Spain: November 1529, 1-30

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1, Henry VIII, 1529-1530. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1879.

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'Spain: November 1529, 1-30', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1, Henry VIII, 1529-1530, ed. Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1879), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol4/no1/pp320-336 [accessed 27 November 2024].

'Spain: November 1529, 1-30', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1, Henry VIII, 1529-1530. Edited by Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1879), British History Online, accessed November 27, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol4/no1/pp320-336.

"Spain: November 1529, 1-30". Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 4 Part 1, Henry VIII, 1529-1530. Ed. Pascual de Gayangos(London, 1879), , British History Online. Web. 27 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol4/no1/pp320-336.

November 1529, 1-30

1 Nov. 208. The Same to the Same.
S. E. L. 1,454.
f. 171.
B.M.Add. 28,579,
f. 258.
Arrived at Bologna on Saturday last, before dinner. Received, shortly after, the Emperor's letter concerning the safe-conduct for the Duke Francesco Sforza. In his opinion, it should have been granted at once and without loss of time, on many accounts, and principally because, had the Duke applied to the Pope for it, that he might make sure of the Emperor, it would have been impossible to refuse it to him.
Waited yesterday morning on His Holiness, who received him with great affability. Had, however, no opportunity to treat of pending affairs, at his first visit. Was offered a room in the Palace, close to the Pope's own apartments, but declined to accept without permission from the Emperor.
Praët arrived yesterday. He, the archbishop, (Don Gabriel Merino) and Miçer Mai, met and communicated the instructions they had received. Has nothing to observe respecting them, except that, if the Turk has retreated into his own country, as asserted, the Emperor's journey to Germany is no longer a pressing business. It would, therefore, be advisable for the Emperor to take his crown at Rome, like his predecessors in the Empire. The ceremony might thus be performed with greater solemnity, and more to the reputation and glory of the Emperor, who might afterwards visit his kingdom of Naples, and apply a remedy to the evils there. As an excuse for the delay the Emperor might allege that he has sent to Germany for the acta of his election [at Worms], which the Pope himself asked for some time ago. This being done, and the affairs of Italy settled,—wherefrom more money can be got than the Emperor is aware of,—there will be plenty of time to attack the Turk, &c.—Bologna, Monday night, the 1st of November 1529.
Signed: "M. Cardlis de Gattinara."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
Spanish. Original. pp. 2½.
209. Loss of Portundo's Galleys.
S. E. L. 17 and 18.
f. 32, f. 34.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 262.
Portundo and his six galleys have been lost. After having attacked, close to Formentera, a fleet of Turkish privateers under Cachadiavolo, that captain's galley was captured, and himself slain. (fn. n1)
Spanish. Original draft.
6 Nov. 210. Diarium Consistoriorum et Conclaviorum. MDXXVIII. (fn. n2)
S. E. L. 2,015,
f. 114.
B.M. Add. 28,579,
f. 232.
On Sunday, the 24th of October 1529, about the 22nd hour, His Holiness Pope Clement VII. Entered Bologna.
Tuesday, the 26th, there was a general congregation in the Apostolic Palace.
Friday, the 29th, a secret consistory was held in the same rooms, and the Emperor's letters announcing the retreat of the Turks from Vienna were read. Upon which His Holiness ordered a most solemn thanksgiving, general processions, &c.
Wednesday, the 3rd of November, there was a general congregation of cardinals, to which the most Reverend Hier[onimus] Sti. Thomæ in Parione, Diaconus Cardinalis de Auria, was admitted.
Thursday, the 4th, at the 22nd hour, the cardinals together, and "servato ordine," went out of Bologna by the gate leading to Modena (Mutinam), to meet the Emperor, whom they found near Monasterium de Acertosa, (fn. n3) when an address of welcome was read by the Dean of the College of cardinals (Farnese).
Friday, the 5th, at the 22nd hour, the Emperor entered Bologna, followed by a numerous retinue of dukes, marquises, barons, and other nobility, and escorted by a strong body of picked men (both horse and foot). When His Holiness heard of it he went out of the Palace, followed by the Sacred College of cardinals, and having ascended an eminence prepared for the purpose, in front of San Petronio, waited for the arrival of the Emperor, who dismounted, and, kneeling down, kissed first the foot and afterwards the hand of our Holy Father, when the latter made him rise and kissed him on the cheek in token of peace. After a short address from the Emperor, to which the Pope replied, and being first presented with a mass of gold weighing (as it is said) seven pounds (fn. n4) the Emperor entered the church of Sant Petronio, accompanied by four cardinals, two presbyters, and two deans, and having said his prayers, all returned to the Palace together. (fn. n5)
Latin. Copy. pp. 5.
8 Nov.. 211. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-Staats Arch.
Wien.Rep.P.Fasc.,
c.226, No. 24.
