Spain: September 1532, 1-15

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1882.

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'Spain: September 1532, 1-15', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533, ed. Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1882), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol4/no2/pp499-514 [accessed 28 November 2024].

'Spain: September 1532, 1-15', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533. Edited by Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1882), British History Online, accessed November 28, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol4/no2/pp499-514.

"Spain: September 1532, 1-15". Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 2, 1531-1533. Ed. Pascual de Gayangos(London, 1882), , British History Online. Web. 28 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol4/no2/pp499-514.

September 1532, 1-15

1 Sept. 989. The Same to the Empress.
S. E. L. 858,
f. 161.
B.M. Add. 28,585,
f. 93.
I said the other day to the Pope that I thanked God and him for his decision to send out the declaratory brief. His answer was that the brief would certainly be signed and sent, but on condition that no use should be made of it until after the holidays, when it could be seen whether the king of England intended sending his mandate or not. After the lapse of that period, whether the King's mandate came or not, the declaratory brief would be used for the purpose of restoring the Queen to the possession of her conjugal rights. (fn. n1) Perceiving, however, that I could not possibly get more from the Pope, that the term fixed is comparatively short, and that there seems to be some reason for expecting that the King's mandate will be ultimately produced, and, moreover, that so much labour and time has been already spent in procuring the said declaratory brief, I contented myself with what I had got, and will now work for its being ready against the appointed time. The viceroy of Naples, marquis de Villafranca, who was then at Rome, (fn. n2) did likewise speak on the subject, and His Holiness promised most solemnly that it should be ready immediately after the holidays. I should have wished that the brief itself had been delivered into my hands for me to forward to the Emperor under protest that no use should be made of it until the appointed time. I have asked, and will go on asking for it, but I doubt whether my petition will be granted.—Rome, 1st September 1532.
Signed: "El Doctor Ortiz."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty of the Empress."
Indorsed: "To His Majesty. From Dr. Hortiz (sic) 1st September 1532."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 3.
2 Sept. 990. The Same to the High Commander.
S. E. L. 838,
f. 162.
M. Add. 28,585,
f. 97.
His letter of the 22nd ultº has been duly received. Thanks him for having read to the Emperor his report on the Ureña case.
With respect to the Queen's cause, he (Ortiz) has written at length both to the Emperor and to the Empress. Has nothing to add, except that His Holiness says he has sent a brief to the king of England admonishing him to send his mandate, and that his (the King's) ambassadors say that the brief has not been received, and, moreover, that in virtue of the judicial powers here instituted, it is required that the sentence which the Pope said had been given in Consistory should be formally confirmed (se ponga por decreto), and be entered into the register book, and communicated to the party. He (Ortiz) has frequently spoken to the ambassador (Mai) about this, and yesterday he answered that the sentence was already written by the Datary, who is now the notary of the cause. Though he (Ortiz) had no reason whatever to doubt the ambassador's statement, yet he went to the Datary and inquired about it. His answer was that there had been no sentence at all, and that nothing had been put down in writing ; the decision of the Consistory was not a judicial sentence, but merely an explanation of the cardinals' views on the subject, to be notified to the king of England. He (Ortiz) is exceedingly sorry at this, and intends speaking again to the ambassador, for they may have deceived him. His Lordship will then send his instructions, because the fear of the opposite party appealing is not, in his (Ortiz') opinion, a sufficient cause to put off the due notification of the Consistorial decision by sentence and decretal, for the English are sure to do so afterwards, if the matter is not now fairly determined by a decree.
These things had better not be communicated to the Queen for fear she should receive pain.—Rome, 2nd September 1532.
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 3.
4 Sept. 991. Miçer Mai to the Same.
S. E. Rom. L. 857
f. 89.
B. M. Add. 28,585
f. 108.
After closing the other despatch of the same date, the new viceroy of Naples arrived and alighted at the Palace, as the Pope said that he wished to do him honour, and that at the same time the Romans should witness the great regard and esteem he entertained for all of us, the Emperor's ministers. After spending three days there the Marquis (fn. n3) moved to cardinal Siguenza's hotel, where he was entertained three more days. The day before his departure the Marquis returned to the Palace to take leave of the Pope, and visited the cardinals as well those devoted to the Emperor (los de la devotion Cesarea) as those of the contrary party, and it seems that he has left a favourable impression with them.
At his first audience from the Pope, at which I was present, the Viceroy was told the very words which His Holiness said to me on a previous occasion, namely, that he would never grant the "decimas" to the French; but I do not believe a word of it, for certainly the French ambassador is as assiduous at the Palace as before, has his free entry at all hours, and appears to be much satisfied and contented. Nor am I inclined to believe either, though His Holiness may take his oath upon it, that there being nowadays a talk of an interview between the kings of France and England, His Holiness is likely willingly to offend his ambassador, &c.
