is going on right.
	Whilst writing the above, a small book (petit livret) in English has been brought to me, containing nine articles, which the Privy Councillors, previous to the King's consent, have drawn up, on the validity of this his second marriage and against the Pope; of whom they tell great blasphemies, as Your Majesty will be able to judge by the tract itself herein enclosed, which is full of malice and venom, and has no doctrine or foundation whatever. The said tract was yesterday distributed with profusion about Court, and one of the first to whom a copy was given happened to be the Scottish ambassador, who is at present very assiduous there [at Greenwich]. It is the determination which, as I wrote to Your Majesty, this king wished to be published before the arrival of the bishop of Paris. (fn. n8) I cannot guess how these people will be able to conciliate the fact of the Most Christian king of France who professes to be the very devout and very obedient son, and likewise the particular friend and ally, of the Apostolic See, being in an affair of this kind in favour of His Holiness, and at the same time of this king, whose intimate friend he is, as the Bishop assured me only the other day. I have sent to the count of Cifuentes a copy of the articles themselves, that he may, if he deems it opportune, shew them to His Holiness press him to pronounce sentence at once, and provide a prompt and efficacious remedy to so many scandals and such unheard-of insults. (fn. n9) —London, 27th December 1533.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	Addressed: "To the Emperor."
	Indorsed: "Received at Medina Celi, (fn. n10) the 24th of January 1533."
	French. Original partly in cipher. pp. 9.
27 Dec.	1166. Martin de Salinas to King Ferdinand.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist., c. 71, f.268.	. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
	I have written twice to Your Majesty about the resolution taken respecting Coron, and likewise about the Emperor's misgivings as to the issue of the conferences at Marseilles between the Pope and the king of France. That, however, of ultimately abandoning Coron has not been taken without mature deliberation in the Council. The members present were, Granvela, Cobos, Don Garcia de Padilla, (fn. n11) the count of Miranda (D. Francisco de Zuñiga y Avellaneda), (fn. n12) and Norquemes (Noircames). The warning contained in one of my former despatches, for Your Majesty to abstain in future as much as possible from interfering in small affairs (menudencias) in Italy, had its origin, as I learned at the time from Granvelle in the following remark which the Emperor once made to him. It appears that at the time Your Majesty was interfering about the Mantuan marriage the Emperor suspected that it was done at the instigation of the cardinal of Trent. Granvelle told me so in secret, that I might apprize Your Majesty thereof.
	Dr. Mathias, &c.—Besançon in Burgundy.—Jean Ertherningen.—Knighthood for the Apostolic Nuncio.—Secretary Desideradio, (fn. n13) and the survivorship (expectativa) he has applied for.
	I shewed to Granvelle the letter of Your Majesty conveying expressions of regard for his services, as well as the promise of future favours. He is much pleased at it, and says that for the present he would be satisfied with the title of ordinary to Your Majesty, and a sum of 300 gold florins (fn. n14) yearly by way of salary. My opinion is that a personage of his quality and parts ought to be kept contented at any cost.
	Your Majesty enjoins me to procure him in this country one of those quacks (fn. n15) who have the reputation of working miracles. I will do my best to find one, though in such matters I am as incredulous as the people of Germany. Should I meet with a man of that sort, I will try to engage him and send him on; but it will be a rather difficult task, because they are generally good-for-nothing wretches, and great scoundrels, and it would be necessary to send with him some one to watch him. Some I have seen flogged, notwithstanding the grace with which they say they are gifted. I will, nevertheless, try what I can do.
	I sent the queen of Hungary (fn. n16) by the way of Bilboa the two cross-bows made at Barbastro. They safely reached their destination on the 15th ult^o, as I hear, and were delivered into the hands of the person who has charge of presenting the same to Your Majesty.
	Luis Tobar left behind him the fruit stones (cuescos); Cornelio will take them when he goes.
	The memorandum containing the provision made for Ragusa was delivered to Granvelle. The advice about the fortresses of Salsas and Gaeta was likewise thankfully received. The Emperor gave immediate orders for their defence to be seen to in case of a sudden attack from the Moorish pirates. The news of the defeat of the Turk by the Sophy of Persia the Emperor had already received by way of Italy; he was, nevertheless, thankful for the intelligence sent by Your Majesty.
	Gave Mr. de Granvelle the message about his brother-in-law (Bonvallot), and advised him to desist altogether from the suit at Besançon, or else to have it conducted in a different manner. His answer was, that the claims of the Englishman (?) were groundless, because the matter was entirely an ecclesiastical one, and related to lands belonging to the Church, and situated within the archbishopric of Besançon. He (Granvelle) had no doubt that some one interested in the process among the leading magistrates of that town had misinformed Your Majesty. (fn. n17)
	Mr. de Nasaot (Nassau) was expected here on his way to Navarre; but he changed his mind and went to Barcelona, where, I hear, he arrived a few days ago. I do not believe that his arrival will make any change, because he himself is not naturally fond of changes. (fn. n18)
	Cornelio arrived here on the 2nd of December; he will start soon [for Austria].
