Spain: September 1528, 21-30

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1877.

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'Spain: September 1528, 21-30', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529, ed. Pascual de Gayangos (London, 1877), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol3/no2/pp793-805 [accessed 6 March 2025].

'Spain: September 1528, 21-30', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529. Edited by Pascual de Gayangos (London, 1877), British History Online, accessed March 6, 2025, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol3/no2/pp793-805.

"Spain: September 1528, 21-30". Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529. Ed. Pascual de Gayangos (London, 1877), British History Online. Web. 6 March 2025. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol3/no2/pp793-805.

September 1528, 21-30

21 Sept. 552. Alonso Sanchez to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 42,
f. 184.
Congratulates the Emperor on his victory at Naples. If the Imperialists now come to Lombardy not a single Frenchman will remain in Italy, and matters will soon be placed on the old footing. The Florentines, when they hear of the advance of the Neapolitan army, will be happy to sign any conditions His Imperial Majesty may be pleased to impose; and as to the Pope, the Emperor no doubt has by this time sent instructions to the Prince of Orange how to proceed with him. (Cipher:) The Venetians, according to a report lately sent by the ambassador of the King of Hungary, are so bewildered that they do not know what to do, except to fortify the towns on the frontier of Lombardy for fear of an invasion. Now is the time to root out that venomous plant and strike a blow at people who have always been the promoters of discord among Christian Princes and the constant abettors of the Turk.
The turn which affairs at Genoa have taken since the arrival of Andrea Doria is certainly unfavourable to the French. Cannot say whether the contemplated union, and the establishment of a Republic in that city will be equally advantageous to the Emperor; but, after all, the acquisition of so able a captain with a fine fleet of galleys is very desirable under present circumstances.
(Common writing:) St. Pol is attacking Pavia on one side and the Venetians on the other. There are inside 2,000 Italians and 1,400 Germans, who are making a stout defence. Leyva is at Milan without any fear of the enemy.
(Cipher:) Is in receipt of letters from the King of Hungary of the 28th of August, referring to others which he (Sanchez) has not received. The King says nothing about the new succour of Germans, but in reality, if the Neapolitan army marches this way, they will be no longer wanted.
(Common writing:) As soon as he has recovered entirely from his last illness he (Sanchez) will go to Naples to serve at his post, for at present he has nothing to do in this town.
Again recommends to the Emperor's notice Count Giovanni Francesco della Mirandola, at whose house the Imperialists have always found shelter, even at times when the Duke of Ferrara, the Marquis of Mantua, and others who profess to be attached to the Empire would not allow them to remain in their respective estates. (fn. n1) —La Mirandola, 21st September 1528.
Signed: "Alonso Sanchez."
Addressed: "To His most Sacred, &c."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1528. From La Mirandola. Sanchez. 21st September."
Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet (fol. 189). pp. 4.
21 Sept. 553. The Same to the High Chancellor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 42,
f. 183.
Has written to the Emperor in favour and commendation of Count Pico [della Mirandola], lord of this place, who, as many of the Imperial ministers in Italy will testify, has done much service in these times.
Now is the opportunity to crush the enemy and to establish the Emperor's supremacy on a solid foundation. If the Neapolitan army is made to march on Lombardy, short work will be made of the few Frenchmen still lingering in Italy.— La Mirandola, 21st September 1528.
Signed: "Alonso Sanchez."
Addressed: "To His Excellency the High Chancellor."
Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2.
21 Sept. 554. Bernabé Adorno to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 43,
f. 191.
The love and devotion which his ancestors, and lately his cousin and father-in-law, the late Doge of Genoa, have always professed towards his grandfather Maximilian and himself are too notorious to require comment. This emboldens him to ask for employment in any branch whatsoever of the Imperial service.—La Mirandola, 21st September 1528.
Signed: "Bernabé Adorno."
Addressed: "To the most Sacred and Imperial Majesty."
Italian. Holograph. 1.
21 Sept. 555. Lope de Soria to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 43,
f. 193.
