Spain: April 1528, 11-20 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1877.

Citation:

'Spain: April 1528, 11-20', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 2, 1527-1529, ed. Pascual de Gayangos (London, 1877), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol3/no2/pp652-664 [accessed 6 March 2025].

April 1528, 11-20



11 April.	398. Juan de Miranda to Lope Hurtado.
S. E. Port. L. 368, f. 184. B. M. Add. 28,577, f. 218.	The messenger about whom I wrote [to you] is a servant of the Queen mother of France [Louise of Savoy]. He is now "lodging at the house of a French merchant of this place. He goes about with his ears down (con las orexas baxas), and must be a spy, for I do not ever see him buying jewels, which is the avowed purpose [for which he came here]. They say he does not intend returning [to France] so very soon. Will follow his track and inform you of his doings. As to the other agent [of France] who you say has been dismissed, I can only tell you that the general belief in this town is that he has not received his congé, but, on the contrary, has lately had letters from Court, and is about to despatch a courier to France on board of a Portuguese galleon bound for Flanders, which is to land him in England. He lately received bills of exchange to the amount of 1,500 ducats to recover at a French merchant's of this place. So that all this put together convinces me that he is far from having received his congé as asserted, and my informants are persons who ought to know. The vessels bound for France are still in port. It is not known when they will sail. Will let you know.
	I will write to the Bishop [of Burgos] of what you tell me, and will name a trusty person in London to take charge of his letters and despatches which may come undercover [to me]. This galleon of the King, now going to London, will take my letters and any more you choose to send for the ambassador bishop [D. Iñigo de Mendoza]. Onorato (Honoré) is at a monastery, one league from this place. After these festivities are over, we shall see what resolution he comes to.—Lisbon, 11th April 1528.
	Addressed: "Al magnifico Señor el Señor Lope Hurtado embaxador de Su Mt."
	Spanish. Holograph. pp. 2½.
14 April.	399. Lope de Soria to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 42, f. 279.	Duplicate of his letter of the 7th with the following postscriptum.
	Melfi was taken by storm on the 23rd of March. All the inhabitants, women and children not excepted, were put to the sword; only twenty persons of both sexes escaped the general massacre. The Prince, lord of the place, was inside, and fell a prisoner into the hands of the enemy. He had only 600 men with him, including the inhabitants of the place, capable of bearing arms, and a few Italians, most of whom with their captains were slain in the assault. From Mein Mons. de Lautrech was to proceed to Naples.
	(Cipher:) Has heard from Lucca in date of the 31st ulto., that on that day the Imperial army had come to Naples in full retreat, either because they did not consider themselves sufficiently strong to meet the enemy, or perhaps because they hoped to draw them out where they could be attacked more advantageously. However this may be, he (Soria) fears that there is not among the captains and their men that conformity of opinion so desirable under the circumstances. Now that our forces are united, it is to be hoped that they will behave in such manner as to obtain victory over their enemies. The kingdom of Naples is in great confusion and danger just now, owing to the fall of Melfi, which, now that the Imperial array is retreating before the French, is likely to be followed by the loss of other towns, no less important. Baubery (fn. n1) had arrived at Naples, and also the fleet of Sicilian galleys.
	Hears that the German reinforcements will be ready at Trent before the end of April, and that they will march in haste upon Lombardy.
	(Common writing:) Antonio de Leyva was cut of Milan towards the Adda. He had relieved Lecco, besieged [by the Venetians], and defeated the confederates in several encounters. He was thinking of marching upon Bergamo, and had made an arrangement with the warder (alcayde) of Mus for that purpose.
	The Duke of Urbino [Francesco Maria della Rovere] is collecting troops near Venice, either for the purpose of meeting the Germans on their way to Lombardy, or for the protection of the Venetian territory.
	The Genoese are very angry with the French just now because their King has granted to Savona all that part of the western coast which formerly belonged to them, and because he has also allowed them to sell salt, and carry on trade just as the people of Genoa used to do. For this reason they are discontented, and intend proclaiming the Union before Passion week, notwithstanding that the King of France has forbidden them to make any change in the form of government.
	Don Hercules, the Duke of Ferrara's son, has embarked at La Spezzia for Marseilles. He is escorted by four French galleys. Most likely he has passed Easter at Genoa.
	(Cipher:) It is reported that the Pope has already granted the dispensation applied for by the King of England to obtain a divorce from his Queen, and many the other lady to whom he is attached. (fn. n2) This news, however, requires confirmation.— La Mirandola, 14th April 1528.
	Postscriptum.—The above is in part a duplicate of other letters. Has nothing to add except that on St. George's day the Germans were to pass muster at Bulçan (Bolzano), and then march on Lombardy, where they expected to arrive by the 10th of May. They have a considerable force, horse and foot, with upwards of 30 pieces of ordnance. The news from Naples is that on the 7th inst. the Imperial army entered that city. Though letters have come stating that the troops entered against the will of the inhabitants, and that, once inside the city, they had sacked it, he (Soria) hears from good sources that this is false, and that the entrance was effected by general consent of the citizens. (Cipher:) The Imperial forces are reduced to 8,000, whilst the enemy's amount to 18,000. The latter are now encamped at the Tripalda, in order to rest, and consider what they are to do next. Almost all the lands (tierras) in Pulla (Puglia) have surrendered, and some have hoisted the Venetian flag. Manfredonia and Taranto only still hold out. Every inch of ground will be regained in one day, through a mere trumpeter, if God be with us.