My despatch of the 25th ulto was in answer to two (fn. n6) letters received from Your Majesty. I then reported at full on the good and sincere intention which this king professed to have of helping in the resistance and repulsion of the Turk; on the mandate and instructions he had given on this point to his ambassadors now going to Bolognia (Bologna); on my conference with him, and on what he (the King) said respecting the pacification of Italy. I also acquainted Your Majesty with other news, such as the sentence delivered by the Royal Court of Justice (la justice royale) in the presence of most of the lords of this kingdom, by which sentence the Cardinal was declared traitor against the King, (fn. n7) deprived of all his honours and dignities, his property confiscated and himself placed entirely at the King's mercy. I mentioned the appointment of Mr. Thomas More to the office of High Chancellor, and gave the names of those who have now the management of affairs in this country; the expected arrival at this court of Mr. de Rosymboz, and the orders given by the King for the honourable reception and entertainment of that ambassador, in fact every occurrence of note up to that date. As I have no doubt that the said despatch, which I sent to Madame to forward, has duly reached its destination, I will not weary Your Majesty with a repetition of the same news.
Since then I have been given to understand that the King has again sent pressing orders to his ambassadors to make all possible haste on their journey, that they may be present at the meeting of Bologna, and it is generally believed here that they must already be in Your Majesty's presence, or very near it.
Tuesday, the 2nd inst., the King came from Grennis (Greenwich) by water, and landed at the house which once belonged to the Cardinal, where he has found handsome and well furnished apartments provided with everything that could be wished. Wednesday morning, being the first day for the convocation of the Estates, which they here call Parliament, an order was issued for another mass of the Holy Ghost to be sung in all the churches [of London]. The King went by water to that of the Preachers where Your Imperial Majesty was lodged on his visit to this country, and he heard it accompanied by all the prelates and nobility of this kingdom with their dresses and "grans chappes" of scarlet cloth, only that the King's was of crimson lined with ermine. It would be superfluous for me to describe the order and ceremonies on this occasion, inasmuch as Your Imperial Majesty knows very well how fond the people of this country are of such pageants.
After mass the King, as well as the prelates and lords of his suite, in order to escape from the throng of people there assembled, gentlemen as well as commoners, crossed over through a covered way from the convent to the King's house, close by, where similar propositions from the Estates are usually made. All those who had a right to be there having taken their seats, each according to his own rank, on a platform (parcquet) of the hall devoted to that purpose, the Chancellor rose, and began in a rather diffuse speech to explain the causes and reasons which had moved the King to convoke the assembly, the substance of which was to shew the good-will and affection the King had always borne the people, not only as a prince, but also as a good king and pastor: and that in order to obtain for his people the blessing of permanent peace and safety from oppression, he had spared no trouble or fatigue, and had also tried by every means to increase and prosper the trade of the country, since the wealth of England and the comfort of his subjects rested principally on this. All present knew how much trouble and fatigue he (the King) had undergone for the consolidation of peace, seeking everywhere for the means of ensuring the peace of Christendom, and establishing its union and repose, in which undertaking he had spent considerable treasure. He had now called them together to communicate several matters, and to ask them to advise with him respecting the welfare, advantage, and tranquillity of the kingdom, and principally the reform of justice. To obtain which latter object he had begun with the Cardinal, as chief defaulter, who having attempted and done many things against his royal authority, and to the detriment of the crown and kingdom, and having besides committed many acts of gross and flagrant injustice, of which they would be hereafter informed, had just been tried and condemned by a Court of Law, as they had no doubt heard.
After which the Chancellor (More) began to exculpate the King for having allowed the Cardinal to remain so long at the head of affairs. The fault, he said, was not the King's, but of those who knowing his wickedness had not informed him of it. He, himself, had not discovered until very late the Cardinal's bad propensities; and if he had taken him too much on trust it was merely owing to his many occupations in war and elsewhere, which prevented his looking as closely into the administration of public affairs as he intended doing henceforward. Besides which, obliged as he was to entrust the government of the kingdom to another, he might he excused if he had blindly placed confidence in an ecclesiastic of high dignity, as the Cardinal was, whom he naturally supposed to be honest and virtuous. The King, added the Chancellor, had been marvellously deceived in his expectations, and as a proof of his assertion (fn. n8) he went on enumerating the misdeeds of the Cardinal, and commenting, as it were, on the blazon of his armorial.
The Chancellor then went on to say that of all matters of State those concerning ecclesiastics needed most reform, especially in England, and that reform the King intended to undertake at once. He ended by saying that in order to begin the work and go into the question at once it was expedient that they should appoint one of their number, a person of note, to be speaker (prolocuteur), in the name of the said Estates there assembled, and gave them two days of term to do so, summoning them for the manor of Valmonestier (Westminster), which is their court of law and justice.
Thursday and Friday the Estates met, and elected at first the Archbishop of Canterbury to be their speaker (prolocuteur); but being a churchman he was not agreeable to the King, who rejected him on the plea that he was too old. After which another one was elected to the King's taste (a' l'appetit du Roy), they say that he is a man of learning (sçavant homme).
On the ensuing Saturday the King attended personally, and the speaker (prolocuteur) was sworn. To-day business is to commence, and the affairs under discussion are to be brought forward. I will inquire the particulars in order to keep Your Imperial Majesty au courant.
It is rumoured that among other motions one will be made to marry the Princess [Mary] to the son of the, Duke of Norfolk, and the Queens mistress [Anne] to the son of the Duke of Buckingham (fn. n9) for both which alliances, and especially for the last, many specious reasons are alleged, although I must confess that however desirable this last union might be for the better issue of the other affair (the intended divorce), I think it very improbable, and will not believe in its accomplishment until I see it with my own eyes.