The French ambassador told the Pope that the death of the prince of Denmark was much to be lamented, inasmuch as he was a youth of great promise, (fn. n4) and because should his sister be given in marriage to the king of the Scots (James), his alliance with that country might possibly be disturbed. (fn. n5) Not knowing how things stand about this matter, nor whether it would be convenient just at present to allude to a marriage, I have avoided taking any engagements (no me he querido prendar á ninguna cosa). but I have told cardinal Ravenna to write to Scotland, and suggest to them this alliance, as if it came from him, that they (the Scots) may make overtures, &c. But should the marriage seem feasible and convenient at the Imperial Court I should advise more activity in this affair, because otherwise the Scots will never of themselves bring that affair to conclusion.
The Pope also assured the Viceroy that he had not granted, and would not grant, the tithe to France, and I believe it if the difficulties they make about granting this half annat, the bulls for which, after the approving of the draft have been made and remade ten times, be taken into consideration, &c.
(Cipher:) With regard to the English cause His Holiness declared that at the re-opening of the audiences it would be proceeded with without interruption, whether the King's mandate had come or not. As His Holiness has often given me the same assurances I naturally reminded him of his promise at the time. He said he would fulfil his engagement, and added that he had heard from his Nuncio (Baron de Borgho) that Parliament had been convoked for next October, wherein some measures were to be proposed and voted against the authority of the Apostolic See, and that for fear of that he had caused two briefs to be made out, one admonishing the King to forbear, the other commanding the English prelates not in any wise to consent to or tolerate such an attempt. His Holiness further said that these English ambassadors and lawyers (letrados) were about to send one of their number to England to inform the King of the state of the cause, and where truth and justice really lie: that the bishop of London (Stockesley), the same who two years ago inveighed so much against the Queen here, and did so much harm, had changed his mind, and voluntarily withdrawn from Court, and he (the Pope) was of opinion that Your Imperial Majesty ought by all means keep on good terms with the duke of Norfolk, as he might be of great assistance, being, as he is, the master key of these French negotiations.
The Imperial ambassador in England (Eustace Chapuys), and the Queen's ministers apply for a declaratory brief confirming the first. I have asked His Holiness for it, and the Viceroy [of Naples], admonished by me, did the same. The Pope's answer was: "Let us wait till October, because if the King appear by proxy at the cause the brief will not be required, and the cause itself can be soon got over. If he do not, then it shall be given." For this reason the Pope was of opinion (and I feigned also to share it) that the brief ought to be kept back until then, especially the delay obtained being so short. I am afraid, however, that if the king of England persist in disobeying the Pope's injunctions on this point no second brief will ever be issued, though doctor Ortiz maintains that whenever he speaks to His Holiness on the subject he fails not to promise it.
Respecting the levies, the Pope said he thought that Switzers would on the present occasion be better than Germans for many reasons which the Viceroy approved of entirely. To-morrow Salviati, the ambassador of the duke of Milan, and I (Mai) are to meet and decide what quota each is to pay for the support of the 7,000 men.
A chief from Friburg has arrived here (fn. n6) apparently on other business; he has unbosomed himself to the Pope and offered to help the Verulan in his mission. They say that this man has great power and influence over his countrymen; until now he followed the party of France, but it would appear that he has lately been moved to devotion, and has of his own accord come and made these offers. The Pope has accepted his services with much alacrity, and he has now left for his native city. The last intelligence is that the French are asking the Swiss for a number of men to resist the Turks in case Your Majesty should be defeated by them; but their intrigues and devices are so well known in Italy nowadays that there is no honest man who does not hate their king, and wishes that God and Your Majesty may give him the punishment he deserves.
Advices having come by way of Brindisi that the Turkish fleet had actually been withdrawn and the privateers dismissed, I asked the Pope to permit that the part of the force now at Anchona (Ancona), before being disbanded, should go to Clissa, and dismantle its castle and the new fortifications erected by the Turk. The Pope said it was difficult to obtain a sufficient number of vessels for the passage of the men, but promised to see to it. To my great astonishment, next day he sent orders to Ancona to disband the whole force, on the plea that the soldiers were laying the surrounding country waste, ravishing the women, and committing all manner of excesses. In the march alone [to Ancona] only they had sacked and destroyed three villages, &c.
