Spain: November 1528, 16-30 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1877.

Citation:

'Spain: November 1528, 16-30', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529, ed. Pascual de Gayangos (London, 1877), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol3/no2/pp839-858 [accessed 6 March 2025].

November 1528, 16-30



18 Nov.	586. Don Iñigo de Mendoza to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Hans- Hof-u. Staats. Arch. Wien. Rep. P.C. Fasc. 224, No. 15.	Since his letter of the 16th Oct. the news he has to report is that the King and Queen [of England] came here [to London] from Granuche (Greenwich) to reside at their house of Briduel (Bridewell), whither the other day the new Legate, Campeggio, accompanied by the other who resides here (Wolsey), went to pay their respects to the King, who came out to the very foot of the staircase to receive them. Thence they went to a large room, where the King, the two cardinals, and all the ambassadors excepting himself [Don Iñigo]—who was not invited on the occasion—sat down according to their rank, as well as all the titled gentlemen (hombres de titulo) present, the prelates, &c. There an orator, whom this new Legate brings in his suite, delivered a peroration, the principal object of which was to magnify the damages which the Church has sustained in these latter times, the cruelties committed at Rome, and the sufferings of Italy; to describe the many heresies and sects daily springing up in Christendom, urging and exhorting this King as a peaceful monarch and a "Defender of the Faith," to occupy himself, as he had hitherto done, with the settlement of peace between the Princes now at war with each other, to the great detriment and discredit of the Christian world at large; to seek at the same time to arrest the progress of the Lutheran sect, and prevent its further contamination of the Christian community, &c.
	To the above speech another orator replied on the King's side, laying much more stress still on the damage done at Rome by the Imperial troops, and discoursing in even more exaggerated terms than the Legate's orator on the injury done to the Church of Christ. He went on to say how hard the King had worked to make peace between His Imperial Majesty and the King of France, and how, perceiving that neither mild words nor honourable means availed to bring them to an agreement, as he (the King) most ardently wished, he had resolved to try the other way, which was to join the League, and see whether he could not by so doing obtain the object of his wishes. To this end he had allied himself to the party which appeared to him to have most right on its side, in order the better to resist the encroachments and ambition of the tyrant.
	This last word and sentence, independently of its being wholly false (myntrosa), was the most terrible accusation which the King could have brought against His Imperial Majesty. The orator went on to say how the King of England offered his services in all that might contribute to the peace and welfare of the Christian community, the fostering of the Faith, &c.
	The audience at an end, the King and the two cardinals retired to a closet (recamara), where they stayed a long while. Then and there, as is generally believed, the Legate Campeggio delivered his secret credentials to the King, who, perceiving how much the Legate was suffering from gout (he had gone to the Palace in a Sedan chair), gave him leave to retire to his lodgings. Two days after the two Legates (Campeggio and Wolsey) and several other prelates came to visit the Queen, who received them in one of her apartments, and having asked whether he (Campeggio) wished to speak to her in private or publicly before the bystanders, the Cardinal Legate who resides here (Wolsey) replied that he thought it best that they should all retire to her closet (recamara), which they did. There Cardinal Campeggio gave her the Papal brief and letters of credence, in virtue of which he proceeded to say that His Holiness had been informed how in these kingdoms [of England] great doubts had been and were actually entertained about the validity of the King's marriage, many prelates, doctors, and jurists (doctos hombres) professing the opinion that there had been some irregular proceeding (alguna surreption), whence great harm might ensue to the peace and tranquillity of the kingdom. His Holiness, therefore, had consulted upon this affair some learned theologians (personas doctas), who at once pronounced the case to be dubious and difficult of decision. That in order to do away with the scruples and other greater evils which the discord between her (the Queen) and her husband the King was likely to produce, were they to live together, and in order also to remove any difficulties as to the succession to the crown of England (uviese menos inconvenientes), he (the Pope) thought that the best expedient to be adopted was that she (the Queen) should profess in some religious community, and take vows of perpetual chastity. That since Her Highness had already reached the third and last period of natural life, and had spent the first two setting a good example [of virtue] to the world, she would thus put a seal to all the good actions of her life, and could besides prevent by such religious profession the many and incalculable evils likely to arise from such matrimonial discord.
	The Queen at first showed a little irritation at these words, and spoke some angry words to the resident Legate (Wolsey), hinting that he was the cause of all her misfortunes; but after some time she grew calm, and said to Campeggio, with great composure, that she held her husband's conscience and honour in more esteem than anything else in this world; that she entertained no scruple at all about her marriage, but considered herself the true and legitimate wife of the King, her husband; that the proposal just made in the name of His Holiness was inadmissible. She knew for certain that if His Holiness, instead of listening to the arguments and suggestions of her enemies, had heard what she had to say in her defence, such a proposal would never have been made. She was, however, so dutiful a daughter of the Church that nothing would make her swerve from the path of obedience. She only begged not to be condemned before she was heard.
	The Legate's reply was that the proposal he, had made was only intended for her relief and to obviate most effectually greater evils, but that, since she declined to accept it, she might be confident that full justice should be done, not only as to Her Highness, whom the Pope had always considered as a most dutiful and obedient daughter of the Church, but as to any other person, and that she should be heard as a matter of right; with which the audience ended and the two Legates withdrew.