Congratulations on the last victory. Has advised the Prince [of Orange] to come into Lombardy as soon as possible. The march of the Imperialists will have a double effect. It will save Naples from the destruction which in almost similar circumstances befell Rome, and will drive away from Lombardy the remainder of the French army. Has also advised the Prince not to release the Italian condottieri, as he has done in one or two cases, because it is they who for their own advantage have always kindled and fanned the fire of discord, and if the King of France buys their services, they are sure to take up arms against the Emperor. Has also written to the King of Hungary begging him to continue his overtures to the Switzers and detach them from the service of France; also to suspend the new armaments now being made in Germany, as most likely they will not be required. Instead of that he might remit to us the 50,000 ducats already received for that service.
(Cipher:) Above all things the army must needs come from Naples as soon as possible. The news only of its approach will be sufficient to make money flow in from all sides. His Holiness will give considerable sums to be again the master of Florence, and recover what the Venetians took from him. Florence itself will give part of its substance not to be under the Pope again. This last expedient would, after all, be more profitable for the Emperor, inasmuch as the Florentines possess many resources and a good deal of money, and it stands to reason that they will make greater sacrifices to be free and independent than to return again under the Pope's rule, which they dislike immensely. Besides, the less powerful Popes are, the better it is for the peace of Italy. As the Duke of Ferrara and the Marquis of Mantua have both furnished money and men-at-arms to the French, it is but just that they should contribute a large sum to the Emperor's war expenses. Genoa is about to proclaim the Union with the assistance of Andrea Doria. Cannot tell whether this new form of government will be as beneficial as the last to the Imperial interests, but would much prefer that the Emperor named a governor of his own, and held the citadel as the French did during their last occupation. (Common writing:) The possession of Genoa must, however, be secured at any cost, that city being the only port in Italy whereat the Imperial fleets can anchor, and where money can be procured easily in time of war.
(Common writing:) Thomasso de' Fornariis has not yet paid any portion of the 200,000 ducats. He went to Genoa about six weeks ago, as he said, for the purpose of raising that money among his correspondents. He now writes, in date of the 11th inst., that he is laid up with quartan fever at a castle belonging to Count Flisco (Fiescho), and intends going soon to Genoa, where, he is sure, some revolution is about to take place soon, and invites him (Soria) to get nearer to the place. It is a very hard thing that the want of faith of these merchants should oblige the Imperial ministers to run after them in this manner. He will accordingly start for Genoa, in a few days, and see what new excuse Thomasso makes for not accepting and paying the Imperial bills.
Since the end of July, when the King of Hungary wrote that the new levies were being made, nothing more has been heard of him. Andrea del Burgo is now here (at La Mirandola) with instructions to represent him at the Papal Court, but as he is waiting both for instructions and money, there is no knowing when he will start on his errand.
Advices from Venice report the death of George Fransperch (Fruntsperg), Count Guicardo Darco, and other German captains on their way to Lombardy. It would have been much better if these officers had died before they entered Italy, with the one exception of Fransperch, who has always been a good servant of the Emperor.
Leyva had to leave Milan, not indeed for fear of the enemy, but of the citizens themselves, who were on the point of revolting. The leaguers are still besieging Pavia, but it is believed they will not take it, for the city is stoutly defended by its garrison.
Strongly commends to the Emperor's attention the persons of Giovanni Francesco [Pico], lord of La Mirandola, and of Andrea del Burgo.
The Hungarian ambassador in Venice writes that the Signory is about to send a new proveditor to Puglia. Cannot help thinking, if the intelligence be true, that he will soon return when he sees the state of affairs in that province. The Venetians, however, show great confidence, and threaten to bring the Turk into Italy. A considerable force of Turks was, by the last accounts, about to invade Hungary and Slavonia, and a son of the Doge [of Venice], Andrea Gritti, was at the head of 20,000 of them. Anything is credible of these people, for they have lately sent to Lombardy no less than 400 Turkish cavaliers, most of whom, however, have been slain at the siege of Pavia.
(Cipher:) Hears whilst he is writing that the Prince of Orange has proposed to his army to take six months' pay for all the time they have been serving, three at once, and three more after passing the frontier. The men have accepted his offer, money has been found, and in two or three days the whole force will march for Tuscany and Lombardy.
Leyva's brother, who was governor of the castle of Milan, is dead. Geronimo de Leyva has been appointed in his room.
A post has just arrived from Modena with the news that the day before yesterday St. Pol and his Frenchmen took Pavia by storm. Cannot believe it, but as this despatch is addressed to Genoa, His Imperial Majesty will hear the truth. —La Mirandola, 21st September 1528.
Signed: "Lope de Soria."