Having read in one of the letters of the cardinal bishop of Trent to Miçer Andrea del Burgo that cardinal [Ippolito de'] Medici refused to spend the money the Pope has given him save on the 10,000 Hungarian light horse, and that he wanted to give them a uniform and other superfluities (fn. n7) I went and apprized the Pope thereof. His answer was that his instructions were to spend his money at the will of the Emperor and of the king of the Romans. (fn. n8) The truth is that His Holiness promised us that over and above the money for the payment of the said 10,000 light horse he would give his nephew, the Cardinal, a certain sum to meet other expenses. We have reminded him of his promise, and if he attend to it much will be gained.
Miçer Andrea del Burgo has been and is still dangerously ill. I do not think he will recover. It might be advisable to think beforehand of some worthy personage capable of replacing him in this embassy to the satisfaction of the king of the Romans and of the Emperor, the more so that there is at present here a man named Fray Fonsecha (Fonseca), who pretends that in the event of Burgo's death he is to succeed him. I fancy that the Friar is better suited for other work than diplomacy. At any rate I beg Your Lordship to represent this in the proper quarter, for though I may again be the sufferer, as I was once with the High Chancellor [Gattinara] and others, I will never hold my tongue or arrest my pen where our master's honour and interest are concerned.
(Cipher:) These French intrigues (bellaquevias) are enough to drive one mad. Now they say that king Francis is trying for an interview with his brother of England, and that he has issued one month's pay to all his cavalry, and is sending it into Picardy. Only the other day they tried to surprise Monaco, and I have no doubt that every day they will be at some new-trick. A letter from Constantinople which the Pope has received says that when Scalenga (De Scalengues) arrested Giorgio Gritti and seized his papers the letter which king Francis had written to the Turk was hid behind a box of combs and escaped discovery.
(Common writing:) The Viceroy left yesterday the 30th of August. I am confident he will do well, though I should like to see better people about him. Figueroa is good enough, but I doubt whether he will have the experience of Roman affairs which is required to govern Naples well. He goes to a bad place, for the country is exhausted, and justice is not administered as it ought to be (fn. n9) I hear just now that Miçer Sigismondo di Lofredo, owing to a law-suit of his brother-in-law (consuegro). the count of Sant Angelo, with a gentleman of Aversa, is creating disturbances, &c.—Rome, 1st September 1532.
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 5.
4 Sept. 992The Same to the Same.
S. E. Rom. L. 857.
f. 90.
B. M. Add 28,585.
f. 10 4.
Three days ago as I was sealing my despatch of the 1st letters from the king of the Romans were received but his ambassador being still very unwell I was requested by him to communicate with the Pope. So I did; on the 2nd I called on His Holiness and delivered the letters which he read attentively, seeming particularly pleased at the news they contained as well relating to the Turk as to other matters. In compliance with Your Imperial Majesty's order I recommended Joan Fabro, (fn. n10) the bishop of Vienna, for another bishopric. He promised one as soon as a vacancy should occur.
Upon my asking him to increase the monthly quota of 40,000 ducats he excused himself on account of his extreme poverty, said that he had not touched a "carlino" from the last tax, and that the cardinals themselves would not pay their share.
Respecting the 25,000 ducats for which the king of Hungary asks in case the Turk should retreat into his own dominions, and be pursued by our troops, His Holiness assured me that there would be no difficulty at all as to that. In such an event he would assist with all his means.
I must not omit the mention of a fact which His Holiness told me the other day. It would appear that the French ambassador being afraid of the judicial inquiry that was being made here on the criminality of certain parties, such as the secretary of cardinal Colonna and others, accused of having entered into a conspiracy with a "mayordomo" and a secretary of his, had a large pit dug in the garden of his house and hid in it a large bag of papers (scripturas) for fear the Pope should get hold of them and have them examined by experts. After this, I myself having begged him to release the said secretary, he said to me: "Let him remain in prison a few days longer, for since the French ambassador has buried the papers I must try to ascertain without them what were the conspirators' plans."
Don Pedro Pacheco.—Cardinal Santiago and the deanery of that church.—Commission in the affair of the count of Ureña.—Bulls for the half of the annats or first fruits to go to-morrow by express messenger.—That for Germany and Flanders in two or three days.—The last courier brought the Imperial letter.
The courier, bearer of this despatch, has been retained one more day because as he brought the letter of the 22nd ulto, I wished to know first whether there was anything in it important or requiring immediate answer.
I saw the Pope this morning and he told me that he had already written to cardinal [Ippolito de'] Medici bidding him to dispose of the money just as they will direct him at the camp, and that he wishes Ferrante Gonzaga to become general of the whole force. He told me further; he said that the Hungarian peasants were shewing so much courage and determination that it would be advisable to allot to each town or district a number of Orsini gentlemen well trained to arms, to instruct them in the knowledge of warfare, &c.—Rome, 4th September 1532.
Signed: "Mai."
Addressed: "To the very illustrious and very magnificent the Lord High Commander of Leon, first secretary, and of the Privy Council of His Imperial Majesty."