	The day after, the King went in person to the residence of Legate Campeggio and conversed for awhile with him in the most private manner. An Italian who was in an adjoining room, and overheard part of the conversation, says that the King seemed very eager (daua gran prisa), and pressed the Legate to take some decision in this affair, and that whenever the latter offered any objections or gave evasive answers, the King's voice grew loud and excited (leuantaba altas vozes). From the Legate's rooms the King went to a chamber, where Campeggio's secretary was, and there again he spoke with great vehemence, urging a prompt decision in the case. He (Don Iñigo) has been assured that on that occasion the King was by no means pleased with his visit, and that he left the Legate's apartments very much disappointed.
	Two days after this the King spoke to the Queen and told her that she was not his wife, and that all the jurists (letrados) of England had subscribed a declaration to that effect with their own names. The Pope had condemned her at Rome, and the Legate (Campeggio) had come for the sole purpose of having the sentence executed. Upon which the Queen inquired, "How can the Pope condemn me without a hearing?" The King replied, "The Emperor has answered for you, and consequently the Pope has decided against you." Many other equally groundless statements (burlerias) did the King make, and ended by advising her to make a religious profession, as the Legate had recommended; otherwise, he said, she would be compelled to do so. The Queen, with tears in her eyes, answered, "May God forbid my being the cause of that being done which is so much against my soul, my conscience, and my honour! I know very well that if the judges are impartial, and I am granted a hearing, my cause is gained, for no judge will be found unjust enough to condemn me;" and she ended by begging that she might be allowed to plead her own cause. The King then said, "I am quite willing that it should be so; a council shall he appointed for your defence, and moreover you may send to Flanders for a jurist (letrado); but," added he, "this must be done forthwith, for the affair admits of no delay."
	The day after the Archbishop of Canterbury (Warham) and the Bishops of London (Tunstall), of Ruychestre (Rochester), (fn. n1) and another, besides three more theologians of inferior rank and learning, were appointed members of the Queen's council. The Queen then wrote to the Lady Margaret [of the Low Countries], informing her of the necessity in which she stood of two good Flemish lawyers, who should take up her case and plead in her defence. No answer has yet been received, but it is hoped that the Lady Margaret will soon comply with her wishes.
	After this the Queen asked the King's permission to hold a conference with the new Legate (Campeggio), which being granted, she went in person to his house, and said to him that she came to open her conscience to him, knowing him to be a priest and consecrated bishop. She talked to him for upwards of an hour, and said that she considered herself a true Christian, and, though a sinner, not so bad a one but that she would have applied to the Holy See had she ever felt the least scruple about her marriage. She was, and had been for a great many years, as unconscious of guilt in connection with her marriage as if she had never before been married. She had always held the Pope's dispensation to be valid, and her conscience was as tranquil as it would have been troubled had she suspected that the King was doing for her sake a thing so much against his conscience and honour. He (the Legate) must know for certain that all attempts to make her take the veil in a convent would provevain, as she would defend to the last the soul and the honour of her husband and herself. He (the Legate) might write to the Pope that such was her determination. The Legate received this declaration of the Queen under confession, and promised to write to Rome about it. I have reasons to believe, though the Queen herself has not said so to me, that she told the Legate that she was a virgin when she married this her second husband, and that the first (Prince Arthur) had never consummated matrimony. This last declaration, however, will not, as far as I know, be adduced as a proof before the judges, lest it should appear as if some doubt was entertained respecting the validity of the dispensation. Only in the case of a flaw in the brief being discovered, which I believe there is not, shall the Queen's declaration concerning her former marriage be brought forward as an argument in her favour.
	Since the above conference (platica) some of the prelates of this kingdom have met, and made fresh instances with the Queen to induce her to consent to the King's wishes, and take the veil as the surest means of obviating the present difficulty, offering her in the King's name better treatment than she has met with hitherto, as likewise greater authority and power than she had before, the title of Queen, and a larger provision for herself and her household. The Queen, however, remains firm, and has answered their overtures in the very same terms as those made by the Legate (Campeggio), giving them to understand that all efforts made to move her from her purpose will be in vain. She has of late been so beset with arguments (combatida) thereupon, and so annoyed by the urgent solicitations of the said prelates, that it moves one to compassion.
	I spoke some time ago to the Legate (Campeggio), and after congratulating him upon his coming [to England], told him how pleased Your Imperial Majesty was at his appointment, knowing that a prelate of his parts and learning could never have accepted such a commission as this unless he were sure of doing some good in the affair, and promoting the welfare of Christendom at large. I further informed him that in all matters concerning the peace and union between Christian Princes, so that they might all together turn their arms against the Infidel, he would always find me disposed, as a faithful servant and agent of Your Imperial Majesty, to help to the utmost of my power. He thanked me for the offer, and began to recount most minutely the causes of his coming, and ended by expressing his opinion that the best way to avoid the embarrassments (inconvenientes) that might arise would be for the Queen of her own free will to take the veil [in a convent] before her case was submitted for trial. All those who felt an interest for her, or had the management of her affairs [in London], ought to advise her in that sense, &c. My reply was that I never thought that his commission in coming to England as Papal Legate could be to propose such a settlement of the question pending between the Queen and her husband, especially in such troubled times as these, when it seemed to me that old quarrels and dissensions between Christian Princes ought to be appeased instead of being stirred up. The Queen's case, moreover, so nearly touched His Imperial Majesty, as well as his brothers the Kings of Hungary and Portgual, that the Emperor could never allow her to be unjustly treated, and therefore it would be far better for the good of Christianity at large to quell and put down such dissensions than give cause for new ones. The Legate's reply was that he was aware how much Your Imperial Majesty took this affair to heart, as appeared from the written answer given [in Spain] to this King's herald, but if the Queen persisted in her refusal and would not take the Pope's advice, he (Campeggio) could do no more in the matter than follow his instructions, which were not to deny justice to either side. I replied that the Queen wished for nothing more than her right [to be heard]; only that her case being one of such importance she naturally wished to have it decided at Rome, and had accordingly placed herself under the Pope's jurisdiction, trusting in his conscience and good faith to give her a just hearing there.