Addressed: "To His most Sacred, Imperial, &c."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1528. Soria. 21st September."
Spanish. Holograph partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet (fol. 199). pp. 11.
22 Sept.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Cart. de Erasmo
y otros, f. 28.
B. M. Add. 28,577,
f. 284.
556. Balthasar de Waltkirch to the High Chancellor Mercurino di Gattinara.
Wrote last from Spires. Was in great danger in crossing to Flanders. Proceeded without loss of time to Germany in pursuance of the Emperor's orders and instructions. Conferred with most of the Ecclesiastical and Imperial Princes, Governors, Lords, &c. Found that all, without exception, were shocked at the behaviour of the French King. His negotiations with the Spiritual Lords and Princes were prospering greatly when the Landgrave of Hesse (Philippe) raised such a tumult in Germany as has never before been heard, not only against such Princes as the Cardinal of Maintz, the Marquis of Brandenburg (Joachim), both electors, the Cardinal of Salzburg, George of Saxony, the brothers William and Lewis, Dukes of Bavaria, the Bishops of Bamberg and Herbipolis, but also against the King of Bohemia and Hungary [Ferdinand] himself. No one felt secure in Germany, or knew what he had to expect. It was found that the whole of the lower classes were disposed to make common cause with the Landgrave, extirpate the true faith, and establish the heretical creed everywhere.
The Prince Elector of Saxony and his son with a powerful force joined the Landgrave. They intended to deprive the Cardinal of Maintz and the Bishops of Bamberg and Herbipolis of their estates.
The Count Palatine and the Prince Elector of Treves (Grieffenklau) interfered and succeeded in reconciling the two parties, the Cardinal and bishops agreeing to pay the Landgrave 100,000 gold florins.
The Suabian league is in difficulties. The members of it allege that they have already spent considerable sums in suppressing the rebellion of the peasants; that they are poor, and cannot do much now. Many of them are Lutherans, openly or secretly. Fears that even many of the Imperial councillors [in Germany] share their opinions on religious matters. Has with great difficulty persuaded them to allow a diet of the league to assemble on St. Martin's day next. Promises to do his best, to become acquainted with public opinion in Germany, and ascertain who is for the Emperor, and who is against him.
(Cipher:) It is a great pity that the Duke of Brunswick, who was at the head of so excellent an army, has returned from Germany without having accomplished anything. The reputation of the Emperor is likely to suffer in consequence. The Duke did not know the habits of his men, and no discipline was kept. The plan laid for the relief of Naples could not succeed, as the army marched slowly, and the soldiers had only provisions for four and a half months, &c.—Ex Lepsiis, die xxii. September 1528.—Fidelis servitor Capellanus Baltazar a Waltkirch (fn. n2) manu propia.
Addressed: "Mercurino di Gattinara, Maximo Cancellario."
Latin. Holograph. pp. 5.
23 Sept.
S. E. L. 1,308,
f. 13.
B. M. Add. 28,577,
f. 286.
557. Sebastian Giustiniani, Venetian Ambassador in France, to the Doge of Venice.
Attended yesterday the King's Council, accompanied by Taverna, the Duke Francesco's ambassador. His Excellency the Grand Chancellor (Prat) spoke first, and declared that, though fortune had been adverse to French arms [in Italy], the King did not intend abandoning the defence of Italy, but, on the contrary, purposed sending reinforcements both to Lombardy and to Naples, provided the confederates promised to assist him. He, therefore, wished to know how far the offers made by the Signory to his ambassador [the Bishop of Bayeux] could be depended upon, &c. The Admiral [of France] spoke next, and showed the necessity of sending a powerful army to Italy, if not precisely to prosecute the enterprise of Naples, at least to keep the Imperialists at bay, prevent their levying contributions on the friendly powers, and inducing the Pope not to accept the Emperor's terms, which he said he seemed inclined to do, provided the possession of Florence, which he has much at heart, be ensured to him. Preparations might be made for next spring. 10,000 more lansquenets ought to be sent to Lombardy, the whole or part of whom might be paid by the confederates, &c.