Spanish. Original. pp. 12.
5 Sept. 993. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-StaatsArch
Wien. Rep.P.Fasc.
c. 227, No. 38.
Your Majesty's letter of the 12th ulto has duly come to hand. Immediately after its receipt I called on the duke of Norfolk, and communicated to him the agreeable intelligence therein contained. The Duke was more astonished than pleased at the news of the perfect union of all Germany. (Cipher:) And when I say astonished, I must add singularly displeased also and sorry at the issue, as he himself declared soon after my departure from his house; for he said to one of those present that I had just brought him news that would not please the King, and this he further shewed by evident signs of ill-humour, remaining for some time thoughtful and silent, and ordering that no one should speak to him, as the Queen herself informs me. I really do believe that the Duke's disappointment and sorrow were greatly increased by the fact of my telling him that it was generally rumoured here that secretary Paget had gone to Germany for the sole purpose of negotiating with the German princes, and perhaps, too, inciting them to rebellion; for no sooner had I said that to him than he changed colour, and remained quite confused, not knowing what to say, and after a time declared with some hesitation that if the said Paget had thus addressed any of the princes on the other side of the water it was on his own behalf and authority, as he had no other charge than to take a message to the King's ambassador. (Common writing:) Notwithstanding the Duke's asseverations I am inclined to believe the contrary, owing to the conjectures expressed in my former despatches, and what I have since had the honour of telling Your Majesty.
After talking for some time of the Turk's threatened invasion, and of Your Majesty's march against him, the Duke alluded to the proposed interview, and said, among other things, that presuming, as he did, to be acquainted with some of his master's secrets, and also with the French king's mode of thinking, he did not hesitate to assure me, and affirm most positively that no other matter would be under consideration at the meeting, save the means of resistance against the Turk, should Your Imperial Majesty be unfortunately worsted in the attempt; for in that case it was to be apprehended that the Infidel would immediately invade Italy. Both kings would then personally march to that country, and followed by such a force as the case required, attack the Infidel and destroy him (lui fere la barbe). To this end (he added) and the better to prepare the means of defence and offence the interview of the two kings had been designed.
The Duke did not enter into more particulars on the subject. True I neither made inquiries, nor shewed curiosity on the occasion, for fear he should think that I attached any importance to what might be said or done at the conferences. I only asked him news of the king of Denmark (Christiern); his answer was that as the affairs of that monarch interested them [the English] very little he had not taken the trouble of inquiring about them. What the King, his master, knew of him through letters from Flanders was limited to this, viz., that he had surrendered unconditionally, and placed himself entirely at the mercy of his uncle, the Emperor.
After this and other remarks not worth relating the said Duke, perceiving that I was about to leave him, made me more profuse offers of service, and treated me with greater courtesy than he had ever done on previous occasions.
The Nuncio, however, went on Saturday evening to present the brief in which His Holiness begs and exhorts this king to send his procuration and powers to some person at Rome to act for him and in his name. No sooner had the Nuncio entered the Royal presence than the King, without waiting for him to explain his errand, said that he was well aware that it had been decided in Consistory to draw out two briefs, one for the king of France, and another for himself, enjoining them both to consent to the remittal of the said procuration; "but the Pope (he added) loses his time, for I will never put up with it;" saying which he flew into a great passion, as he has done at other times, threatening that should the Pope go on irritating him he would open the eyes of other princes, who, not being learned as he was on such subjects, were in absolute ignorance of the fact that the Pope's true and legitimate power was very small in comparison with that which he (Clement) had tyrannically usurped.
In this way did the King proceed with his usual threats, until at last his anger having somewhat abated, he promised to consider the tenour and wording of the brief, and let His Holiness know his full intentions in a letter. After which he passed on to the subject of the Turkish war, and the military preparations made by Your Majesty, which he greatly praised and commended, and yet, he observed: "I am very much afraid that the Emperor's army will not be ready to take the field as soon as is necessary, and, therefore, that the Turk in order to undermine (miner) and harass the Emperor, will take up winter quarters in Hungary." He then inquired from him what sort of help the Pope had promised to give Your Majesty and how much the former intended contributing towards the expenses of the war, and having heard all the particulars from the Nuncio said no more about it.
At my request the Nuncio inquired also what news there was of the king of Denmark. The King made substantially the very same statements as the Duke, and, therefore, the Nuncio refrained from addressing any more questions. Neither did the King say one word about his intended expedition across the Channel, which, in my opinion, would have been a proper and polite thing to do for the Nuncio to report to His Holiness.
