Spain: July 1533, 16-31 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1882.

Citation:

'Spain: July 1533, 16-31', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533, ed. Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1882), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol4/no2/pp741-757 [accessed 27 November 2024].

July 1533, 16-31



16 July.	1101. Count Cifuentes to the Same.
S. Guer. Mar. y Tier L. 4. B. M. Add. 28,585, f. 311.	Having pressed the Pope to pay us the 25,000 or 30,000 ducats lately borrowed for the relief of Coron, he has consented to pay one third of that sum, besides sending his galleys thither, adding that the many expenses he has had to attend to have prevented his doing more for the present. Should the danger continue, and he be in better circumstances, he will assist with all his power, &c. He has already dispatched the whole of his artillery to Ostia for Doria to take it up and carry to Mesina, where he believes the Papal galleys are now at anchor.
	His Holiness has issued a second brief for the Grand Master of Rhodes to give up his galleys. The bearer of it was Aponte, who took also letters for the viceroys of Naples and Sicily. If by giving 10,000 ducats and lending his three galleys for the relief of Coron His Holiness thinks that he is. dispensed from giving any more money, he is very much mistaken; he (Silva) will not cease to importune him until he has paid up the whole of what he promised, or has imposed a tithe on the lands of the Church for that purpose.
	With the information which he (Silva) received that His Holiness' departure had been fixed for the end of August, and that the French ambassadors had called on him and on Jacopo Salviati often and at unusual hours, he hastened to the Palace and reminded the Pope himself of the clauses of the Barcelona convention, and how much he (the Emperor) would be disappointed and grieved at seeing any of them infringed. His answer was the same as at other times, viz., that he would not forsake the Emperor's friendship and alliance, and would conclude nothing with the king of France, or with any other potentate, without consulting the Emperor first. He had (he said) written to the king of France on the subject, and was about to write again.
	With regard to the conferences he (Silva) has been told as a fact that no definitive agreement has yet been signed owing to His Holiness having asked as a condition that no matters relating to Italy or Milan be discussed thereat.
	Has, however, every reason to suppose that the marriage is a settled thing because the Duchessina's departure is now being talked of.
	Cardinal Pistoia, (fn. n1) has already taken his departure for Nice by land. In the last consistory, when the matrimonial cause of England was discussed that cardinal spoke very warmly in favour of the Queen.
	Both the Papal Nuncios in France and England write that the King of the latter country does not feel quite at ease at the prospect of this interview. At first he approved of it, but he has since expressed a fear that something may be treated of at the conferences not quite favourable to himself.
	According to Jacopo Salviati, the duke of Norfolk was not well received by the Parisians (el pueblo de Paris), owing to their thinking that the King, his master, was about to disregard the commands of the Church. King Francis, however, had made him a most splendid and flattering reception.
	The last news from France is that the King is ill with fever; nevertheless the Pope is making preparations.
	Wishes to know whether in case of the interview taking place, and his (Silva's) attendance being required, one of the Imperial galleys can call for him at Ostia.
	The "fuorusciti" of Lucca have made an inroad, and caused some damage. The Luquese have come to complain to His Holiness and to him (Silva) as Imperial ambassador. Went to the Pope and interceded for the latter, though the "fuorusciti" pretend that the Signory is in treaty with France, and have sent ambassadors to the King.
	A conspiracy, at the head of which is Leonelo, the brother of Alberto da Carpi, has been discovered in that town [Lucca] for the purpose, as it is asserted, of depriving the duke of Ferrara (Alfonso d'Este) of its possession.
	The Swiss, &c.
	Signed: "Conde Cifuentes."
	Spanish. Original partly in cipher. pp. 5.
17 July.	1102. Pope Clement to the Same.
S. E. L. 860, f. 135. B. M. Add. 28,585, f. 316.	Just as Rodrigo Davalos was about to leave and be the bearer of his answer to the Emperor's holograph letter of the other day, another one brought by captain Aponte reached him. Congratulates him upon the recovery of the Empress from her past illness. (fn. n2) Cannot but applaud his brave determination to relieve Coron besieged by the Turks. Has no doubt that the undertaking will be crowned with success like other similar enterprizes of the Emperor. Though he (the Pope) has not helped to the extent that was expected, he has done as much as his present resources would allow.