After this, having been requested by the Chancellor to state his opinion, he (Giustiniani) began to condole with him on the late disasters at Naples as well as Genoa; said that he considered this a great blow, as those cities were the keys of Italy. Encouraged them to persevere in the undertaking, and not to consent to the aggrandizement of the common enemy. Said that Lombardy must at all costs be defended, though with what number of men, and of what nationality, remained to be seen, as also what contingent ought to be paid by Venice. He (Giustiniani) offered to consult the Signory on this point. Then Taverna said that in his opinion Lombardy ought to have so many lansquenets, so many Italian foot, and so many light horse to be paid by France, Venice, and the Duke, his master. He believed that 8,000 or 10,000 men more were wanted for the kingdom [of Naples]. The Chancellor then suggested that Renzo da Ceri had 5,000 or 6,000 men under him, besides 2,000 of the Florentines, and that a portion of your Signory's infantry which was at the taking (espugnazione) of Manfredonia might also be used for that purpose.
Replied that in his opinion nothing could be done for the present, except publicly declaring that France, Venice, the Duke Francesco, and the Florentines had agreed upon the prosecution of the war. Where and how such a war was to be undertaken next spring, and with what forces, &c., was a matter for further consideration. He proposed that the King should write to his generals in Lombardy, your Signory to his, and the Duke the same, to try and ascertain what forces were required, and of what nation, what number of men were to take the field, and what to garrison the towns, &c. This information once obtained, there would be plenty of time for settling how many foreign auxiliaries were required, and in what proportion each of the confederated powers ought to contribute to their support.
The Council approved, and it was resolved that each of the ambassadors should write home. A discussion ensued, and it was settled that 15,000 were required, of which 6,000 men were to be lansquenets, 5,000 Italians, and 4,000 French, these last to be exclusively paid by the King of France.
The discussion next fell on Genoa. The Admiral said that a large body of men had already been sent to recover the city, which could not fail to take place soon, considering that Theodoro Triultio (Triulzio) still held the castle; but that the Signory was bound to send him four pieces of ordnance, which he particularly wanted, as they could not be sent from France in time.
Then Mr. de Burges (fn. n3) hinted at the Signory's debt for certain moneys advanced to the Switzers who went to Naples. Answered that the Signory had stipulated to contribute 20,000 cr. monthly for the pay of one-half of the 10,000 men engaged for that service; but as it was proved that the number had never been made up, but, on the contrary, had diminished day by day, he considered that Venice should go scot-free.—Melun, 23rd September 1528.
Signed: "Sebastianus Justinianus, eques, orator."
Addressed: "To the Doge of Venice."
Indorsed: "Letter of the Venetian ambassador to the Doge."
Italian. Contemporary copy. pp. 8.
25 Sept. 558. Lope de Soria to the High Chancellor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 43,
f. 201.
Wrote on the 21st both to the Emperor and to him. (fn. n4) As the despatch went by way of Genoa, the surest under present circumstances, and perhaps the vessel has not sailed yet, he (Soria) will only limit himself to recommend his own petition. He is completely ruined. His house in Naples the Germans gutted and destroyed. Great sums are owing to him by the Royal treasurers, and unless His Imperial Majesty come to his assistance, by granting him some confiscated estate, he is doomed to pass the rest of his life in misery and poverty. —La Mirandola, 25th September 1528.
Signed: "Lope de Soria."
Addressed: "To His Excellency Mercurino, Count of Gattinara and Valença, High Chancellor of His Imperial Majesty at Court."
Spanish. Original. 1.
25 Sept. 559. Lope de Soria to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 43,
f. 211.
Wrote last on the 21st. Since then the news has come that the confederates took Pavia by storm on the 18th. Great cruelties were practised on the Germans and Spaniards. No quarter was given, and, even after the surrender of the city, soldiers of those nations found hiding in the houses of the citizens were most barbarously butchered. No harm, however, was done to the Italians, who mostly composed the garrison, for the Germans numbered only about 400, and the Spaniards did not exceed 150.
It is rumoured that the confederates intend now marching on Milan, and that the Duke (Sforza) openly proclaims that he will be inside of it before 20 days are over. Fancies, however, that this boasting will not be realised as soon as the Duke imagines, not perhaps in a year hence; though the want of money and provisions, and the scarcity of troops under Leyva to defend so large a city as Milan,—both against the enemy without, and the citizens within, who have for some time given signs of disaffection,—makes it rather problematic whether we shall be able to hold our ground in the Duchy. Has written to the Prince [of Orange], whose answer has been that within a very short time he will be in Lombardy, as on the 10th the Spaniards and Italians were already out of Naples, and the Germans were expected to leave in a few days, as soon as they had received the money promised to them.