Sure as I am that Your Imperial Majesty does not care for mere speculation as to the future, which after all is an art for which I am not at all fitted, I will not venture upon prediction, as people do here, inasmuch as the projects, if there be any of that kind, will soon become public. Respecting the clergy of this kingdom, I may say without having recourse to the said art of divination, that they will be for certain both punished and reformed, fined and mulcted, for they are generally very rich, from which circumstance and hatred of the Cardinal they are an object of envy to the nobles and commoners of this country. Should there be no other opportunity at hand than this crusade against the Turk (fn. n10) it will certainly be made an excuse for bleeding them to death. As to the people themselves, it will not be so easy a matter to get money out of them, even on an occasion like this, and for so holy a purpose. They look, on the contrary, as if they intended to ask the King to refund the large loans he has made from them at other times, and which amount to incalculable sums of money. I fancy, moreover, that the King will beg the Estates to remit the payment of the said debts, which will be no small advantage for him, even if they should grant nothing else.
The Cardinal has furnished the King both the occasion and the means of raising large sums of money by way of composition from all those who, either through solicitation, money lent, advice given, or in some other way, have been instrumental in obtaining for him the legatine powers. (fn. n11) which he enjoyed. It is even reported that whoever in this country has treated or negociated with him as such Papal legate, and even favoured or consented to such negotiations as regards dispensations for marriage, legitimisation of bastards, and so forth—in which class are included several hankers and merchants and other rich people—will be subjected to the same penalty. Respecting the ecclesiastical benefices, which he has conferred as such Papal legate, there can be no doubt that all such appointments will be cancelled, even if the parties themselves are not called upon, as it is feared they will be, to refund the money received, besides being condemned to a heavy fine, all of which will turn to the King's profit, not to that of those who may succeed to the benefices.
Another means employed by the Cardinal for increasing his patrimonial wealth was the confiscation of what was once Church property in the following manner. To found and build his college at Oxifor (Oxford), which was begun on the boldest and most sumptuous plan that can be imagined, the Cardinal two or three years ago caused more than 12 good abbeys to be pulled down, the fruits and revenues of which he applied to the building and foundation of the said college, wherein besides the scholars he intended establishing a number of canonries, better endowed than those of any other [church or] country whatsoever. Now it is rumoured that the King has very lately issued orders for all priests and ecclesiastics appointed by the Cardinal to quit the place forthwith, as part of it is to be demolished, were it for no other purpose than that of removing the Cardinal's escutcheon, which will be no easy work, as there is hardly a stone from the top of the building to the very foundations where his blazoned armorial is not sculptured. As to the revenues of the college itself, it is to be presumed that, if the King only listens to the advice of his Privy Council, he will keep them for himself, for he would have enough to do to rebuild what has been destroyed, and besides there are already, as they say too many by half in this country. Perhaps Mr. de Rochefort and his daughter [Anne] will be of a contrary opinion, for they are at the present moment enjoying the rents of a very good bishopric.
There has been some talk here of the Duke of Suffolk obtaining the seals of the Chancery and passing over his charge of Marshal of the Kingdom to Rochefort. This, it is believed, would already have taken place had not the Duke objected to the post of Chancellor being in such high hands. That was not the case with the other [Master More] who has accordingly been named, the kingdom having lost nothing by the appointment (fn. n12)
The Duke of Norfolk is now the personage who enjoys most credit and favour with the King, though this must be said in his praise, that he uses it as modestly as possible, and taking experience from the past dares not undertake too many things.
Mr. de Rosymboz has not yet crossed the Channel. He is anxiously expected here, and will be most honourably received; since, besides the preparations made for his reception, as I had the honour to inform Your Majesty in my despatch of the 25th ulto, the King I hear deputed, three days ago, Mr. Guilleffort, (fn. n13) captain of the Cinq Ports in this country, to receive him at Douvres (Dover) with a guard of 100 men, all dressed in the same uniform (accoustres tout d'une parure).The rest of the gentlemen and courtiers will go 10 miles out of London to receive him.
The Queen has all this time stayed at Grinnys (Greenwich), but it is said that she is to remove to Richemont this very day, in consequence of a Franciscan friar (cordellier) having died there of pestilence. The Princess is at Windsor (fn. n14) to the great sorrow of the Queen, her mother, who would wish to have her by her side. On that point, however, hardly a step has been gained. Of her business not a word is said, she has lately sent two of her secretaries, members of her Council, to confer with me, and shew a paper written in her defence, which, I must say, is very commendable. It is now being transcribed for me to send across the sea.—London, 8th November 1529.
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor.''
French. Holograph. pp. 5.
10 Nov. 212. Martin de Salinas to Ferdinand, King of Hungary.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.,
c. 71, f. 222 vo.
As he (Salinas) was closing his despatch of the 25th an Austrian courier arrived with His Highness' letter of the 24th ulto from Lintz, the contents of which were quickly deciphered, and submitted to the Emperor, who disapproves very much of the plan of sending Germans against Venice, observing that the soldiers of that nation very rarely fight without being paid, even when allowed to live upon the inhabitants (comiendo á discreccion). As he (the Emperor) has no money to give them, he will not run the danger of their mutinying or deserting. Should the Venetian territory be invaded this must be done with the forces now in Italy, not with fresh levies from Germany. Besides which the Signory has lately given signs of wishing for peace, and if they saw any preparations to attack them on that side they would naturally be exasperated, &c.