	With regard to the English divorce suit, on the arrival here of Rodrigo Davalos the trial was prosecuted with fresh vigour. It had already been brought to closer terms by certain judicial acts considered necessary in so grave and important a cause for the honour of this Apostolic See and of His Majesty. No further pressure is required in the matter as both count de Cifuentes and Rodrigo Davalos will write, who in this affair have certainly not failed to do their duty. (fn. n3) For his own part he (the Pope) can only say that the reason of the principal cause not having yet been finished, and of his having only provided against an attempted fact (super attentatis) has not been any backwardness on his own part; he was most ready, but the fault lay in the process itself, and in the difficulties raised by the Queen's lawyers. When the Emperor comes to be informed of this he cannot fail to acknowledge that everything which the circumstances required has been done, specially as there is every reason to believe that when the time comes the principal cause will be proceeded with in a manner suitable, first, to the honour of God and the upholding of justice, and secondly, to the confidence which His Majesty deservingly has placed in him, provided, however, such aid and assistance is afforded him, as he (the Pope) may want in this matter for the better issue of the affair, and which he fully expects to receive from the Emperor's known zeal for the said cause and the honour of this Apostolic See, which is thus placed in his hands. Begs to recommend this last as much as he can, under the belief, as he has already had occasion to say many times, that without his (the Emperor's) powerful co-operation all efforts on his part would be useless. (fn. n4)
	With regard to his interview with the Most Christian King he (the Pope) has read the very prudent remarks the Emperor has been pleased to make in his last holograph letter. The Emperor continuing as hitherto to give him daily proofs of friendship and affection, he (the Pope) has not the least doubt that the most advantageous results for Christendom will ensue, and sincerely hopes there will be no occasion for him ever to repent having seized this opportunity of working that good, and accepted the proposed interview. To avoid any imputation of the evil that might possibly ensue, were he to refuse the invitation, he (the Pope) has decided to go to Nice next autumn. Even if the interview did not bring about the good that is expected therefrom, and he and His Majesty desire, there would be no more harm done than the trouble and fatigue of his courtiers in this journey, and his own personal danger owing to the delicate state of his health. (fn. n5) — Rome, 17th July 1533.
	Indorsed: "From the pope to the Emperor. On the matrimonial cause. Rodrigo Davalos bearer."
	Italian. Holograph. pp. 3.
17 July.	1103. Count Cifuentes to the Same.
S. Sd. Guer. M. y T. No. 4., B. M. Add. 28,585, f. 314 b.	Recommends auditor Luis Gomez, who owing to an oversight (descuido) of the solicitors had the Romaricomonte case taken out of his hands, and given to Paolo Capisuccis. (fn. n6) Margaret's right, however, is quite clear.
	Luis Gomez has still another affair in hand, that of the parish of Isaba, in Pampluna.
	Enclosed is a letter from him (Gomez) explaining the incidents of both cases.—Rome, 17th July [1533].
	Indorsed: "Relacion de cartas del conde de Cifuentes y cardenal de Jaen de 16, 17, y 18 de Jullio."
17 July.	1104. The Cardinal of Jaen to the Same.
S. E. L. 860, f. 202. B. M. Add. 58,585, f. 319.	It is but just that I should give Your Majesty some account of what has lately happened with regard to the matrimonial cause of England, for besides being aware of certain facts and circumstances not generally known, I have found myself as member of the Sacred College of Cardinals in the midst, as it were, of the deliberations which have taken place at various times. To be able to do so without scruple of conscience I have procured and obtained permission from Him who alone could grant it to me. Had this cause been of an ordinary kind I would gladly have referred, as I have done at other times, on almost every point to Your Majesty's ambassador; but the affair being of the quality and importance that it is, I consider that I should not satisfy my conscience, or fulfill my duty towards Your Majesty, were I to conceal what has come to my knowledge.