On Sunday last before mass the Lady Anne was created marchioness of Penebroc (Pembroke) with a fine revenue (constitution) of 4,000 ducats a year. The appointment was publicly made with much ceremonious pomp, with the account of which I will not trouble Your Majesty. A most solemn mass was then celebrated by the bishop of Winchester (Gardyner), after which the King and the French ambassador having approached the altar certain articles were read to them and to the Bishop, which the two former signed and swore to in common. This being done, Dr. Faux (Foxe) began a peroration in praise of the peace and amity thus established between the two kings, which (he remarked) was so laudable an act, and so admirably brought about and achieved that the learned Doctor could not do less than describe it as the work of God, not of man, and added in his speech that concords of this kind were the surest means of arresting the progress of the Turk, this peace not being temporal and frail like the preceding, but an inviolable and eternal one. After this the singers began to chant the Te Deum Laudamus, to the accompaniment of trumpets and other instruments. As to me, having for some days past had the bad odour of this new treaty in my nostrils, I have since tried to learn some of its particulars, though hitherto without success.
Yesterday the Seigneur de Langez (du Bellay, sieur de Langeay), arrived here sent by the king of France. What his mission may be I have not yet been able to find out, unless it he that it was agreed between this king and that of France, that the moment the latter should quit Brittany to come here, a gentleman [of his chamber] should be dispatched with the information, and that this one should do the same to advise the day of his departure for France, which, I hear, is to take place very soon. Indeed it is a settled thing that Francis will be at Boulogne on the 1st of October at the latest, and this king at Calais on the same day. They are to meet first between Boulogne and Calais, whither this king purposes taking his brother of France, that he may rest from the fatigues of the journey. Both will then go to Boulogne, and feast for three consecutive days, at the end of which this one will quit that town and return to Calais to be ready to sally out and meet the other. There the two kings will stay three or four days, it having been agreed that for the mutual security of the Royal persons an equal number of armed men from the garrisons of Calais and Boulogne shall be provided for their escort. The Lady [Anne], who is to accompany the King, will not move from Calais. It would seem, however, as if this king were much pleased at the prospect of this interview; never at any time did he shew such joy, for certainly he does nothing but talk about it all day, and, to say the truth, he has every reason to be satisfied with his success, as far as he himself and his kingdom are concerned, for this is a sort of pleasure which he may well keep to himself; not one of his subjects envies or wishes to compete with him in that respect, except perhaps the Lady, all the rest being much displeased and grumbling in the most strange manner. (fn. n11) All his Privy Councillors are against the interview, principally the duke of Suffolk, who has publicly spoken about it in a manner that has provoked the King's anger, and been the cause of his being reprimanded in very injurious terms. The earl of Auffort (Sir John de Vere, earl of Oxford) (fn. n12) said a week ago to one of his friends, who repeated it to me, that he feared this proposed interview would be the cause of many evils in this kingdom for various reasons which he did not specify, though he declared that the whole thing had been exclusively got up by the King, the French ambassador, and the Lady [Anne] without the intervention of the Privy Council, and that no one save those three knew what the interview was about, or what subjects would be treated therein.
For the last month considerable repairs have been made in the Tower of London, both inside and outside, refitting the apartments which were out of order (gatez). &c., which circumstance makes some people believe that it is the King's intention to send the Queen thither, whilst he himself is out of the country. This, however, is highly improbable, unless the King wants to exasperate his subjects and drive them to rebellion.
Whatever may be the terms of the new treaty of friendship and league between this country and France, certain it is that the English have their suspicions of the Scotch, and for this reason all the lords and gentlemen of the Northern counties remain at their post and have received orders to prepare for war. Indeed it is rumoured that a body of 5,000 or 6,000 men is to be ordered to the frontier.
Whilst writing the above lines intelligence reaches me from two different quarters that this king has put off his journey for ten days more, owing to a rumour of plague in Dover, and along the road thither. If so it will be necessary to have at this port of London a sufficient number of large vessels to transport to Calais such a mass of men and horses, which cannot be done in a short space of time. And as it is not probable that the season being so far advanced the King would willingly trust his person to the dangers of the sea, he may still listen to the persuasions of his courtiers, who generally dislike the job, and try to postpone the intended expedition. —London, 5th September 1532.
Signed: "Eustace Chapes."
Indorsed: "From the ambassador in England, 5th September. Received the 21st."
French. Holograph. pp. 6.