The Florentines, however, are as rebellious as ever, and the Emperor is determined to punish them.
The letter concerning Mos. de Trento (fn. n15) was duly placed in the Emperor's hands, who said that this was not the time to entertain matters of that kind.
The letters for the Pope and cardinals which His Highness announces in his last of the 24th ulto have not yet come to hand.—Bologna, 10th November 1529, first quarter of the night.
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 2.
12 Nov. 213. Alarcon to the Emperor.
S. E. L. 1,454,
f. 179.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 263.
Has reported on the affairs of Naples up to the present time by a gentleman of his household named Rua. Has only to add that in spite of the worries of his charge, and frequent mutinies of the men under his orders, he (Alarcon) has so pressed upon Renzo de Chere (Renzo da Ceri), that the latter has at last sued for peace. Notwithstanding the help and assistance of the country people, who never ceased supplying him with provisions, though all those caught in the act were immediately hung upon the nearest tree, Renzo actually offers to capitulate, and has sent him (Alarcon) an officer of his army asking for a copy of the order which Briones (Philippe Chabot, sieur de Bryon), the Admiral of France, brought for the delivery of the fortresses. This he would have done long ago had it not been that the Venetians supplied him with grain from time to time, in consequence of the Imperial fleet not having yet made its appearance on this coast. Cardinal Colonna is of the same opinion, and says that had the Imperial galleys come to Naples the war would have been over already.
Firmly believes that His Imperial Majesty has been greatly deceived respecting the state of Italy in general. The intrigues of these people, and the number of men the Emperor has to feed (tiene a cuestas), admit of no delay. The Italians in general wish to give themselves up to the Emperor, some to enjoy what they have already gained in the last contest, others to negociate with greater ease and see what they can get. Begs, therefore, to call attention to the said object, which, after all, is the only sure one, because all others will not be taken into consideration by people like these, naturally ungrateful, and having no faith or law or charity Should the French Admiral, Briones (Mr. de Bryon), have arrived in Italy, as is generally reported, let him at once send an order to Renzo to surrender the fortresses he still holds, for fear there should be some intrigue in the field, for they are generally strong and well situated. Putting aside Trani, Monopoli, and Pulignano, which the Venetians still hold, and will only surrender under agreement, those castles and towns which France conquered and Renzo still holds in her name are very important, and ought to be surrendered at once. For it must be said that the Emperor's army in this kingdom of Naples is very disobedient and undisciplined (suelta). and most of its captains would be better by themselves (solos) than accompanied (acompañados) by their men, and in authority, because the liberties (soltura y libertad) which the Marquis del Vasto and Don Fernando de Gonçaga respectively have allowed them to take are so great that it will be impossible to restrain them except in course of time and by new government.—Andria, 12th November 1529.
Signed: "Fernando de Alarcon."
13 Nov. 214. News from England.
S. E. L. 496,
f. 197.
B.M. Add. 28,579,
f. 265.
The Cardinal of England has fallen from the top of Fortune's wheel, has been deprived of one and all of his offices, is himself confined to prison, and his property confiscated. It is said that the property taken from him amounts to 600,000 angelots of gold, without including in that sum 300,000 more that he has spent in building houses and castles. It is likewise reported that he has lent the Vayvod, without the knowledge of the King, his master, 150,000 angelots; which the Vayvod passed over to the Turkish generals, that being the cause of the invasion of Hungary, which he (the Cardinal) thus promoted and helped out of envy and ill-will to the Emperor. (fn. n16)
Indorsed: "Copy of a paragraph of letter written by Herasmo, the merchant, to Juan Piquer, of Antwerp, 13th November."
14 Nov. 215. Miçer Mai to the High Commander of Leon.
S. E. L. 848,
f 22.
B.M. Add. 28,579,
f. 280.
If the delay in this matter of the General Council is against our wishes it is not in our hands to obviate it, for the Pope de clares that he has sent for the governor of Bologna, and expects him daily, that he may go to Your Majesty and confer on the subject. The Pope, moreover, is much concerned about it (muy entre si). and holds daily consultations with Cardinal Ancona. (fn. n17)
He (Mai) has found some of the cardinals very discontented and envious at what the Emperor has bestowed on others in the shape of honours and pensions. They consider this an injury done to their honour (lo toman por punto de honra), and openly declare that whatever is given to them will be lent at usury (dar a usura).
The Pope asked him (Mai) if he knew anything respecting the church of Saragossa. His answer was that His Imperial Majesty generally made such appointments according to times and circumstances. (fn. n18) The Pope replied: "I think it will be given to Don George of Austria, (fn. n19) though here at Rome many imagine that Cardinal de Medici will be the person appointed."
Indorsed: "Copia de puntos de cartas de Miçer May (sic) y del Comendador Mayor."
Spanish. Contemporary abstract. pp. 2.
17 Nov. 216. Eustace Chapuys to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.-Staats Arch.
Wien.Rep.P.Fasc.,
c. 226, No. 26.