	I will begin by stating that the appointment of an express agent and fit lawyer (fn. n7) was very opportune, for ever since his arrival at Rome the Imperial ambassador (Sylva) has taken steps and done things which he would never otherwise have thought of, not indeed from lack of zeal and good-will, but from fear of losing reputation in the attempt, and because he considered the measure derogatory to his authority. Many steps indeed has Rodrigo Davalos taken to bring the affair to its present state, which the ambassador himself would never have taken. Leaving on one side the many and various efforts which I myself have made to persuade His Holiness of the necessity of a sentence, representing to him what justice and the honour of the Holy Apostolic See demanded, unti the force of my reasoning actually inclined him to pronounce the same, it must be owned that the services of the said Rodrigo Davalos upon this occasion have been of great value; for no sooner had His Holiness resolved to have the case decided than he (Davalos) set about his work, and more was actually done in a very short time by the auditors of the Rota and the College of Cardinals than would otherwise have been accomplished in many months. Besides, the Queen's "proceso" being evidently faulty and deficient in many of its parts, as Your Majesty may judge by the enclosed copy of the summary instruction, no more could be done. Indeed, not to cause Your Majesty unnecessary annoyance with such minute details, and make the matter short, I do not hesitate to say that notwithstanding the many flaws of the process, which if submitted to any lawyers in that country can be easily detected, a way was found of proceeding "super attemptatis." I need scarcely add that to accomplish this by means of a Papal brief or sentence was no easy business, and that it led to much preliminary altercation, some of the cardinals pretending that a Papal brief was quite sufficient, whereas others maintained that a sentence would be required. It was at last decided that it should be done by sentence with all the solemn formalities used in such cases. Even the "proceso" which we had to take by way of "attemptatis" was defective and faulty (errado y defectuoso) as I can assure Your Majesty. That Your Majesty may estimate the amount of good-will which His Holiness has shewn upon this occasion, I must declare that had not the terms whereof I spoke in my last despatch been tried we should not so soon have obtained the sentence in a judicial form as Your Majesty will be able to judge by the enclosed transcript. It now remains to have it printed, and circulated here and in Flanders, some copies of which might also be sent to England.
	It must be said that as far as the Queen herself is concerned the sentence gives her all that the sentence of the principal case could give, it has besides this advantage upon the other side that there is no point in it subject to doubt or disputation, save obeying or disobeying it. So, though we could not obtain sentence upon the principal cause it is a matter of consolation to me that much has been gained for Your Majesty's honour and reputation, for everyone is waiting to see how Your Majesty takes this, and what measures are to be adopted for the preservation of the Queen, to whom Your Majesty and all your subjects are so indebted; for had sentence on the principal point been issued it seems as if Your Majesty would from that very moment have had to undertake the defence of spiritual justice with the secular arm, and to have seen that the said sentence was executed and carried into effect. In the meantime we shall see what comes out of these conferences between His Holiness and the king of France, when such preparations can be made as befit the honour and interests of Your Majesty, with that mature reflexion, prudent and honest determination required in cases of this magnitude. Should, however, Your Majesty feel inclined just at present, circumstances allowing it, to take any measures thereupon (hacer algun effecto sobre lo susodicho), the sentence now issued will be more than a sufficient excuse to raise your standard on high, and at the expiration of the three months mentioned in the brief act in so just a cause as may seem most convenient.
	With regard to the prosecution of the terms in the principal cause there will be time enough during these holidays for the Imperial lawyers to remove the above-mentioned flaws, and prepare all that may be wanted for the proceedings, because considering the many alterations and doubts to which their acts have been submitted, (fn. n8) they (the lawyers) will be enlightened how to proceed. As to the principal and most difficult points all are in fair way as Your Majesty has no doubt heard from Rodrigo Davalos.
	I have often had occasion to remonstrate against the conduct of this ambassador (Sylva), who in all matters, great or small, relating to Your Majesty's service, has invariably kept silence. How far this may be advantageous to the duties of my charge I leave it to Your Majesty's prudence to determine. As Rodrigo Davalos has no doubt written home how matters stand between me and the ambassador, I need not trouble Your Majesty further than to say that whatever you decide on this point Your Majesty's commands shall be fulfilled, for my greatest glory is to obey and do service.—Rome, 17th July 1533.
	Signed: "G[abriel] Cardinalis Gienen[sis]."