13 Sept. 994. Queen Katharine to her Nephew, the Emperor.
S. E. L. 806, f. 33.
B. M. Add. 28,585 f. 112.
Though I know Your Majesty to be engaged in grave and ' important Turkish affairs I cannot cease importuning you with my own, in which almost equal offence is being offered to God, for I see no difference between what these people are attempting here, and what the enemy of our Holy Catholic Faith is aiming at there where you are. Your Majesty knows very well that God gives the victory to those who do good and meritorious work in His service, and also that one of the best works that can be done is to try, as you are now trying, to end this business, which, as far as I can see, is no longer mine exclusively but concerns all those who fear God, considering the evils it has already brought, and will bring on the whole of Christendom if His Holiness does not look to it quickly. There are many signs of the evil meditated here; new books are being printed, full of lies, impurities, and blasphemies against our common Faith, shewing their staunch determination to bring the suit to an end in this kingdom, all of which, coupled with the contemplated interview of the two princes, and the infamy brought upon the whole kingdom by the lady companion the King takes with him, and the authority he bestows upon her, has, Your Majesty may be certain, caused scandal and fear throughout this kingdom, and all dread that some great calamity is impending." (fn. n13) As to me I should feel great scruples in my conscience if knowing the fears of the English people I should not attempt to resist; and centered as all my hopes are in God's mercy, and in the favour and help of Your Majesty I think I ought, were it for no other purpose than to relieve my conscience, to inform you of the strait (necesidad) in which I find myself, begging Your Highness for the service of God with all possible speed to induce His Holiness to decide this cause without delay; because should he tarry the evil will be surely more difficult to remedy. The particulars of what passes here every day are so ugly, and so unreasonable, and so ungodly that as they touch the honour of the King, my Lord and husband, I will not for the love I profess to him, and for the honour and prosperity which I desire for him, mention them further as Your Highness no doubt already knows them through your ambassador here, whom I beg to commend.
I will end this letter begging God to grant Your Majesty such health as the repose and welfare of Christendom require as well as victory against the enemies of our Holy Catholic Faith, which I hope will be sure and complete.
To cardinal Egydyo (Gil de Viterbo) and to a secretary of his abbot Lloro (sic) by name (fn. n14) I am much indebted. Your Majesty ought to thank them in my name.—Enfyle (Enfield), 13th September [1532].
Signed: "Catherina."
Addressed: "To the very high and very powerful Lord, Emperor, and King, my nephew."
Spanish. Holograph. pp 3.
15 Sept. 995. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-StaatsArch.
Wien.Rep.P.Fasc.
c. 227, No. 30.
My despatch of the 5 th inst. (fn. n15) must have acquainted Your Majesty with the arrival of the sieur de Langey (Langeay) and other occurrences of this place. That gentleman left four days ago for the country without making any stay in town, so that I have been unable to interrogate him on the object of his mission, which, as far as I can guess, is only to inquire from the resident ambassador (De la Pommeraye) and others what day has been definitely fixed for the intended meeting of the two kings. Indeed, I hear that Mr. de Langeay, in consequence of the late prorogation demanded by this king, and of his putting off the interview until the 20th of October next, has come for the purpose of excusing his master if the length of the journey and the necessary preparations should prevent him from being at Boulogne on that day. He comes also, as I have been given to understand, to offer, in his master's name, a fleet for the passage to Calais, which this king has of course refused to accept, and besides to request that the new Marchioness [the Lady Anne] may be one of the party. If this last be not one of the objects of Langeay's mission, certain it is that the French ambassador announces it in public to be such, and the King himself tacitly owns it, since he has lately written to many lords and courtiers bidding them keep their wives in readiness to accompany [to France] his dearest and most beloved cousin, the marchioness of Penvroc (Pembroke), whom he intends to take with him at the express desire of his kind brother and perpetual ally the king of France.
It is not at all improbable that the said king [of France] may have made such an invitation, knowing how pleased this king and the Lady would be, and knowing also that had he not invited the Marchioness to the interview she would have gone just the same, for the King cannot be one hour away from her. I think, moreover, that the king of France is himself very anxious to see the Lady, and personally thank her for the many good services she has rendered, and is daily rendering him, which, in the French ambassador's words, are more than his master, the King, could ever sufficiently acknowledge or repay, and I presume that besides the proper return of thanks everything will be done and said at the meeting likely to keep the Lady devoted to his interests. In short, it can be confidently asserted that the king of France has lost nothing by the demise of the cardinal of York (Wolsey), and the recovery of this Lady's favour, for besides her being more maliciously inclined, and her enjoying much greater favour, king Francis is not obliged to expend on her an annual pension of 25,000 crs. as he did on the Cardinal, but pays her only in flattery and in promises of forwarding the divorce at Rome.