	The Cortes have lasted a long time, as I believe, not altogether unintentionally; for at the very first there seemed to be no hurry at all, whereas of late business has been got through in a most wonderfully quick manner. At any rate, they have been closed, to His Imperial Majesty's great annoyance, and the satisfaction of the deputies themselves, who have worked most assiduously, and finally carried all the petitions they brought forward. The Emperor has spent full seven months at it. Had he consented at first to grant what he has now reluctantly conceded, he would have finished his work on the very day of the opening. As it is, imagining that everything would be over before the festivals of Noel, he sent the Empress to Saragossa to wait for him there, and did his work by piecemeal—firstly Aragon, secondly Valencia, and thirdly Catalonia. It is now complete, or nearly so, and to-morrow the Emperor is to leave for Saragossa. He will not stay long at that city, but depart for Castille almost immediately; for what particular town it is not yet known for certain, perhaps for Valladolid, in order to visit the Queen mother, (fn. n19) and stay in that province, where the public health is now very good, according to report.—Monçon, 27th December 1533.
	Spanish. Original draft. pp. 3.
29 Dec.	1167. The Same to the Same.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist., c.71,f. 270.	After closing my letter of the 27th a courier arrived from Germany with despatches for Mr. de Granvelle, and among the rest a letter from Coron, written in French, of which I now enclose copy. Those in German, which came by the same courier refer, I am told, to other affairs, mostly private. In one of these last the speedy arrival of Dr. Mathias is announced. They say that the Doctor will soon be here; but Your Majesty knows that personage well, and will understand the matter better than I myself can. (fn. n20)
	Conrrat writes also to the aforesaid Dr. Mathias that his masters, the dukes of Bavaria, had duly received the letters from this place, which letters Your Majesty had caused to be published and printed. But this, he fears, will rather prove an obstacle to the good issue of the affair. Conrrat's letter is short and concise, but shews very good intentions on his part.
	Enclosed is copy of a letter which the Pope received some time ago from Constantinople. Your Majesty will judge thereby of the state of affairs in that capital.—Monçon, 29th December 1533.
	Spanish. Original draft. pp. 2.
30 Dec.	1168. The Same to the Same.
M.Re. Ac. d. Hist., c. 171, f. 270..	(Cipher:) Respecting the Monferrato affair I must say that the letter for Mr. de Granvelle was duly delivered, and that I myself spoke to him about it, as to one whom I know ready to serve Your Majesty in all matters. I, therefore, took his advice, namely, not to mention for the present the marquisate of Monferrato, for certainly it would be highly imprudent to stir up that affair just now. There is, I think, danger in the attempt, and Your Majesty would get nothing by it. That is the reason why I have alluded in some of my former despatches to the wish expressed by the Emperor, and communicated to me by his minister. "The Emperor," said Granvelle to me, "wishes his brother, the King, to meddle as little as possible with the affairs of Italy. Before he left that country to come to Spain the investiture of that estate had been secretly granted to the duke of Mantua, who, owing to his past services as well as to his power and influence in Italy, deserves it above all others."
	The letter that came for the High Commander (Covos) I did not deliver, because he is evidently in favour of the Duke [of Mantua], and begins to suspect (as does the Emperor also) the steps which Your Majesty has taken and is still taking to secure that estate. If so, he is sure to guess what we are about, and there will be nothing gained for the future. I, therefore, conclude that, whatever our disclosures in other quarters, the High Commander is to be kept ignorant of our doings and aspirations. Such, at least, is the opinion of Mr. de Granvelle and mine. I read to him (the High Commander) the paragraph of Your Majesty's letter relating thereto, and told him of the offers I was authorised to make in your name; but to no purpose; he persisted in his opinion, and said to me that he regretted very much to see Your Majesty take this thing so much to heart. My reply was that neither in this instance nor in any other would Your Majesty accept or make use of anything that might be given to you without his advice and counsel, persuaded as you are of his good-will and affection towards you, in which, he says, no one ever surpassed him. In short, Your Majesty must believe me when I say that Granvelle is of all the Privy Councillors he who has most influence over the Emperor in State matters. The rest of the Councillors do not understand politics as thoroughly as he does, nor see things in the same light. Even if they did, I fancy that very few, if any, would follow his opinion.—Monçon, 30th December 1533. (fn. n21)
	Spanish. Original draft. pp. 2.