17 July.	1105. The Same to the High Commander.
S. E. Rom. L. 860, f. 224. B. M. Add. 28,585, f. 322.	Notwithstanding the many persuasions addressed to His Holiness in my own name—and I can assure Your Lordship that they have been both strong and frequent—to deter him from his intended journey to Nice for the purpose of holding an interview with the Most Christian king of France, he seems quite determined to undertake the journey. His object, he avows, is to make the king of France desist from his plans about Milan, and deprive him of all hope in that direction for the future, thus ensuring the peace of Christendom. This (the Pope says) is the sole and exclusive object of the proposed interview. He will try at the same time to stimulate French ambition and persuade them that it is much better and much easier for them to increase their territory by seizing Calais and turning their arms against England than to assist the King in his disobedience to the Holy See. On this point, however, which I discussed at length in my despatch to the Emperor of the 16th ult^o, let not the ambassador be written to, unless he himself alludes to it first, for the Pope unbosomed himself to me, begging that I would not mention the thing.
	With regard to his (the Pope's) journey I have nothing new to communicate. It appears that he had at first thought of sending his niece to Nice, before he himself started for that town; but I have persuaded him to do no such thing, for it would be highly discreditable for him (infamia) to shew that this journey was undertaken for his own private views, not for the general interest of Christendom. I did more, I told him: "Should Your Holiness go first, there will be an opportunity to discover how the field lies, and then you may resolve about the marriage." I fancy the Pope will follow my advice. The duke Alessandro [de' Medici], to whom I have described in most vivid colours the grievous inconvenience which a journey of this sort might cause him and his projects, the natural affection of the Florentines for the French, the legitimacy of Caterina, and other things, has worked and will work, most efficaciously in that direction. This, notwithstanding, His Holiness has lately remitted a sum of money to Florence for her outfit, and Philippo Strozzi is to leave this very soon to accompany and escort her. I fancy that they will make her leave Florence about the same time that the Pope quits Rome, and that she will be made to travel by short stages, perhaps also stay some time on the road until the Pope himself has arrived at Nice and more fully ascertained how he is to act with regard to the proposed marriage (y alcançado allá mas lo que convenga en este negocio).
	With respect to Coron and what is being done for its relief I know nothing at all, for the count (Sylva) does not communicate with me on this subject any more than he does on any other. I should have thought that having been, as I was at one time, purveyor general to the Imperial fleet, and knowing something of this business of Coron—since it was mentioned in my instructions and I was referred to the ambassador—there would have been no harm in telling me something about it, especially as I was the first to remind the Pope and beg him to send his nephew, the Cardinal, to France to borrow the King's galleys, &c.—Rome, 17th July 1533.
	Signed: "G[abrielis] Card[inalis] Giennen[sis]."
	Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
18 July.	1106. Count Cifuentes to the Emperor.
S. E. Mar y Tierra, L. 4. B. M. Add. 28,585, f. 311.	Relates his conversation with the Pope after his sentence in the English matrimonial cause. His Holiness gave him to understand that such was the opposition offered [by the cardinals] that it would never have been pronounced had it not been for him (the Pope). Told him that the greatest consideration and regard had been shewn for him (the Emperor). There can be no doubt that His Holiness has on this occasion shewn his desire for justice. He keeps saying that he wishes to preserve friendship and close alliance (deudo) with the Emperor, and do his pleasure in all things, preserving, however, if possible, at the same time, the friendship of France.
	Commends the services of Davalos and Ortiz, as well as those of doctors Aragonia and Anguiano.
	The sentence will be printed and circulated.
	In consequence of this the Popes advice is that unless the Queen has a great number of trusty and devoted servants about her person, she ought to quit England at once lest they should administer poison to her. If, on the contrary, she was so guarded as to have nothing to fear on that score, she might remain.
	Does his best to assure His Holiness that on no account will the Emperor forget his engagements. Let His Holiness pronounce sentence and fulminate the ecclesiastical censures, and His Majesty is sure that the English will rise at once in favour of the Queen, so that any measure adopted may easily be carried into execution. If more were wanted His Majesty will not fail to do his part.
	Yet Jacopo Salviati still insists on His Imperial Majesty declaring in a more explicit manner his intentions with regard to the execution of the sentence, which His Holiness is prepared to pronounce in the principal cause. Should no answer come from the Imperial Court (says Salviati) it is very doubtful whether His Holiness will resolve to give such a sentence as is required of him.
	Spanish. Original. pp. 3.