On Saturday, the 13th inst., at the dinner hour, Mr. de Mingoval arrived with letters from Your Majesty, having read which, and again referred to my instructions, I immediately sent to ask an audience from the King, which was readily granted, for although he was on the point of starting to return to Grinnis (Greenwich), he sent word to say that he would receive us [Mingoval and me] at 2 o'clock, for which hour he would also summon the members of his Privy Council.
Accordingly, we both went to the Palace at the appointed hour, when, after presenting to the King the letter from Your Majesty, and explaining also the commission whereof the said Mr. de Mingoval was the bearer, he (the King) began to repeat and make use of the very same words and arguments employed on a former occasion, when requested by me in Your Majesty's name to send his ambassadors to the conferences of Boulogne (Bologna). He again said to me that his kingdom was so far distant from Hungary that whatever diligence he might use in procuring succour for the emergency it would certainly arrive too late. No prince in Europe (he said) was nearer at hand, or had greater opportunities than Your Majesty, to fight the Turk, besides which there was a rumour afloat that the enemy had already raised the siege [of Vienna]. At any rate, whether the report was true or not, things were in such a state that within a very short time the contest would be decided one way or other, and it was impossible for him (the King) in so short a time efficiently to help Your Imperial Majesty. It was, therefore, no longer a question of applying to him for succour, and he wondered much why Your Imperial Majesty had been so long about it, and had not come sooner [to him]. The Emperor was bound to begin the undertaking as the person most interested in it. He went on saying many things to this purpose, thinking, no doubt, that for want of reply on my part he would remain, as it were, master of the field, that his excuses and arguments would have been accepted, and he himself considered to have given a fair answer to the requisition. Perhaps also he might, if much urged, have answered in the negative. Yet after a long discussion, and a reply to all and each of his arguments, as Mr. de Mingoval cannot fail to inform Your Majesty, the King declared that he was not prepared then to enter into a discussion of the subject, but would send the whole affair to his Council to deliberate upon and see what could be done.
On my leaving the King's room I met Mr. de Nolpholc, (Norfolk) who inquired what news I had of the Turk, and whether it was true that he had raised the siege of Vienna and retreated. Informed him, as I had already told the King, that the intelligence I had received was that the Turk had actually raised the siege of that capital; but that I was afraid the retreat was only apparent, and for the purpose of strengthening himself against the king of Hungary, the more so that he still occupied the whole of that kingdom. I, moreover, exhorted him, in accordance with the sentiments expressed in our former interview, to exert his influence over the King to persuade him to join in so holy an enter prize, giving him to understand that all hopes were centred in him. He again promised to do his best. I then told him that if he allowed it I would call from time to time at his lodgings to remind him of his promise; but he observed that as long as the present Parliament sat he should very seldom be at home in the day, and that it was far preferable that I should send him a message whenever I had anything to communicate. Accordingly on Monday last I sent one of my own secretaries to inquire whether he had anything to say to me on the subject. His answer was that he was so much engaged with business of various kinds that he had had no time to speak to the King, or mention the affair in the Council, and besides, that according to letters received by the ambassador of France, confirming the fact of the retreat, of which I had spoken to him, the affair was no longer so urgent as before. He shewed to my secretary the copy of the letter, and promised to look into the affair this very day, so that I might have an answer on Saturday next. The Duke told him also that in celebration of these good tidings the King had ordered processions and bonfires to be made throughout the kingdom. I wonder whether the King and he (the Duke) intend to pay us out in smoke! However, it will not be for want of solicitations on my part if something substantial is not got out of them for such a holy purpose. I cannot guess what these people will do in future; all I can say is that whatever statements they have hitherto made in reply to my solicitations and arguments savour very strongly of the French school of diplomacy (l'escole de France) . This I have clearly understood, and is more than notorious; it is evident.
On Monday last the above intelligence about the Turk came to the French ambassador, who, after communicating it to the King and to his court, called at the embassy after dinner, and shewed me the letters he had received. He was in very high spirits, and said that he had been the first, 12 days ago, to announce the arrival of Mr. de Mingoval, and what his commission was, and what answer he had got in France. Of his reception at that court, as well as of the magnificent promises made, as he said, by King Francis, the ambassador spoke to me in the highest terms, adding that he was very glad to hear that his master, at least, had declared his wish and intention to join in the undertaking, whilst there was danger to he incurred, for, had it been otherwise, and had he come forward after the retreat of the Turk [from Vienna], no one would have thanked him for his offers. Many other things did this French ambassador say, which the Sieur de Mingoval will faithfully report, since he heard part of the conversation. Upon the whole, the ambassador behaved very courteously indeed; for, having come to me in the afternoon, he remained until it was dark. He told me that he had not yet recovered the "fleur de lis." Madame has often written to say that I must help him in the recovery; but until I receive direct instructions from Your Majesty I do not intend to stir in the affair, the more so that when the ambassador called on me the first time he never mentioned the subject. His brother, Mr. de Langeais (Langeay,) who was the first to come here in demand of the said jewel, will return [to France] in a couple of days, and I fancy that he comes principally for that. If not otherwise instructed, I will, in obedience to Madame's mandate, assist Mr. de Langeais in his application; but will try all I can to gain time for Your Majesty's answer to come. The jewel was cleaned, polished, and mended some days ago.