	Upon which the Legate assured me that the whole kingdom of England together would not make him swerve from the right path. He was so far advanced in age that it befitted him rather to prepare to appear before God with a pure conscience than try to court the favour of any Prince in this world. He would proceed in the affair with such justice and impartiality that nobody would have occasion to raise any complaint against him. He would not move a step in the affair without fresh instructions from Rome, and should he receive any would not fail to apprise me of them. "This, however," he added, "must be a secret between Your Reverence and me. I have just despatched a trusty messenger to the Pope to inform him how the affair stands, and what the Queen has said to me, and also to inquire what are His Holiness' real intentions and wishes (intima voluntad) respecting this case. Until an answer comes from Rome I shall not move a step in the affair." After which, having thanked the Legate, and told him that we all trusted in him, I took leave and came away.
	Five or six days after this conversation with the Legate the Archbishop of Canterbury (William Warham), the Bishop of London (Cuthbert Tunstall), and two more personages of distinction (personas principales) waited upon the Queen and interrogated her upon two points, which they said had been put forward by the adverse party (parte contraria), namely, whether it was true that she had attempted the King's life, in order to have herself and her daughter the Princess married at her will, and why she (the Queen) had not exhibited before the copy of the brief of dispensation on her marriage which she had that very day placed in the Legate's hands, and how she had come by it. Her answer was, as to the first question, that she could not imagine that such an abominable accusation could come from the King, her lord, for he knew well that she prized his life more than her own, and that, therefore, there was no need for her to answer such a question as that; and, respecting the copy of the brief of dispensation, she had not exhibited it before because she had never imagined that it would be required. As to who had given it to her, she stated that I, Don Iñigo de Mendoza, had sent it to her six months ago.
	The said prelates then asked her whether she had received any letters from Your Imperial Majesty at the same time, and the Queen answered that she had not, with which the interrogatory ceased, and they went away.
	The Queen has since sent me a message to say that she believes I am about to be interrogated respecting the said copy. If so, I shall so shape my answer that it may not disagree with the Queen's declaration, nor make it appear as if she had stated an untruth.
	The King has resided here in London for 20 days. It is very seldom that he makes so long a stay. Whilst passing from their Royal residence to the Dominicans through a gallery communicating with that convent, the Queen was so warmly greeted by immense crowds of people, who publicly wished her victory over her enemies, so that this kingdom may be saved from utter ruin, that the King ordered that nobody should be again admitted to the place. Perceiving, moreover, that his subjects are discontented with what he is aiming at, he resolved to send for the mayor and aldermen of this city, and told them in public that the French King had asked his daughter, the Princess Mary, in marriage for his son, the Duke of Orleans, but wished to know, before the marriage took place, whether she was legitimate or not. For this reason, and also because most of the prelates and other theologians (doctos hombres) of his kingdom had assured him that he had sinned mortally in his marriage with the Queen, he was desirous of ascertaining the truth of the case, that his conscience might be quieted, and this kingdom have a legitimate heir when his days should be over. He trusted in God that the arrival of this new Legate (Cardinal Campeggio) from Rome would be the means of having the question settled, so that all his subjects might live in a state of greater peace and happiness than they had ever enjoyed before.
	I am told that some councillors have told the King that if he will continue to give the reins to his passion (siguiendo su apetito) it is far better for him not to live in London, because he will then be less open to slander, &c. This advice he has lately followed, and the other day departed [from London], and went to a house five miles from the residence of Anna Bolain (Anne Boleyn), and ordered the Queen to go back to Granuche (Greenwich). The King, they say, went away with the intention of never returning to London again, and yet, after speaking to that lady, he was so pressed by her to settle this affair of the divorce that he determined to come back to London, as he has actually done, having made his entrance last Saturday, and sending a message [to Greenwich] for the Queen to return here. He is so blindly in love with that lady that he cannot see his way clearly; and though the connection is so abominable that it may lead to the worst consequences, he is so determined upon this divorce that all his subjects are greatly afraid of his ultimately carrying his plans into execution.