30 July.	1107. Eustace Chapuys to the Same.
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-u.-StaatsArch. Wien.Rep.P.Fasc., c. 228, No. 46.	After the answer which the Queen made to the King's deputation, as I had the honour to advise by my last despatch, (fn. n9) the King sent me word by Master Cremuel (Cromwell) that it was not his fault that the Queen had not out of regard for her own relatives, and in virtue of my representations, obtained from him the treatment she wished for; but that since she was inexorable, and persisted in her obstinacy without accepting the terms offered to her, however gracious or reasonable, he (the King) considered it his duty to reduce her establishment, so that she should no longer have in future a Royal suite, as well as to spare him. the tremendous expense of about 40,000 ducats every year, which expense he (the King) could not very well sustain considering the many other intolerable charges imposed upon him. Whereof, Cremuel added, the King, owing to certain considerations, thought fit to inform me, that I myself might know and bear testimony, in the event of its being needed, that it was not really through hatred or malignity that the King acted in this manner, but merely not to contravene or prejudice former acts of his own, and above all, as he said, at first, to relieve himself from such heavy charge. "Nevertheless (said Cremuel), the reform which the King, my master, contemplates in the Queen's establishment will be such that all parties will know that in so doing he has had due regard not only to her quality and birth, but likewise to the Emperor, and the rest of her Royal relatives."
	Having thanked the King for his humanity and courtesy, and also commended the very courteous and highly benevolent manner in which he had been pleased to inform me of the Queen's affairs (fn. n10) —an evident proof to me that he (the King) was desirous of maintaining the old and sincere friendship between the two nations—I did not hesitate to lay before the said Cremuel some of the very persuasive arguments, of which I had previously made use before the Privy Council, as I have had the honour to inform Your Majesty, and several more besides. Cremuel, however, knew not how to reply, except giving me indirectly to understand that the King himself had taken in good part the remonstrances, which I had addressed to the Council in the first instance, and that he would willingly have abstained from reforming the Queen's household had it not been for the sake of the ladies-in-waiting, and the inconveniences likely to arise therefrom, with which I had threatened him. This and no other had been the cause of the measures the King had taken respecting the Queen, as otherwise he could have no peace at home. (fn. n11)
	Cremuel went on to say that I might believe and be persuaded that notwithstanding all these things the King, his master, had intrinsically as much good-will and affection towards Your Majesty as before. On the other hand, he thought that you were so noble and so virtuous a prince that you would not willingly forget the many and cordial services received at the hands of his master, the King. He thought, as did also the King, his master, that had this affair concerned no one else but Your Majesty, instead of affecting as it were so many of the Queen's relatives, no very great pressure would have been put on him, and the affair would have been easily settled.
	My answer to the first point was that I imagined Your Majesty was of the same mode of thinking, since you had done nothing to lose the said affection, which, he said, his master bore Your Majesty. On your side I did not hesitate to say the affection and good-will were reciprocated, notwithstanding all that had happened, for until now you could not, and would not, be persuaded that this new marriage had been attempted out of hatred of you or for the sole purpose of inflicting an injury upon you, but solely from scruples of conscience suggested by people opposed to the peace and repose of Christendom, and envious of such good and necessary friendship. Your Majesty had always cherished the hope that after hearing the declaration made [by His Holiness] that his scruples were wholly groundless, the King would ultimately follow the example of Lotharius, the Emperor, of Philippes (Philippe IV.), the king of France, and other princes whom I named.
	Respecting the second point I told Cremuel in plain terms that far from being ungrateful for the attentions and favours of which he spoke, there was nothing Your Majesty desired so much as to reciprocate them in every way, and that whenever his master should ask what was compatible with your conscience and honour he would find that you did not deserve in the least the charge of ingratitude.
	With regard to the third, I owned that in my opinion the number and quality of the Queen's relatives had somewhat stirred Your Majesty on her behalf; but the principal motives, I asserted, were the glory of God, desire for the peace of England, and the King's own welfare and prosperity, besides the repose of Christianity, so much assailed of late on many sides, as he could well see. The pursuit and instance which Your Majesty had lately caused to be made through the last gentleman sent to Rome, of which the King, his master, had been informed, could not be more modest, civil, and judicial.
	To this last observation Cromwell made no reply, but after some time said to me: "The King has been informed that before and after the beginning of the divorce suit, you (Chapuys) did and have done good offices towards the queen of England, as appears from the good treatment of the [English] merchants, and other like measures, for which service the King is really very thankful."