Muxetula writes in date of the 21st inst., mentioning the arrival at Viterbo of Count Guido Rangone, who had lately obtained his freedom at the Pope's intercession and request, for the purpose, as it was understood, of employing him in an expedition against Modena and Reggio. Already the Duke of Ferrara (Alfonso d'Este) was raising troops for the defence of the latter city, and the two nephews of Pope Clement had left Piedmont, had gone to Parma, five leagues from Reggio. The Pope himself had announced his intention to return to Orvieto, a stronger place than Viterbo, there to wait and see what turn affairs would take.
(Cipher:) Hears also that the Prince has lately sent him (the Pope) two gentlemen to demand the fulfilment of the terms stipulated by the capitulation of Rome, which message cannot but be disagreeable to him.
(Common writing:) The Marquis of Saluzzo and Count Pedro Navarro have died of disease at Naples.
Letters have been received from the King of Hungary (Ferdinand), but no mention is made in them of the new reinforcements. Andrea del Burgo has been requested to press the enlistment of the Germans, that they may help Leyva to defend Milan until the arrival of the Neapolitan army. But if the fear of a Turkish invasion, so much talked of in the said letters, be at all founded, the King will have little leisure to attend to the affairs of Lombardy; for, notwithstanding the advanced season, the Venetians are urging the Sultan to invade Italy and Hungary at once, and have already 500 light cavalry in their camp who behaved at Pavia like true infidels.
There is also a rumour that Renzo da Ceri has evacuated the Abruzzo, and intends going to Florence to defend that city both against the Pope and the Emperor.
St. Pol, according to the last advices, is sending troops for the recovery of Genoa; but as the citizens are well prepared they will, no doubt, make a stout defence, though the confederates are still in possession of the castle. Intends going there himself, even without special orders from the Prince, as he considers that he can be of more use there than where he is. (Cipher:) It remains now for the Emperor to consider what he (Soria) is to do at Genoa, for he hears that the people want to appoint a "gonfaloniero" for a time, and a number of magistrates to govern the place. Bernabé Adorno is said to be in treaty with the French for the purpose of obtaining the command of the forces about to be sent against that city, on the same terms that Ottaviano Fregoso once had it. Fancies that he will succeed, because, besides having received his education in France, like the Marquis of Saluzzo, he is now very poor, and wants to be revenged of the Genoese; besides which the French may think him a good counterpoise against Andrea Doria. Bernabé is not worth much; he is not a man of either importance or reputation, but he is the cousin of Antoniotto Adorno; he and one brother, knight of Rhodes, lately at Naples, being the only survivors of that illustrious family. Has written to him (Soria), asking leave to negotiate with the French, promising, if he ever gets into Genoa, to place himself entirely at the Emperor's disposal, and go out of it again if ordered to do so. Bernabé, moreover, offers to take a solemn engagement to that effect, and draw out a schedule (cedula) under his signature and seal. His (Soria's) answer has been that on no account he ought to treat with the French, however advantageous the terms, but wait for the Emperor's favour, who will, no doubt, bestow on him some office or pension for his maintenance.
The Duke of Ferrara and Marquis of Mantua show a desire to embrace the Imperial cause. The former pretends to hate the French, and to wish for his son (Hercules') return from France. Both Princes are very wise (sabios), and conduct themselves according to the times. (Common writing:) As far as he (Soria) is concerned, he affects to believe their professions, and encourages them in their plans. There is no harm in doing so; though, to say the truth, he has very little trust in either of them.
The Venetians, it would appear, have determined to help the French as much as they can with money and troops. They talk of recruiting Switzers, and even sending forces to Naples to call the attention of our generals to those parts, so as to allow St. Pol to cope successfully against Leyva, and, if possible, take Milan. Should neither of their plans succeed, they will, no doubt, try the Florentines, and persuade them to make a stout defence. But all this will fall to the ground the moment the Prince is able to come to Lombardy.
(Cipher:) Reminds the Emperor about Bourbon's jewels, which are still in his (Soria's) possession.
Andrea del Burgo has just left for Mantua with his wife. Sanchez is still indisposed, though improving. As soon as he has completely recovered he will go to Naples.—La Mirandola, 25th September 1528.
Signed: "Lope de Soria."