	With regard to the Legate (Campeggio), who is to be judge in this affair, this must be said of him, that although he is generally held in good estimation, people are still afraid, and not without cause, that this King may have gained him over to his side by means of some gift or promise, for otherwise it is not to be supposed that he would have sent for him. Indeed, I have been told—though I do not vouch for the truth—that the Legate has already received from this King upwards of 20,000 cr. in various presents, and Your Imperial Majesty may be sure that if bribery is required, and the Legate is to be corrupted, no money will be wanting; for though this King is generally very careful of his money, such is his passionate love for the lady (Anne) that he will spare nothing to see his wishes accomplished, and will put all his fortune at stake. On the other hand the kingdom is in such a state, and the people in general are so discontented, that if there was a man to take the lead the elements for a rebellion would not be wanting; only, as I said before, there is no head, and so all will end in smoke.
	Campeggio told me at our last interview that he had heard that this King was trying, through his ambassadors in Spain, to make peace with Your Imperial Majesty. It would not surprise me, as he may think that, by so doing at the present juncture, he will perhaps bind Your Imperial Majesty not to take part with the Queen against him.
	The King has despatched two messengers since Legate Campeggio came; and now I am told he is about to send a third, a bishop. The Queen would have wished that Your Majesty had sent to Rome to warn the Pope against the false information which has been forwarded from this place; and although she herself has not written to me, or in any way intimated her displeasure, I have reason to believe that she is somewhat hurt at what she calls Your Majesty's forgetfulness on this occasion. I have told her that, far from this being the case, the principal object which Your Majesty has in view is her comfort and happiness; and this is indeed so, since besides the meritorious work of defending the oppressed, and herself in particular, Your Imperial Majesty must also see to the preservation of the friendship and alliance with these people. Your Majesty must needs take such measures both at Rome and here [in London] that all the world may know that the Emperor takes up this affair earnestly, and considers it as his own. The mine is set, and if a countermine is not quickly applied, the King's impatience will prevent the remedy from arriving in time.
	Enclosed is a copy (fn. n2) of the mandate sent by the Pope to these cardinals (Campeggio and Wolsey). I have had the greatest difficulty to procure it, because until the answer, which they expect every day, from Rome comes, they (the cardinals) have persistently kept and still keep it a secret. Your Majesty will see that the Pope remits the case to their decision. One of the two Legates, the one who resides here (Wolsey), is trying to persuade the King that he can serve his cause more effectually as his advocate than as a judge, and has actually exempted himself from this charge. Indeed, I am told that it has been agreed between him and the King that the new Legate (Campeggio) shall be the only one to hear and give sentence in the case. There is no knowing whether, in the end, he (Cardinal Wolsey) will use his commission; but at present he is trying, as I say, to back out of it; for, although he is the person who most pressingly solicits (aprieta) the Queen to do as she is recommended, there can be no doubt that in secret, and where he is not heard, he talks differently, and this he does out of fear of losing his place and the King's favour, should the other lady triumph. Many, however, suspect that some sort of understanding exists between him, the lady, and her father; but such is the Cardinal's ambition and his lust of power that he is not likely to trust to them or to anyone; more probably, as he sees the King so determined to do his pleasure, he will fall in with his views rather than run the risk of entirely losing his favour.
	In short, up to this day nothing has been done in this affair, save trying to persuade the Queen to retire to a convent of her own free will; but as she most obstinately refuses to do this, and they know her resolute temper in such matters, they are anxiously awaiting an answer from Rome, in order to commence proceedings and institute the demand of divorce, to forward which it is generally believed that this King will use all possible diligence, since the matter is now too public and manifest for him to recede. In the opinion of those who wish well to the Queen, it would be advisable to send here for this especial object from Spain or Flanders a personage of high rank and authority, that all might see how much Your Imperial Majesty takes this business of the Queen to heart; also to persuade the Kings of Hungary and Portugal to do the same, for although their interference might prove of no avail, they could by their presence give countenance to these Englishmen (estos Ingleses) and encourage them in the Queen's defence, seeing that Your Imperial Majesty does not desert her. An ambassador might also be sent to Rome to request His Holiness to make over (avocar) the cause to him, to be seen in Consistory with his cardinals. I am, however, very much afraid, unless the King's present humour changes, that the string will snap at the weakest point (que la cuerda no quiebre por lo mas delgado).
	The reason why they interrogated the Queen as to whether it was true that she had attempted the King's life, that she and her daughter, the Princess, might afterwards marry whomsoever they pleased, was solely from the King's impatience to have the separation hastily pronounced by Legate Campeggio before the proceedings had even commenced. Most likely the Queen's enemies could not think of a more gratuitous or false accusation to serve their purpose than to make this King believe that he could not live with her except at the risk of his life. So great, however, are the avarice of the English people and the King's violence, that I am very much afraid witnesses will in the end be found to testify to anything whatsoever. Your Imperial Majesty may judge how difficult the Queen's position is when accused of the very crime which has perhaps been attempted against her, and that in the name of the King, her husband, who must know her innocence.
	The Queen has been advised by some who take an interest in her affairs not to show in any way that she hopes or expects to be assisted in her troubles by Your Imperial Majesty. That, they say, would not help her cause in the least, but, on the contrary, prejudice it, as it might irritate the King. If he is to desist from his demand, it must be by convincing him that he can continue in his present matrimony without sin, not by any other considerations, much less that of fear of Your Imperial Majesty. That is the reason why the Queen, after secretly communicating to me all the details of this affair, has lately written to request me not to act as if the information came from her, but merely as in the exercise of my duties as ambassador, or by instructions from home, since everyone here knows that Your Majesty considers her case his own.