	After a good deal of talking on these matters Cromwell again offered me, as he had done on a previous occasion, the King's permission to hunt in any of the Royal parks, I might select, assuring me that if I only named the place the King would go thither with his dogs, and keep me company as often as I pleased. He likewise importuned me to accept a horse, which had been offered to me on another occasion, and which he (Cromwell) praised as the finest and the best in all England. (fn. n12) He had (he said) already told the King of it; but no entreaties of his could persuade me to accept the present for many considerations. I, therefore, made my excuses, which he (Cromwell) took in good part, telling him at the same time that instead of the horse offered I should be glad to accept the King's invitation to the chase, and would willingly spend one whole day with him in hunting, wherever he pleased. I thanked him most cordially for the venison sent to me by the King's orders, upon which he said to me: "If the venison was good as I imagine, the King's intention, I assure you is still better, and therefore the meal must have tasted delicious to you."
	These trifles are certainly not worthy of Your Majesty's perusal, yet as they are fresh occurrences, and convey some meaning of the good-will these people affect to entertain, I have considered it important to record them here.
	Before Cromwell left the room, and by way of repaying in some manner the trouble he had taken in coming to me, I begged him again to consider that no friendship and alliance was as advantageous for this kingdom of England as that of Your Majesty, not only as regarded his master, but as far as he himself was concerned, since he had in his hands the entire management of affairs. He ought to consider (said I to him) that as long as the Cardinal (Wolsey) held for Your Majesty, his own affairs had turned out prosperously, but that the moment he turned coat (depuis quil eust tourne bride) everything had gone wrong with him. Cromwell thanked me for the warning and owned that my words were true, and that it would not be his fault if the affairs were not settled to my complete satisfaction.
	I have not dared at this stage of the negotiation to throw out hints to him of another sort; but should I perceive the least sign of his choosing to follow the right path, I shall not fail to do so, and make him feel how much he would gain in personal safety, and increase his power and reputation, if he would help in the Queen's restoration. Cromwell is a man of wit, well versed in Government affairs, and reasonable enough to judge correctly of them. In short, I intend speaking to him in such terms that should my words make no impression on him, and lead to no good, at least they will do no harm, and nothing will be lost in the attempt, as the common saying goes (fn. n13)
	The ambassador sent by the king of France to Scotland for the purpose of concluding peace, or at least a suspension of hostilities between the Scotch and these people, returned here a week ago without having achieved anything except a truce of 20 days' duration to discuss the terms thereof. I hear, however, that even during the said short truce, and since my despatch of the 11th ult^o (fn. n14) the Scots have made serious invasions and inflicted enormous losses upon these people. Indeed, it would seem as if the Scots were not very much inclined to treat just now, and that they find an advantage in war, though in order to justify themselves in the eyes of the king of France, and in order to shew that they are willing to do something for him, they sedulously spread the rumour that they are ready to treat of peace or truce. And yet on the opening of the negotiations the Scotch, I am told, have declared that they will not consent to a longer truce unless certain strong castles on the English border—which are so many obstacles to their own incursions—be dismantled beforehand, and likewise that the earl of Angus, and his brother, and the other Scotch refugees, who are with the English, quit that frontier. Which conditions and others the French ambassador hopes will be accepted by these people, and for this reason he is now waiting here to see whether the terms demanded by the Scotch are granted, and he himself can go back to France in fulfilment of his commission. It is, however, very probable that when the English have acceded to the terms demanded of them the Scotch will immediately ask for new concessions, if it were for no other purpose than to embarrass and prevent the conclusion of the peace, the more so that, if we are to believe the French ambassador, the Scotch are nowadays better prepared and in better condition, as far as ammunition and stores for war are concerned, than ever they were. Indeed, the ambassador assures me that he has never seen in the Italian campaigns or elsewhere a finer set of men, or more formidable soldiers than the Scotch. Perhaps the Frenchman exaggerates his description in order to obtain that for which he went to Scotland, and induce these people to conclude a peace with their neighbours.
	With regard to the personal qualities of the Scottish King the ambassador cannot speak in greater praise. He says also that a conspiracy, at the head of which was the archbishop of St. Andrew, has lately been discovered, and that the said archbishop was keeping up intelligence with the English. The King, as a Catholic prince, was unwilling to proceed against the Archbishop unless the Pope took cognizance of the affair. He had, therefore, sent one of his courtiers to Rome to beg for the appointment of certain Scottish prelates, or Papal legates, to try the case. In my humble opinion it would have been preferable to send at once to Rome for two Papal legates, men of wisdom and experience, capable of conducting the political affairs of that kingdom, and helping at the same time in any legal executions that may be necessary in the Queen's case. Such is my opinion, and I have written in this sense to Your Majesty's ambassador at the Papal court that he may ask for the said two legates.