Two days after the arrival of the said Langeay, the King having left him and the other French resident ambassador at Windsor, came secretly to this city to inspect the fitting up of the ships that are to convey him and his suite to France. Seeing, however, that it was quite impossible for him to prepare vessels enough to embark the number of men and horses he thought at first of taking, of which I myself had the honour to inform Your Imperial Majesty by my last despatch, he has now changed his mind and resolved, in spite of the plague still raging all along the road, to go to Dover and embark there; and in order not to have too numerous a suite with him for fear of the said plague, has given permission to all the gentlemen of his household, and to other people, each to embark wherever he may like, provided they all meet at Calais on or before the day appointed for the interview; in consequence of which the duke of Suffolk, though one of those who is bound by his office at Court to attend upon him, and was already here ready to embark for Calais, returns to-morrow to Suffolk for that purpose. ., cannot say for certain whether the Duke is not taking such a circuitous route that he may hereafter excuse himself from not attending a meeting, against which he has, as I have informed Your Majesty, strongly remonstrated already, but I suspect that such are his real motives. I hear also that in order to acquaint the king of France with his final resolution as to the day of his departure and probable disembarkation at Calais, as well as to thank him for his courtesy in sending De Langeay here, this king is now about to dispatch Brian (Tuke), who is to leave to-morrow by post.
Notwithstanding all my endeavours I have yet been unable to penetrate the secret particulars of this new league sworn at Windsor on the 1st inst., of which I have had the honour to inform Your Imperial Majesty. All I know about it is that the ambassador of France has assured me that no subject will be discussed at this interview that bears any possible relation to Your Imperial Majesty. The only affair to be treated therein, he says, is a defensive and offensive league between this country and France, which the ambassador himself observed to me is anything but necessary under present circumstances, considering the previous stipulations which are still in force; only (he added) that the English had some scruples about it, and for that reason demanded a further declaration and specification of the terms of former treaties. But there must be, in my opinion, some other cause for all this (droguez et dsmenneez), for the substance of the address made at the time that the treaty was sworn [at Windsor] indicated something more than a defensive league, as Your Majesty has no doubt learned by my said despatch of the 5th. I will, however, prosecute my inquiries as carefully as possible in order to ascertain whether there be anything more than is said.
The ambassador of France (de la Pommeraye) among other things indicating the envy and ill-will of his master towards Your Imperial Majesty, said the other day to me, in presence of the Venetian envoy, and of his secretary, that a rumour was afloat that you actually had under colour of your own brother, the king of the Romans, and without his knowledge, sent an embassy to Solyman, the Turk, offering to leave Hungary entirely in his hands, provided, he helped you to conquer the rest of Christendom, though "I attach no faith whatever to the report" added the ambassador. I immediately replied that in my opinion he ought to abstain from spreading such rumours, especially if he believed them (as he said) to be unfounded, otherwise people who heard him might fancy that he did not altogether discredit them. Such false reports, I added, could only be invented by wicked people, who circulate them for their own private purposes (fn. n16) and he (the ambassador) was bound to contradict them. To this remark of mine La Pommeraye made at first no reply, but said to me some time after that his information came from Mr. de Langeay himself. However, as he did not refute my arguments. or attempt to excuse his informer, and seemed, moreover, sorry that he had named Langeay as his authority, I said no more about it, and changed the conversation. (fn. n17) Your Majesty may, therefore, be sure, that since the French ambassador thus dared spread in my presence, and in that of the Venetian ambassador, such injurious reports about Your Imperial Majesty, knowing, as he must know, that I could not do less than report them home it must be that he and those of his party (de sa tecte) are now busily employed in circulating false rumours highly injurious to Your Majesty, in the hope of their not being refuted by those who happen to hear them.
After the above conversation the same French ambassador, La Pommeraye, came to me and said that perhaps at this next interview of the two kings an undertaking against Greece and Constantinople might be possibly discussed, of which his master would be the chief commander (don't son maistre seroit empereur.)
In short, not only has the King refused to help the enter-prize against the Turk with men or money, or allow his subjects to join it, but he has actually forbidden the promulgation in this country of a Papal bull granting plenary indulgence to those who might make preparations [for helping], or pray for the prosperity of your arms and the success of Christendom in so mighty an enterprize (fn. n18) Notwithstanding which prohibition I dare say there are not 10 persons in all this kingdom who do not at this moment pray for you as earnestly and devotedly as if they were the natural subjects of your Imperial Crown.
I have for the last month been in possession of a book in English which this king has ordered to be written on this matter of his divorce, but principally against the authority of the Pope, which book I immediately handed over to the Papal Nuncio that he may forward it to His Holiness at Rome. Perhaps this will be an incentive for him to give sentence at once in the Queens cause, and thus prevent, if there be yet time, the spreading of such doctrines, for it is to be feared that this kingwho is only looking out for excuses to exempt himself from Papal obediencemay induce and persuade his brother of France also to follow his fantastic opinions (ses fantaisies et opinions). I have taken good care to instruct on all these points the Nuncio who has already, as he tells me, very fully written to Rome about them. (fn. n19)
French. Holograph. pp. 4.