Addressed: "To His most Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
Indorsed:
Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet (fol. 211). pp. 5.
25 Sept. 560. Alonso Sanchez to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 43,
f. 213.
Relates the taking of Pavia, and the atrocities committed by the French, who spared no life of either Germans or Spaniards.
Genoa and the offers of Bernabé Adorno.—La Mirandola, 25th September 1528.
Signed: "Alonso Sanchez."
Addressed: "To His most Sacred, &c."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1528. La Mirandula. Alo. Sanchez, 25th September."
27 Sept. Spanish. Original. 1.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.Staats.Arch.
Wien. Rep. P.C.
Fasc. 224, No. 31.
561. Instructions to the Sub-collector, Sylvestre Dario, now sent to the Legate of England.
What follows is the answer which His Imperial Majesty gives to the overtures made by the Cardinal of York, Legate of England.
The means proposed by the said Cardinal relate exclusively to the affairs of the French King, who is constantly showing by his deeds how adverse he is to any settlement of peace. This is quite notorious, as he aims at nothing short of keeping up the war he has kindled and encouraged, to the detriment of Christendom at large.
The Cardinal besides is well aware that the said overtures [for peace] have been tendered without any special mandate or powers from the parties most interested in it, and that it would be unfit for the Emperor to declare his intentions on the matter to those who have not been empowered to treat. Even supposing that the Cardinal had received sufficient powers to that effect, which he has not, the means now proposed do not meet the end for which they are intended, since new proposals are actually being made to the Emperor respecting the delivery of the hostages previous to the fulfilment by the King of France of the conditions stipulated in the treaty. Certainly it would be both unreasonable and dishonourable for the Emperor to accede to such demands, since by the experience of the past, the King of France's violation of faith, and non-observance of former treaties and stipulations, he is precluded from accepting or giving any other securities, except his own solemn word, that as soon as the terms newly stipulated shall be fulfilled and accomplished the Emperor will set his French hostages free. It is quite notorious, by the despatches from Palencia and Burgos, (fn. n5) that His Imperial Majesty has always placed implicit faith and reliance in the King of England, and out of generosity, and for the sake of the English King, his ally, has consented to waive his own right to secure the settlement of a general and lasting peace; but since the said King [of England] has sent his challenge, and decidedly espoused the part of the King of France, his enemy, the Emperor can no longer rely on him.
Yet such is the Emperor's wish for peace that he will be glad to hear of any other fair overtures that the King of England shall be pleased to make, in order to renew and, if possible, strengthen their old friendship and alliance for the mutual benefit and welfare of their respective subjects; for His Imperial Majesty, unless absolutely forced to it, never will think of waging war upon the King of England or his subjects, but, on the contrary, has always looked upon him and them as if they were his own countrymen.
Such a peace between England and Spain once settled, it will then be suitable and meritorious for the King of England to undertake the task of mediating between us and the King of France, and putting forward such conditions of peace as may satisfy our honour and ensure the welfare of Christendom.— Madrid, 27th September 1528.
French. Original draft. pp. 2.
30 Sept. 562. Don Iñigo de Mendoza to the Emperor.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hof-u.Staats.Arch.
Wien. Rep. P.C.
Fasc. 224, No. 9.
I wrote last to Your Majesty on the 18th inst., by Juan Martinez de Recalde, to announce the arrival of Cardinal Campeggio at Paris. He crossed the Straits yesterday, the 19th, and is expected here in London about the end of this week. The King has ordered a very good reception to be made to him everywhere, as to one whom he wishes to welcome and conciliate.
The Queen wrote yesterday to say she had heard that this new Legate brought powers and mandates very detrimental to her and to her rights, which powers, she says, have been obtained from the Pope under false pretences, it having been represented to him that in this present case there was no fear of causing scandal, because all the kingdom was in favour of the divorce, and the Queen herself consented to it, and that, moreover, Your Majesty, whom this business concerned more than any other Prince, did not object to the separation being effected, so that without risk of scandal whatsoever, or fear of war, the King's wishes might be accomplished.