	As I have already had the honour to inform Your Majesty, it would seem as if in this present Scottish affair, as well as in many others, God Almighty had taken away the senses, the judgment, and the hearts of these people, for they do not know what to do therein, hesitating whether to decide for peace or war. I will go still farther; it is incredible to any one who has not witnessed it what public opinion is on this matter. It is a fact that both nobles and commons in this particular instance are not only averse from peace with the Scots, but would wish them to penetrate far into this kingdom that they may punish this king and make him reform his government of the country, since they see no other one disposed to take a hand in it. (fn. n15) Indeed, several worthy and distinguished personages have said so to me, or sent messages to that effect. As to the people of this city they cannot disguise their sentiments in this respect, for the moment that information is received of some advantage gained by the Scots, the news is announced and spreads like fire among the masses, even among those who may have lost merchandize or cattle by the Scottish foray, as though it were good public news. By which facts and others equally significant Your Majesty may judge to what terms things have been reduced in this kingdom, and what little reliance this king can place on his subjects if attacked by a foreign power. According to reports received by me from every part of this country, every day the English are praying God to inspire Your Majesty with some means of putting a speedy end to this evil state of things. Indeed such are the importunities of people of all classes who daily come to me on similar errands that I could not well conceal from Your Majesty the encouraging messages received from several quarters. (fn. n16)
	Two days ago this king, hearing that the affairs of Germany were in a troubled state, sent thither two of Cromwell's secretaries—gentlemen of intelligence and ability—one of whom happens to be an English Lutheran and the other a German. They were to be attended by eight servants on horseback. Of the nature of their charge I have as yet been unable to obtain any particulars, but it is highly probable that once in Germany they will gain over and enlist as many men as they can. (fn. n17)
	Nor have I been able to ascertain the cause of Rochefort's sudden arrival in this city; he came in great haste the day before yesterday from a place in the country where he was staying with the duke of Norfolk, and having dispatched the business which brought him here, is about to return this very day to the Duke's.
	Some days ago, as the Queen was about to remove by the King's commands to a house of the bishop of Lincoln, distant 20 miles from her own residence, all the people of the neighbourhood collected to witness her departure, and shew her all possible honour and respect. Incredible are the marks of affection she received on the road; though it has been expressly forbidden to call her queen, yet the people on her passage failed not to give her that title, filling the air with their acclamations, wishing her joy, comfort, and all manner of prosperity, as well as mishap to her enemies, begging her with tears in their eyes to accept their services and make use of them, since they were ready to die for her sake. Which demonstration on the part of the people has naturally roused the jealousy of the courtiers, and no wonder, for the people's feeling shews itself daily in things of less importance. Indeed, I am told that the Lady herself was singularly displeased of late at the Easterlings and others of the German nation not having come to see the English fleet—the largest and best appointed they have had here for some time—and not having had any State ceremony on that occasion, whilst the ships were making wonderful salvoes of artillery. And the more offended was the Lady at this apparent negligence of the Easterlings that the pageant was held in this river not far from Grenuyche (Greenwich), which brought fresh to her memory the slight received at her entry into this city when the said Easterlings triumphantly raised the Austrian eagle.
	However this may be, it is probable that for fear of such popular demonstrations the King in future will not allow the Queen or the Princess to travel about the kingdom.
	The last news received from Rome has not been very agreeable to the King. No one knows yet what its substance may be, for they keep the matter a profound secret that the Lady may be spared any sorrow and disappointment likely to endanger the life of the child she bears in her womb. The better to conceal from her the disagreeable intelligence from Rome, the King, under plea of going to the chase, left Windsor the other day and went to Guillefort (Guildford), whither he has summoned his Privy Councillors and several doctors and canonists, who are by this time hard at work, so much so that having applied for an audience for Master Jehan de la Sauch and myself to ask for the re-opening of the staple of Calais, we have been, owing to the above occurrence, put off as usual until three days after the date of this despatch.