	I must further observe that when the King gave her permission to bring foreign lawyers to plead her case he stipulated that they should be Flemish, not Spaniards, as the latter were too far off, and would be too long in coming. The lawyer whom Your Majesty appointed some time ago, if a good jurist, and already on his way, (fn. n3) would arrive very seasonably, for they could not suspect here that he had been sent at the Queen's request, and he might remain [in England] afterwards as resident ambassador.
	The peace of Gheldres was solemnly sworn to by the Duke in the presence of Your Imperial Majesty's Audiencier. The particulars of the treaty I do not know, only that it has been signed and proclaimed.
	Two days ago a rumour was afloat that a truce of five months had been concluded between Your Majesty and the King of France. If so, I fancy that some people will be sorry to hear of it. It has also been reported that the new Cardinal de los Angeles (Quiñones) had been empowered to conclude a general peace.
	The Queen has not yet returned from Greenwich, and it is generally believed that she will remain there for the present, The King is to meet her to-morrow, but will come backwards and forwards to urge the Legate Campeggio to proceed in the affair of his divorce. Such is his eager desire to see the issue of the process that he will omit no expense nor fatigue in its accomplishment. The Legate, I am told, is very sorry that he ever came with such a mandate.—London, 18th November 1528.
	Signed: "Don Iñigo de Mendoza."
	Addressed: "To the Emperor, King of Spain, &c."
	Spanish. Entirely in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. pp. 20.
19 Nov.	587. The Same to the Same.
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-u.StaatsArch. Wien. Rep. P.C. Fasc. 224.	A duplicate of the above, also in cipher, with the addition of the following paragraph:—
	The above is only the duplicate of my letter of the 18th, forwarded by Sancho Martinez de Leyva. I have this morning received a letter from the Queen, informing me that the King's lawyers have raised new objections against the dispensation brief, alleging that it was not entered on the register at the time, and that even if it was, there is reason to believe that the present is not a faithful copy of the original. The Queen's advocates, therefore, are afraid that this ambassador now being sent by the King to Rome, in great haste and with plenty of money, may bribe the Datary (Giberto) and purloin the register, so that it may not be forthcoming, or otherwise so change and falsify the brief of dispensation that it may have no force.
	The Queen has sent me a message to this effect, requesting that I would communicate the intelligence to the Imperial ambassador at Rome. I have complied with her wishes, and written to him (Muxetula), not by especial messenger, owing to the roads in Italy being, as I am told, intercepted by the Venetians, but through a merchant of this place. May my letter reach in safety, that the Imperial agents near the Pope may be warned against the designs of these people, who, after accusing the poor Queen of attempting the life of her husband, will not certainly scruple to falsify the draft of the dispensation brief or cause the original register to be conveyed where it will never be found again. As I have said over and over again, had the attested copy arrived [from Spain], or were it to come soon, much mischief might be avoided, but such is the King's impatience, and the pressure he puts upon those who are conducting this affair, that I am very much afraid, unless at the moment I write the document is already on its way, it will come too late. The fewer the people to whom the present measure, and indeed everything else relating to the Queen, is communicated, the better the chance of success; its being detrimental to one of the parties makes it more beneficial to the cause, and surer for the party who gives me the information.—London, 19th November 1528.
	Signed: "Don Yñigo."
	Addressed: "To the Emperor and King."
	Spanish. Entirely in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on the same sheet. pp. 2.
20 Nov.	588. Ascanio Colonna to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 43, f. 264.	Humbly kisses the Emperor's feet for having deigned to write to him. In Andrea Doria's withdrawal (retirada) from French service His Imperial Majesty may be sure of two things: first, that he (Ascanio) will serve as faithfully as he has done hitherto, without regard to his own person and interest; secondly, that he will obey implicitly the Prince's orders.
	The Emperor's well-known munificence and his own services embolden him to beg for three things. Firstly, that when the time arrives for remunerating the services of his faithful servants, no Italian be preferred before him. Secondly, not to let Fundi, and other estates obtained at the cost of the blood of his own father (Prospero), pass into other hands. Thirdly, that the Prince of Orange take under his special protection the whole of his property in the dominions of the Church, for it would not be just that, now that the Pope has by force become the Emperor's friend, he (Ascanio) should be visited with his vengeance. To ensure this it would be needful that in future he should hold his landed property directly from the Emperor.—La Auquila (Aquila), 20th November 1528. (fn. n4)
	Signed: "Ascanio Colonna."
	Italian. Copy. 1.
21 Nov.	589. Lope de Soria to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 43, f. 266.	Wrote last on the 1st of October. Since the 20th of February has not heard from Spain.
	Had often received letters from the Prince, from Leyva, and from Juan Antonio Muxetula, urging him to go over to Genoa. (Cipher :) Had always declined on the plea that he had no positive orders about it, that his presence in that city would be disagreeable to Doria under present circumstances, owing to the many friends he (Soria) has there, and, above all, to his own experience of men and things; (common writing:) but having heard from the Prince that such was the Emperor's wish, he hesitated no longer and started on his journey. On the road, however, to that place he sent one of his secretaries on with a letter to Andrea Doria, begging him to consult the Dux and governors about his coming. Two days after, Doria sent a message by Miçer Vicenzio Palavecino informing him that it had been resolved not to accept him. The only reason given was that he (Soria) had resided there as ambassador in the time of the Adorni. But the truth is (cipher :) that Doria is complete master of that city; nothing is done without his consent, and he does not wish him to be at Genoa for fear he should detect his plans. Is therefore returning to Milan, and will wait there for the Emperor's orders.