Footnotes

  • n1. "Pero que pasado este tiempo en que le ha de presentar [el dicho mandato], agora le presente ó no le presente, es contento que se use de este breve declaratorio hasta que la Serenissima Reyna sea restituyda en la posesion de sus derechos matrimoniales."
  • n2. "Que al presente estava aqui "says the copy of Simaucas, but "estava"(was) cannot go with the adverb "al presente;"probably the writer meant que eutonees estaba aqui. Indeed Don Pedro de Toledo, marquis de Villafranca, made his entry into Naples on the 4th of September 1532 ; cardinal Colonna, whom he succeeded as viceroy, having died on the 10th (?) of July, the government of the kingdom remained in the hands of Ferrante d'Aragona, duke of Montalto, as president of the Collateral Council. See Giannone, Dell' Istoria Civile del Regno di Napoli, vol. iv., lib. xxxi., p. 43.
  • n3. * Don Pedro de Toledo, marquis of Villafranca, who, after the death of Pompeo Colonna, was appointed viceroy of Naples. Colonna died, as we have seen (p. 500), in July. Don Pedro was the second son of Don Fadriqne Alvarez de Toledo, second duke of Alva, and the brother of the more celebrated Don Fernando, the governor of the Low Countries in Philip the Second's time. The title of Villafranca, which he used, came to him through his wife, Doña Maria Osorio Pimentel, only daughter and heir of Luis Pimentel, marqui.s de Villafranca del Vierzo.
  • n4. Frederic, duke of Sleswig and Hulstein in 1482, king of Denmark and Norway in 1523, after the dethronement of Christiern II., did not die until the 13th April 1533. He had a sister, Margaret, who as early as 1470 was married to James III. of Scotland. Mai must have singularly confounded dates and events in this instance, for otherwise it is not easy to reconcile the fact of a prince of Denmark giving great hopes, and having besides a sister, who might have been given in marriage to James V., dying in 1532? The only construction I can put on this passage is to suppose that Christiern, who was still living, though dethroned, and was married to Isabella, the sister of Charles V., might still be considered by Mai as rightful sovereign of Denmark, and that he had a son, who died in 1532, and gave great hopes, &c.
  • n5. "Y tambien dize que le dixo que le pesaba mucho de la muerte del Principe de Datia, por que era señor de mucha esperança y porque agora dando la hermana por muger al de Scotia les destorbarian sus tratados."
  • n6. "Un capo parte de los de friburgo es llegado aqui por otros negocios," &c.
  • n7. "Como el cardinal de Medicis no queria gastar sino en los xm cavallos hungaros, y que lea queria dar livrea y otras liviandades."
  • n8. "Respondiome que escrivia (sic, escribiria) que lo gastase todo á arbitno del Emperadory Rey de Romanos."
  • n9. "Va á mal lugar y may gastado."
  • n10. John Faber from 1530 till his death in 1541.
  • n11. "Et a vray dire il a raison den estre ioyeulx pour lui et tout son royaulme, et prendre ce plaisir tout seul, puisque en ce il ny a nul que luy en tienne enuye, ne que luy face competence; si ce nest la dite dame toute la reste en est desplesante et en parle le peuple en tres estrange sorte."
  • n12. "Grand chambellain du reaulme."
  • n13. "Las señales que para esto dan aca asy en ymprimyr libros nuevos llenos de falsedades y suciedades deshonestas y otras cosas que tocan a nuestra re con determynacion de dar fyn á esta causa en este reyno, juntamente con las vistas destos dos pryncipes con tanta ynfamia del reyno, Señor, por la companera que consygo lleva, y la autorydad que le da, sea cyerto Vuestra Magestad que ha puesto mucho escandalo y temor en este reyno," &c.
  • n14. The Abbot of Llor.
  • n15. See above, No. 993, p. 506.
  • n16. "Je luy dis quil me sembloit quil se pourroit bien depourter de reciter tels propos quil sçauoit bien non estre vrays, et que les recitant pourroit sembler a pluseurs (sic), ores quil dye quil ne le croyt, quil y adiouste quelque foy, et quil ne pouvoit auoir ouy tels propos que de quelque home meschant," &c.
  • n17. "Et pour ce quil ne me reffrica (sic) point le blason quavoye donne au semeur de telles bourdes, et quil avoit nomme [langes pour se desculper, et sembloit quil se repentoit lavoer dit ie ne chargey plus avant]."
  • n18. "Une bulle de plaincur (pleniere?) indulgence a ceulx que se mectroient en bon estat et prieroient pour la prosperite de chrestiente."
  • n19. The remainder of this letter is missing in the Imperial Archives.