	There can be no doubt that people here are in great perplexity, and that if the Pope only does his duty and keeps them well in check (leur tient la bride royde) they will be at their wit's end, not knowing to which side to turn. As a beginning His Holiness ought not to suffer the duke of Norfolk, or any of his suite, to make part of the assembly [at Marseilles]. I have written to the count of Cyfuentes (Don Fernando de Sylva) that if he sees any appearance or sign of the Duke being invited to the conferences, he (the Count) is to make every effort to prevent it. I have also suggested that if the Pope wishes to gain over the king of France to his opinion, and make an auxiliary of him for this English affair, he might easily represent that this king by his new marriage has infringed, as is manifest, all the treaties existing between them, and at the same time set forth the great advantages to be gained by the Most Christian King in point of debts due by him to England, pensions or otherwise. (fn. n18)
	On the day that I went to inspect the fleet of the Easterlings, the governor of that nation shewed me a copy of the letter which the Polish ambassador at Constantinople had written to the king [Sigismond] of Poland, his master Among other news contained in the letter dated the 1st of March, there was this, that his master had just made a league with the Turk, in virtue of which the Infidel had engaged to defend the king of Poland in any event. This fact is well known, but I had no notion that in the said league with the Turk the duchy of Bari had been included, as I have since been told, the circumstance being expressly named and specified in the treaty. Still more strange is the fact that in the words of the document the king of Poland declares that he has been induced to make league with the Infidel in consequence of his having perceived that no other prince in Christendom wished to make war on the Turk, all of them having publicly their ambassadors at Constantinople, either openly and recognized, as the king of the Romans, the king of France, and the Italian powers, or secretly as Your Majesty and the Pope. According to the said Polish ambassador, the Turk has engaged that the Muscovite, as his vassal, shall not stir against his master, the king of Poland. I presume that Your Majesty has already been fully informed of all these particulars; in case you have not I have deemed it necessary to communicate the information received.
	The Lady [Anne], not satisfied with what has already been done, has lately importuned the King to ask the Queen for a very rich and gorgeous piece of cloth, which she herself brought from Spain, as an ornamental robe for a christening, and of which the Lady is very desirous, and as it appears, may be very soon in want. (fn. n19) But the Queen's answer has been: "God forbid that I should ever be so badly advised as to give help, assistance, or favour, directly or indirectly, in a case so horrible and abominable as this." Such has been her answer to the King's own request, but whether the thing will stop there or not remains to be seen.
	These people are very desirous to hear Your Majesty's answer to the overtures which the duke of Norfolk made to me some time ago, and on which I have reported in previous despatches. They keep continually asking me if I have heard from Your Majesty, and what your pleasure is; the last time I saw Cromwell he earnestly inquired of me whether an answer had come, and I have been told that this king, suspecting the delay not to be of good omen, had secretly sent into Spain some spies with a view to inquire and ascertain if there was a stir in that country, or any chance of revolution, and also to hear how Spaniards took this affair and what they thought about it. (fn. n20)
	The Scottish ambassador, who was in France, has lately passed through this city on his way back to Scotland. He has spent three days at Court well feasted and entertained as by men who desire peace at any cost. I am told that the said ambassador had almost made up a marriage between his master [king James] with the daughter of Vandosme, and that king Francis has offered to increase that lady's dowry to the sum he would himself give to one of his own daughters. Your Majesty, no doubt, knows by this time whether the intelligence is correct or not.
	The French ambassador received some days ago letters from his master, which, as I am informed, contained no news of any kind, save the offensive treatment offered by the duke of Milan (fn. n21) to an ambassador of king Francis. The moment the ambassador received the letter he started post haste to acquaint this king with the fact, and most probably, as I imagine, to ask his assistance to revenge the pretended outrage of which his master complains. (fn. n22) According to the ambassador's asseverations the King shews every disposition to assist, and promises to do all he can, considering this the best opportunity that could offer itself. (fn. n23) Should the king of France take up the matter as warmly and briskly as his ambassador says he will, there is some likelihood that the fire of war will be rekindled throughout Christendom, to extinguish which Your Majesty has had so much trouble, though with such great honour and glory to yourself.—London, 30th July 1533.
	Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
	Addressed: "To the Emperor. Received on the 27th of August."
	French. Holograph partly in cipher. pp. 9.