	Passing through Reggio on the 8th inst., met there the Duke of Ferrara, who had come for the express purpose of receiving his son (Ercole) and his wife. They arrived on the 11th. On this occasion the Duke informed him (Soria) that he had had Jeronimo Pio, the brother of Marco, his ambassador in Spain, beheaded, because he found him in devising treachery against his person and estate. For this reason he had also recalled his ambassador in Spain, but was determined to send another, because his intention was, and is, to remain faithful to the Emperor. He went further; he complained that his agent at Naples near the Prince of Orange had been so ill-treated and insulted of late that he scarcely dared leave his lodgings. (Common writing:) He (Soria) expressed his astonishment, and promised to write to Naples to demand redress.
	(Cipher :) The Duke further said that the confederates had offered him the command in chief of their forces, if he would only declare openly against the Emperor, and that the rebel barons of Naples had also offered to help him to the conquest of that kingdom and proclaim him King thereof, he being a descendant of the house of Aragon. He had, however, obstinately refused on account of ill health, but in reality out of regard for the Emperor, whose friend he had always been, and still was.
	These asseverations of the Duke may be true, but the fact is that at the present moment his son Ercole is said to be in treaty with the Florentines, who wish him to take the command of their army.
	A servant of Alberto di Carpi, who came on the 1st of October to visit the Pope on behalf of the French King, promised him to have Ravenna and Cervia instantly restored to him if he would again declare for the League. Also that Modena and Reggio should be given back the very moment that he (the Pope) should befriend the French cause. The Pope, however, is said to have answered in the negative, and everyone in Italy is persuaded of his wishing earnestly for peace, and keeping up a friendly correspondence with the Prince and Leyva.
	Ypolito de' Medici, the Pope's nephew, has gone to Rome post-haste to be married, as it is rumoured, to the daughter of Vespasiano Colonna.
	(Cipher :) St. Pol and Theodoro Triulcis (Triulzio) are inside Alessandria. Their forces are not considerable, but they give out that they expect reinforcements from France. Leyva is ill at Milan, but thinking of sending part of his men to Genoa for the purpose of joining the forces in that city, and afterwards attacking Alessandria. This plan of Leyva, which seemed excellent, must, however, be postponed or modified, for there is a report that the Genoese, unwilling to bear such an expense, and presuming that the confederates will not attempt to attack Genoa during this winter, have licensed the whole of their army, keeping only about 2,000 men to protect Savona and Gavi, which they have already reduced. His Imperial Majesty may believe him (Soria) when he asserts that the Genoese are now doing all they can to be on friendly terms with the French, and that if Doria's galleys were to go out of the port, the enemy would not have great difficulty in again taking possession of the city.
	(Common writing:) Thomasso de' Fornaris refuses to accept the bills of exchange for the last 200,000 ducats on the plea that he has no orders to that effect from Spain. As to the Grimaldi, they likewise refuse giving what remains in their hands of the old exchanges, which they retain, they say, as balance of certain accounts with Leyva, of which he (Soria) knows nothing. That has placed him at fault with the heirs of Jorge Fransperch (Fruntsperg), with whom he would avoid, if possible, any altercation.
	Will still remain at this place (Montogio), waiting for Cardinal Campeggio and Miçer May, who are said to be on their way to Rome.—Montogio, 21st November 1528.
	Signed: "Lope de Soria."
	Addressed: "To His most Sacred, &c."
	Indorsed: "To the King. Soria. Montogio."
	Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet (fol. 270). pp. 8.
23 Nov.	590. Count Mathalun to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 43, f. 272.	Has to-day received the Emperor's letter in answer to his despatches of the 5th of July. Hopes that the duplicate of that of the 1st of September, (fn. n5) announcing the signal victory obtained against the French [at Naples], has likewise reached Spain. Has been unable to write since, owing to a dangerous fever caught on the Garigliano, and which has confined him to his bed from the 10th of July to the 4th of September. Three captains who served under him were struck by fever about the same time, and have died since. Don Pedro de Acuña, though still alive, is dangerously ill.
	As the Viceroy (Prince of Orange), Pompeo Colonna, and the Council cannot fail to report on the state of affairs in this kingdom, he has nothing to add, except that he is always ready to sacrifice his life and property for the Imperial service.—Datum Majdoloni (sic), 23rd November 1528.
	Signed: "Lo Comte de Mathaluni."
	Italian. Original. 1.