Madame keeps continually asking me to try and win over the members of this new government to Your Majesty's adherence. I have done, and will do, all I can, though they all know the Italian proverb: "Non si passa la gatta." Your Majesty knows sufficiently well the condition of these people. I believe most of them to be partial to and fond of Your Majesty; but as to declare themselves entirely in our favour, very few will be found to do so from pure affection, and without some hope [of reward], as might be proved from the examples of most who formerly held the reins of government here.
The Cardinal (Wolsey) remains still where he was at the time of his sentence. No change has occurred respecting his person, yet last Saturday a verdict of a similar nature was issued against a priest on whom the Cardinal, in virtue of his legatine powers, had bestowed an ecclesiastical benefice. Neither has the Parliament, now meeting for the purpose of ecclesiastical reform and the reduction of taxes, taken yet any resolution in his case.
The agent of the Duke of Saxony (George), about whom I wrote to Your Majesty, has only come, as far as I can discover, to compliment and visit this king in his master's name, a thing which they do to each other frequently. (fn. n20) He has likewise come for the purpose of procuring certain horses and dogs; but if it be true, as I am informed, that the Duke, in a most affectionate letter to this king, speaks in very honourable terms of the Queen, and exhorts him to lead a conjugal life, it is to be presumed that the agent will not be successful in his mission, and that his master, the Duke, will go without his horses and dogs for the present.
Mr. de Rozymboz (fn. n21) has not arrived yet, at which people here are greatly astonished, and the courtiers deputed to meet and receive him not a little disgusted. The cause of the delay, however, seems to be that Mr. Jehan de Lescaux (fn. n22) has been obliged to go and attend to the recovery of Hesdin.—Londres, 17th of November [1529].
Signed: "Eustace Chapuys."
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
French. Holograph. pp.
—Nov. 217. Miçer Mai to the High Commander.
S. E. L. 848, f. 22.
B.M. Add. 28,579,
f. 281.
Letters lately received from France state that between the king of that country and that of England symptoms begin to shew themselves of no very great friendship.
The Pope is very thoughtful about this matter of the General Council, he is afraid it may turn out the contrary of what His Imperial Majesty thinks and expects. He says that, as far as he can judge from the Emperor's words and antecedents, he trusts in him and has no reason either to suspect France, but that he is terribly afraid of the King of England. (fn. n23)
Indorsed: "Relacion de cartas de Miçer Mai para responder de V., XIV. y XVII. de Diciembre de 1529."
Spanish. Contemporary abstract. pp. 2.
24-28 Nov. 218. Cardinal Colonna to Sanchez. (fn. n24)
S.E.L. 1,454,
f. 142.
B. M. Add. 28,579,
f. 266.
He and the Imperial treasurer had resolved to lay a tax of 200,000 crs. on the kingdom, but Naples is so exhausted and poor, owing to the excesses of the Imperial soldiers, that most people feed only on roots and herbs (no comen mas que yervas). Has decided to postpone the measure until after the harvest—Naples, 24th and 28th November 1529.
Spanish. Original. p. 1.
28 Nov. 219. Paragraphs of letters of Miçer Mai to be answered.
S. E. L. 848,
f. 20.
B.M. Add. 28,579,
f. 267.
Reports about the proposed General Council and the objections raised against it, and relates what passed between the Pope and Cardinal Santa Crocc, the former having openly declared that if a Council was to be assembled he would take to the mountain (se irá por los montes), and leave those who remain behind to do what they can for themselves. Indeed, most people here say that although it has been resolved to convoke a General Council, yet they hope in the meantime that something may happen to prevent it, (fn. n25) and that the Capuan (Niccolo Schomberg,) will go to the Imperial Court to represent the grievous inconveniences likely to arise from such a measure.
Money is wanting to pay the men. Very little hope is entertained about Naples contributing, notwithstanding the pressing orders and instructions sent to Muxetula thereupon. The Pope does not object to the Imperial army, after their quitting the territory of Siena, quartering in the Romagna for a few days.
The letter of the Cardinal of Magunzia (Maintz) was duly delivered to the Pope, who said he would do all he could in the affair, and in the meantime recommend it to the proctor (procurador) that he may help on the election.
Fabricio Marramao has disbanded his men as ordered.
Has seen a memorial of the Archbishop of Siena to the Emperor, wherein he speaks at random, and with little regard for truth, of late events in that city; certainly he (Mai) never said or did anything in the affair without communicating first with Don Fernando Gonzaga and Lope de Sorya (sic).
Julia Colonna has left the house of the wife of Salviati, under whose guard she was temporarily placed by the Pope, and is now keeping house by herself . (fn. n26) The Pope wishes for a speedy and favourable resolution in the affair of Luigo Gonzaga.
Marquis of Mantua and his marriage.
The King of France is sending 100,000 crs. to Switzerland to raise troops. The Italians at that king's court are very much disgusted, owing to a ban ordering them to quit the country immediately under pain of lashes. All the property restored to the heirs of Bourbon has been again taken from them.
The Bishop of Faença, whom the Pope sent to France as nuncio, has returned therefrom, saying that, according to some Frenchmen, he (the King) will do his best to get the duchy of Milan for himself with the Emperor's consent and leave; others think that he intends taking possession of it any how, and that he also wants to become lord of Genoa.