The Queen further says that the Pope, influenced by such false representations, has issued such orders as this King wants; but I think this cannot be the case, and that the Queen no doubt has been misinformed, for it is not to be presumed that in a case of this sort His Holiness would guide himself by what this King says, especially as he knows that the Queen is not a person to consent to such an indignity, and that Your Imperial Majesty in his letters has sufficiently declared how very sorry he feels for the rumours in circulation, and how displeased he should be if the King attempted to do what courtiers generally think he will With regard to the people's discontent, that is so public and notorious a fact, that it seems almost impossible that the Pope should not by this time have heard of it. Even had he not, how could His Holiness, in a case so novel and so scandalous as this, proceed to act without first ascertaining what truth there is in the King's statement? So that, though the Queen may greatly fear the instructions which this Legate is said to bring, I cannot persuade myself that Campeggio's mandate is to take any decided step in this case, but only to inquire how matters stand, interrogate the parties, ascertain what amount of evil is likely to result from the divorce, and then go back and report. We shall soon know the whole truth, and I shall not fail to inform Your Majesty, as it is my duty to do, of all proceedings.
Meanwhile the Queen is daily assailed by people making her all manner of offers, if she will only consent to the divorce; but she remains as firm as ever, and resolute in maintaining her honour and reputation. She is exceedingly distressed (atribulada) at some bishops and lawyers (letrados), who were formerly in her favour, having lately deserted her cause through fear or bribes. It would have been highly advantageous to her case if the legal adviser (fn. n6) who is to take it up had arrived [from Spain]; as it is, I am very much afraid that when he comes, Campeggio may already have taken his departure, owing to this and other reasons. The Queen, however, in order to save time, inclines to have a lawyer form Flanders. My opinion is that, even in the case of Cardinal Campeggio returning soon to Rome, there will be enough to do for the lawyer whom Your Majesty has been pleased to appoint, and that if he leaves Spain immediately after the receipt of this letter he will still arrive in time to be useful.
The Queen relies entirely on Your Majesty, and has no other consolation in her troubles than the hope of being powerfully assisted [from Spain]. She begs me to remind Your Majesty of one thing, which must greatly benefit her case, namely, the promise of another pressing letter to His Holiness, giving him to understand how very dangerous it would be for the peace of Christendom if he were to allow this King's will to be done. The Queen thinks also that the Kings of Hungary and Portugal, so closely allied to her, ought to write similar letters; and, moreover, if Your Majesty approves of it, that besides the ambassador who is to be sent to the Pope, two or more personages should come here to speak to this King on the subject. I agree with the Queen on this particular, I firmly believe that, when the people of this kingdom see Your Majesty take up the Queen's cause as your own, much good may be done, and that, besides fulfilling towards her the duties of an affectionate nephew, Your Majesty will win the esteem and affection of all the English, a thing of all others most beneficial at present and for future times.
I wrote some days ago asking for an attested copy of the brief of dispensation. If it could only be procured it would become very àpropos for the matter now under discussion. (fn. n7)
The defeat of the French before Naples must be true, since this King does not deny it. It is likewise reported that Antonio de Leyva has seized some loads of specie destined to the enemy, and that, although he sustained some loss on the occasion, he ultimately succeeded and carried off his prize.
We hear also, by way of France, that Andrea Doria has entered Genoa, expelled the French therefrom, and proclaimed the freedom of the city.—London, 30th September 1528.
Signed: "Don Iñigo de Mendoça."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty of the Emperor and King, our Lord, &c."
Spanish. Original in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. pp. 4.

Footnotes

  • n1. A duplicate of this letter is at fol. 187 of the same volume.
  • n2. I have not seen the original of this letter, a copy of which is in the Bergenroth collection, as above. If the name of the writer is correctly given in the transcript, we know for certain that Valdtkik and Valdkerke, as he is generally designated, are erroneous readings of the same name.
  • n3. Thus in the original; perhaps the Bishop of Bourges, in France (François de Tournon).
  • n4. Soria's letter to the Chancellor may be found at fol. 204 of the Academy's volume, but being in substance the same as No. 554 I have not abstracted it.
  • n5. "II est tout notoire par les communicacions de Palance et de Bourgos, &c." "Palance" is for Palencia in Old Castille; "Bourgos" for Burgos.
  • n6. No doubt Miçer Miguel Mai, whose instructions follow hereafter, though for some reason or other, he did not come to London, but went straight to Naples.
  • n7. "Los dias pasados eserevi á Vuestra Magestad que era menester el translado de aquella dispensation autorizado; si se pudiese aver seria provechoso para lo que aqui se entiende."