23 Nov.	591. Prothonotary Caracciolo to the Emperor.
f. 274.	Has begged the Reverend Prior of Barletta (Martinengo), now released from captivity, and about to start for Spain, to be the bearer of this despatch, and inform the Emperor of what has happened since his last of the 20th of October. As the Prior is a man of great military talents and experience, well acquainted with the position and defences of Barletta, and likewise with the state of affairs in Lombardy, his report cannot fail to be useful under present circumstances. He will inform His Imperial Majesty that Leyva is still in bad health, and unable to bear the fatigues of a campaign; and how the men under his orders are in a state of mutiny, and the enemy almost at the gates of this city. This is the time for the Emperor to consider whether peace is to be made, or war to be prosecuted with vigour. In either case the Emperor must decide soon, and above all send money to pay these troops. A person of ability and military reputation ought also to be appointed to serve under Leyva, and in case of anything happening to him,—which, considering his old age and infirmities, is not improbable,—replace him in the command The Prior of Barletta would be acceptable.—Milan, 23rd November 1528.
	Signed: "II Prothonotario Caracciolo."
	Addressed: "Sacratissimæ, Cesareæ, et Catholicæ Majestati."
	Indorsed: "1528. Caracciolo. Milan."
	Italian. Original entirely in cipher. Contemporary deciphering between the lines and on separate sheet (fol. 276). pp. 2.
23 Nov.	592. Don Iñigo de Mendoza to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-u. StaatsArch. Wien. Rep. P.C. Fasc. 224, No. 16.	To-day, the 23rd of November, I went to Greenwich to see the Queen, as I had received a message from her saying that she wished to speak to me, and that I was to go thither in disguise, and with the greatest possible secrecy. I did this, and had a long conversation with her, in the course of which she told me many things which I have no time to relate at present, as the vessel by which this letter goes is already getting up sail.
	There is, however, one piece of intelligence which I cannot pass in silence, as it is of some importance, namely, that this King is thinking of sending some one to Spain to ascertain whether it is true or not that Your Majesty has in his possession the original brief of dispensation. If so, the individual who is to be appointed will try by fair words to get that document into his hands, and, if successful, place it where it cannot be found again. So the King himself has told to people who have reported his words to the Queen. I told her that there was no necessity for my noticing this circumstance in my next letter, or warning Your Majesty of the plot prepared by this King, as in the event of an English ambassador going to Spain on that special mission, strict orders should be given not to give or show him the original document. The Queen, however, has insisted upon my communicating this intelligence to Court, and warning Your Majesty's ministers of the danger of the brief falling into the hands of her enemies, as she says that all the strength of her case now lies in that document For fear Your Majesty should imagine that the mere exhibition of a brief which of itself condemns the King might turn to her (the Queen's) advantage, and should thereby be induced to have it shown to the person or persons whom the King, her husband, is about to send, she begs me most particularly to warn Your Majesty against any such design of her enemies, and not let them get hold of the brief, knowing, as she does, that they will spare no trouble to obtain possession of it, inasmuch as it is generally believed that, the dispensation having been issued in the form of a brief, the registration at Rome was omitted, and therefore that no other record is in existence, save the original which Your Majesty says is kept in Spain.
	In case of this King deciding to send the treasurer of his household upon the aforesaid errand, as he seemed determined to do last week, a special messenger, I hear, is to be despatched by the Queen with orders to make all possible haste by land, so as to reach Spain before him; but as the King is of so versatile a temper he may possibly change his mind ere long.—London, 23rd November 1528.
	Signed: "Don Iñigo de Mendoça."
	Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty of the Emperor and King, our Lord."
	Spanish. Original entirely in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. pp. 2.
24 Nov.	593. Queen Katharine to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-u.Staats Arch. Wien. Rep. P.C. Fasc. 224.	I beg Your Highness to pardon me for being thus importunate, but the truth and justice of my case, and the great injury done unto me by delaying a judgment that must needs turn out in my favour, compel me again to trouble Your Highness upon a point which you must have at heart as much as myself; but knowing, as I do, that, after God, no one but Your Majesty can remedy my troubles, I must needs use with Your Highness the office of the Samaritan with Jesus Christ.
	The ambassador of Your Majesty residing at this Court has worked and is working as much as he can in this business, so much so that I shall be grateful to him for life. I beg Your Majesty to keep him in memory and bestow your favours on him, for certainly his devotion and good-will towards Your Highness' service are well worthy of reward.
	As Don Yñigo is now writing to Your Majesty showing the necessity there is that justice be soon done [in my case], and a certain inhibition laid before this Parliament, in case of any proceedings being attempted there; and as I myself have written to His Holiness to that effect, I shall not say more on this subject, except observing that the inhibition ought if possible to be presented by the Papal Nuncio, here residing, because then all the [English] Parliament would be glad not to discuss such matters, and this will also be the cause that in future all things relating to the Apostolic See will be treated with the respect they deserve. (fn. n6) —Antoncurt (Hampton Court), 24th November. Humble aunt of Your Majesty, Catherina.
	Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2.
28 Nov.	594. Secretary Perez to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 43, f. 281.	Encloses duplicate of his despatches of the 29th of October and 19th inst., which Don Diego Sarmiento took to Spain. Since then the Marquis del Guasto has left for his expedition to Puglia. He is now at Benevento, passing muster of his troops. All are in excellent spirits, and anxious to take Barletta and Trani, which the enemy is said to have provisioned and fortified with great care, though they lost the other day two of their galleys and one brigantine destined to that service. Owing to this it is said that the garrisons of those cities are in want of some articles of food, and that the plague has broken out in them.
	In consequence of the death of the warder of Manfredonia, the lieutenancy of its castle has been given to Count Miniano, the brother of Cesaro Ferramosca.