Miçer Scaramuza (Scaramucci), who had effected his reconciliation with the Duke Francesco, has suddenly started for France, annoucing that there will be soon great changes there.
The Duke of Albany asks for an answer to the memorandum he presented on the best means of carrying on war against the Turk.
A certain Frangapani, who has been in France and in Turkey, wandering from place to place, and is presumed to be the soul of many an intrigue [against the Emperor], has lately gone to the Vayvod. (fn. n27)
The Pope has promised to proceed in the suit of the Queen of England without admitting of any further delay, though he says the king of that country is highly displeased at it and assumes a threatening attitude. (fn. n28)
King Henry has prorogued Parliament for no other purpose, as the Pope is informed by letters from England, than that of keeping the affair of the divorce in suspense, and intimidating the Queen. Among those who have counselled this measure to the King is one named Gabrielo, formerly a Jew, whom the King has sent for, promising anything he may wish, [if he will go to England]. Thinking that it would be advantageous for the Emperor's interest to prevent this man from going thither, special messengers have been dispatched to Escalenga (fn. n29) and to Antonio de Leyva, as well as to Andrea del Burgo at Trent, and likewise to Venice to the Imperial ambassador to have him detained. (fn. n30)
Has lately received from Spain fresh papers and documents with which to prosecute the defence of the Queen. Expects every hour the arrival of Dr. Ortiz. (fn. n31)
Spanish. Contemporary writing. pp. 6.
28 Nov. 220. Martin de Salinas to the Emperor.
M. Re Ac. d. Hist.,
c. 71, f. 223.
His Highness' letter dated Grain (?), the 12th inst, came duly to hand on the 23rd, at a time when the Emperor was very anxious to hear the news of those parts. He (the Emperor) was pleased to learn that the mutiny of the troops had been put down. Besides sending bills of exchange for 55,000 ducats, the Emperor has written to the Pope a touching letter, expatiating at length on the imminent danger in which the whole of Christendom actually is. The Pope immediately appointed six of his cardinals to look into the whole affair, and see where and whence money could be procured. The cardinals have found the means of obtaining 40,000 ducats, which, the Pope sends word, will be ready in less than one month. No more help in money can be promised, for though it be true, as His Highness remarks, that the Emperor has lately received [from Spain] 100,000 ducats, they were all spent long before the remittances came.
The negociations with the Duke Francesco and the Venetians progress, though very slowly. Florentines still persist in their rebellion. Until matters are brought to a close and the Emperor has gone first to Rome for his coronation, and afterwards to Naples—which kingdom also requires his presence—there is no hope of His Imperial Majesty being able to attend personally to the affairs of Germany. All this will take some time. Meanwhile, the term at which the king of France has promised to pay his ransom will come, and there will be then plenty of means at the Emperor's disposal to drive off the Turk.
Of the negociations with the Venetians His Highness has no doubt been informed by Andrea del Burgo, to whom the Emperor's instructions to his own ambassador with the Signory have likewise been read, that he may act in concert with him.
Respecting the Duke Frederic, His Highness' commands have been punctually fulfilled. The Emperor was fully informed of his eminent services, and agreed that they ought to be rewarded somehow.
Delivered His Highness' message as he was ordered. Told the Emperor that on three different occasions artillery from the arsenal (armamentario) of Trent had been sent to the duchy of Milan, and that if any of it was no longer wanted His Highness would be glad to have it back.
Spoke to him about the investiture of Milan, which His Highness wishes for himself. The Emperor said such was his wish, only that circumstances and his desire of peace might perhaps prevent it. Should the Duke [Francesco Sforza] comply with the terms proposed, he (the Emperor) would be obliged again to give him the investiture, though in reality his treason and misdeeds have made him unworthy of it. Hearing this, he (Salinas) and Don Pedro de Corboba suggested that since the Emperor was to keep the principal fortresses in the Duchy as a security for the Duke's debt to the Emperor, it was almost certain that within a certain period of time the duke Francesco would shirk the payment or do something through which he would again forfeit his estate, when the Emperor might transfer it to His Highness. To this proposition His Majesty assented, adding that, even in the event of the estate being restored to him, everything shall be tried to invest him only for life, so that His Highness may not lose all hopes of becoming duke of Milan.— Bologna, 28th November 1529.
Spanish. Original draft. pp. 3.

Footnotes

  • n1. The circumstances of this affair are fully described in Sandoval, Hist. del Emperador Carlos 5o, ii., pp. 85-6, as well as by Guicciardini, Bugatti, Jovio, and others. It happened on the 28th of October. Cachadiavolo (Caccia Diavolo) was the nick-name of a celebrated corsair of these times, a native of Smyrna, by name Jayre-d-din, who had once been a captain under Barbarossa. The letter itself was probably addressed to Miçer Mai by some official at Barcelona. It bears no date or signature, but from the place it occupies among other papers in the Archives of Simancas I consider myself justified in calendering it here.
  • n2. From the original preserved in the Vatican Library.
  • n3. "La Certosa di Bologna, a convent of Carthusians, two miles north of that city.
  • n4. Oblata prius per suam sanct. auri massa ponderis, ut asserebant, septem librarum."
  • n5. This copy was made by Berzosa for the use of Philip II. Juan de Berzosa, or Verzosa, as his name is sometimes written, was a native of Saragossa, in Aragon, and Secretary of Legation at Rome, first under Don Diego de Mendoza, the celebrated author of the Guerra de los Moriscos de Granada and other works, and afterwards under Don Francisco de Vargas. By the command of Philip, who in 1567 founded the royal Archives of Simancas, Berzosa was employed in making transcripts at Rome. He was also the author of a work describing that king's journey to England, when he came to be married to Queen Mary, of which, however, the title only is known, since the book itself, according to Latassa, Biblioteca nueva de Escritores Aragoneses, tom, i., p. 308, seems to have been irretrievably lost. We find it occasionally mentioned as follows: Ioannis Berzosæ Cæsaragustani Regis Romæ Tabulario Præfecto à transitu Philippi II- Hispaniarum Regis in Angliam Annalium Liber Primus, and seems to have formed part of a history of the reign of that monarch, which he was compiling at the time of his death, on the 24th of February 1574.
  • n6. Only one, that of the 28th Sept., No. 169, is in the Imperial Archives.
  • n7. "Y assistant la plus part des grans du peys, par la quelle le Cardinal fust desclayré avoer mesprins contre le Roy."
  • n8. "En quoy s'estoyt grandement trompé le Roy. Et pour confirmation de ce propos, le dit Chancellier ne fallist de bien blassoner les armes du dit Cardinal."
  • n9. "Aucuns disent que l'on traictera entre autres choses de marier la princesse au filz du Due de Norforcq, et l'amye du Roy au filz du Due de Boquinguen, et a ce l'on allegue plusieurs raysons apparentes, speciallement quant au dernier; mais le desir qu'ay qu'ainsi fust pour la vuidange de l'autre cas ne me le laisse croyre que ne le voye pour effait."
  • n10. " Et quand toutes occasions faudront celle du Turq est assez souffisante pour lever l'argent de eux et les saignier à mort. D'en tirer du peuple [n'est] aussi facile mesmes pour cette occasion du Tureq. Il n'y a pas graude apparence, cart com-munement yl tiennent propos de demander au Roy les grans empruntz qu'il a fayt d'eux par cy devant que moute une somme inestimable. Je cuyde qu'il les pryera qu'il le tirent des dites debtes, que ne seront peu de chose si celle so pouvoit obtenir, bien qu'il n'accordassent autre chose."
  • n11. "Le Cardinal a donné moyen et occasion au Roy d'assembler force argent veuillant compouser ceux que se sont mesle cu par sollicitation ou prestement dargent ou par conseyl de fere obteuir au dit cardinal la bulle de sa legation."
  • n12. "Et cuyde l'on que celle fust fayt, si le Duc de Nolfolc y eust consenty; mais yl ne le vouloit en si grand mains, ausy n'estoit ce le cas del' autre, et moins du Royaulme."
  • n13. See his despatch of the 25th, No 194, p. 303. Guillerffort must be Sir Henry Guildford.
  • n14. "La Princesse est a Vinesor, et eat ung de grant regretz que la Royne ait de non pouvoir tenir la dite princesse aupres d'elle; mays ce point la ne s'est pen gaigné; de ses afferes l'on n'en sonne mot."
  • n15. The bishop so frequently mentioned in these despatches, whose name was Bernardo Clesi. He was created cardinal in 1530.
  • n16. "Que tiene administrado e emprestido al Conde Veyda (sic) sin lo saber el Rey de Ingalaterra ciento y cinquenta mil angelotes, el qual veyda los pertó (sic) a los capitanes del Turco, e por via de la dicha perta (sic) susceytó e monio al Turco a venir a Ungria."
  • n17. "Que si la dilacion es el contra de lo que deseamos para el Concilio, se tiene en la mano, por quel Papa dice ha enviado por el gouernador de Bolonia, y que le espera de dia en dia para que venga á V. Md. y quo el Papa está muy sobre si y consulta con Ancona."
  • n18. "Y el le respondió que V. Mt. hace estas provisiones con respetos."
  • n19. George of Austria, a bastard son of the Emperor Maximilian, about whom see part 1, pp. 323, 912; p.2, 817.
  • n20. See above, p. 305.
  • n21. Pierre de Rosymboz, first "maistre d'hotel" and Minister of Finances in the Low Countries.
  • n22. Thus written in the original; his name was Jehan de Le Sauch.
  • n23. On the margin of this paragraph is a note, probably in the hand of Cobos, thus worded: "To thank His Holiness for what has already been done in the matter, and beg him to continue until the advocation of the suit to Rome be fairly accomplished."
  • n24. Gabriel? the brother of Alonso Sanchez, formerly ambassador in Venice.
  • n25. This paper, which is apostilled in the margin by Eraso, one of the Emperor's secretaries, contains also the summary of answers to be made to each paragraph.
  • n26. "La Colonna, la qual ya es salida de casa de su muger de Salviati, y está en casa por sy."
  • n27. Let this be shown to Mons. de Granvelle. Marginal note.
  • n28. "Siga," or let it go on.
  • n29. Scalenga, an Albanian captain in the Emperor's service who was taken prisoner in 1527. See part 2, pp. 59, 72. He was at this time governor of Asti.
  • n30. Well done. Marginal note.
  • n31. Dr. Ortiz has taken his departure with all the deeds and papers that could be procured. Marginal note.