	Of the grants made by the Prince to various captains of this Imperial army His Majesty is no doubt officially informed. Ten thousand ducats a year have been bestowed on the Marquis del Guasto, besides the marquisate of Monte Sarchio, at which some of the Neapolitan barons, who have served with fidelity, are rather discontented, seeing that their services are not equally remunerated.
	The cases of the Duke of Boyano, Count Marcon, and Don Fadrique (Federigo), the son of the Duke of Traietto, are being tried. When their guilt is proved, and sentence issued, it will be for the Emperor to decide on their fate.
	Negotiations with Ansaldo Grimaldo, the banker.
	Cardinal Sancta Croce is anxiously expected at Rome; but there are no tidings of him yet, except that he was at Rosas, in Catalonia, and that some of Doria's galleys were to escort him.
	The Prince of Orange and Alarcon have completely recovered, and Captain Juan de Urbina is also much better. The latter came from Puzzuolo to a country house near Pusilico (Posilipo), half a league from this city, where he now is.
	A deputation of gentlemen from this city is now going [to Spain] for the purpose of remonstrating against the conduct of the soldiers, who are wasting the land and robbing the people. Unless the army evacuates Naples immediately the whole kingdom will be completely destroyed.
	Leonardo Grimaldo has been sent to Sicily for the purpose of collecting all the corn and barley that can be spared, for owing to the land remaining untilled, and not having been sown, the harvest of next year will be very scanty, and a famine is apprehended. It is to be hoped that the Viceroys of Sicily and Sardinia will not oppose the measure.
	The Abruzzi are infested by robbers and "fuorisciti" of all nations, who plunder (desbalijan) all travellers. The other day a captain of light horse, accompanied by some of his men, was stopped on the road and robbed. When inferior in number, the "banditti" take refuge in the Roman estates. Muxetula has been written to, that he may lay a remonstrance before the Pope about it.
	News has come that two Venetian galleys, laden with artillery and provisions for Barletta and Trani, have gone on shore close to Jovenazzo and Malfeto, on the coast of Puglia. One of the Venetian proveditors was drowned on the occasion. The light horse of Hernando Gonzaga and of Count Burrello were making forays to the very gates of Trani and Barletta, taking numbers of prisoners, &c.
	Since the above was written an important piece of news has been received. As the son of Renzo da Ceri was trying to introduce a reinforcement of 100 men into Barletta, the galley on board of which he was went aground close to Guasto's camp, when he and the rest were made prisoners.
	Three Spaniards came here yesterday from the camp, to say, in the name of their comrades, that unless they received ten monthly pays—five now, and five more at the end of next January—they would not move from where they are. The Prince and Council immediately met to deliberate and it was found that in order to give the Germans the eight monthly pays promised, issue also a proportionate sum to the men-at-arms and light horse, and something more to the Italians, at least 400,000 ducats would be required. The Spanish deputation was dismissed with the following proposition : Eight months' pay instead of ten; three to be issued at once, after the muster, provided each does not exceed the sum of 20,000 ducats; the fourth at the end of January; two more at the end of February, and the two last on the 26th of the same month. It is doubtful whether these conditions will be accepted by the Spanish infantry. If they are, all is right; if not, the situation is very critical, for there will be no money left in the treasury; and even to pay that sum, we count upon that which Balançon is to bring from Spain, as advised, and upon 58,000 which Ansaldo [Grimaldo] has also promised to give, besides other small sums from other quarters.—Naples, 28th November 1528.
	Signed: "Perez."
	Addressed: "To His most Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
	Indorsed: "To the King. 1528. Perez. Naples."
	Spanish. Original. pp. 5.
29 Nov.	595. Hieronimo de Frantso to Pero Garcia.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 43, f. 287.	Has received his letter of the 22nd Sept. The crimes imputed to Miçer Antonio di Sancto Felice are too manifest to require further proof. His desertion to Lautrech's camp, where he acted as "Regente del Regno et Presidente di questa Regia Camera," inciting his colleagues and other functionaries of this kingdom to take up arms for the League, and throw off their allegiance to the Emperor, is really unpardonable. He did more: after the victory gained over the French, the said Sancto Felice went to Venice, and persuaded the Signory to send reinforcements to Trani and Barletta.
	The Secretary (Pero Garcia) has done well in accepting the charge of secretary to the Summaria, and the "moestrodatia di terra d'Otranto," which produce 350 ducats every year. Thanks him for the appointment of governor to St. Camillo Cayetano, his "consogro."
	Joan Ferrandez della Cuesta, equerry to Cardinal Colonna, has brought him the letters and papers, &c.
	Signed: "Hieronymo de Francesco."
	Addressed: "Al muy magnifico Señor Pero Garcia, Secretario et del Consejo de su Cesarea Mta."
	Indorsed: "From the Lieutenant of the Summaria. Answered."
	Italian. Original. pp. 6¼.
30 Nov.	596. Leyva to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 43, f. 291.	In favour and commendation of Captain Loys de Gonzaga, whose long services are well known.—Milan, 30th November 1528.
	Signed: "Antonio de Leyva."
	Addressed: "To the most Sacred, &c."
	Indorsed: "To the King. 1528."
	Spanish. Original. 1.