	The Union has been proclaimed at Genoa; but when the citizens hear of the German reinforcements being in Lombardy they are sure to shake off the French yoke, which they detest. They will not have Antonioto Adorno for their Doge, or another such capellaco, as the tyrants are here designated, but in case of returning under the Emperor's protection, will ask for their liberty and a foreign governor. (fn. n3) In view of the above, His Imperial Majesty will have to determine at once what is to be done, for Genoa is a very important city to keep.
	Encloses a letter just received from Alonso Sanchez, (fn. n4) containing news of the German reinforcements, as well as of Hungary and the Turk, and of the 16 galleys which the Venetians are now sending against Naples.
	Has also heard from Andrea del Burgo, at Ferrara, that the Duke had received letters from the camp of the League, in date of the 12th inst., with the following intelligence. The confederated army was six miles from Naples. Capua, Nola, and other towns had tendered their submission. Lautrech intended to advance on Naples, where four Sicilian vessels laden with corn, and having some infantry on board, had just arrived. Most of the inhabitants had fled to Iscla (Ischia), Gaeta, and other places. The Marquis del Guasto had had angry words with the Count of Potencia (Potença) concerning the Marquis of Pescara's inheritance. The Coun thad been wounded, and a son of his slain, upon which the Marquis del Guasto had been obliged to quit the place. (fn. n5) Such is the intelligence from the enemy's camp as communicated to the Duke of Ferrara.
	Signed: "Lope de Soria."
	Addressed: "To the most Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
	Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. pp. 7.
16 April. M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 42, f. 246.	400. Alonso Sanchez, Imperial Ambassador in Venice, to the Emperor.
	(Cipher:) Wrote last on the 6th, and on the 9th two of the Emperor's letters came to hand, one dated the 13th December 1527, the other the 20th February [1528]. It would have been far more satisfactory if the various measures announced in the former of those letters had been taken sooner, the Emperor's affairs being in the state in which they are. As to the Spanish fleet, which His Imperial Majesty wrote would be on the shores of Italy at the beginning of January, we are now in the middle of April, and there is as yet no news of it. Neither has the money for the pay of the troops been received, and the consequence is that the Imperial army is still at Rome, and that the enemy has invaded Naples, and taken several towns in the Abruzzo.
	Some delay has likewise occurred in preparing the German reinforcements, Leyva being of one opinion as to the quality and number of the troops, and the King [of Hungary] of another, though at last letters from Trent of the 7th inst. advise that by St. George's day a general muster will be passed at Bolzano, Marran, Tremen, and other towns [of the Tyrol], after which the reinforcements will come down without loss of time.
	Finding that there was no money to pay these troops, or the Germans who are with Leyva at Milan, that there were no horses for the artillery, and no provisions for the men, the resources of Lombardy, and indeed of the whole of Italy, being completely exhausted, he (Sanchez) thought it advisable that the new reinforcements should march at once against Florence, which is almost defenceless, and might easily be again brought under the Emperor's rule. Money and provisions might thus be obtained from the Florentines, as well as from the Duke of Ferrara; the Imperial armies would gain in reputation, and the enemy's progress in Naples be checked. Wrote to Leyva about it. His answer was that it was too late; the affairs at Milan were in a desperate state; the Germans could not stand it any longer, and he doubted much whether he could maintain himself during Lent. And yet he (Leyva) says in another of his letters that, to render the German reinforcements really serviceable, it is requisite that they should have with them a number of Spaniards or Italians, and he points out the places where the latter could join. Should this be done, the opinion of that captain is that money could be easily obtained. Has written to the King, informing him of Leyva's plan, and the places whither the Germans are to march, so that he (Leyva) may join them. The harm lies in the delay which these consultations naturally cause, and likewise in the total want of money and provisions, without which no great progress can be made in military enterprises of this kind.
	This Signory meanwhile is greatly alarmed, lest the Germans should invade their territory. Hears that the Duke of Urbino, who has been a few days here in Venice, but has since gone away, has stated as his opinion that, unless Venice take 10,000 Switzers into its pay, they will not be able to resist the onset of the Germans, however numerous their Italian levies may be. They have therefore decided to take some thousand Switzers into their pay. Cannot vouch for the truth of this statement, but, should it be so, the Swiss cannot possibly come before the next harvest.
	He (Sanchez) is very much astonished at not hearing from Court respecting the detention of the ambassadors of the League, or receiving instructions upon the contents of his own despatch of the 20th February. Of the arrival of Miçer Julian (Giuliano) he has no news yet.
	As the Emperor seems pleased at hearing his opinion about public affairs in Italy, he (Sanchez) will state unreservedly what he thinks of them. Certainly they are not in a flourishing state, especially at Naples, owing first to the unaccountable stay of the army at Rome, and then to the delay in providing money and supplies from Spain. Measures ought to have been taken beforehand for strengthening His Imperial Majesty's sea forces, as he (Sanchez) had occasion to point out more than a year and a half ago. Recollects that when he made the remark the answer was that a powerful fleet would soon be fitted out to come to these seas, and yet never at any time have 20 Imperial galleys been seen together. They would now be most wanted for the defence of Naples, and to convey thither the fresh levy of 6,000 infantry which there is a talk of raising, though he firmly believes there will be no occasion for it, as the enlistment will not take place for want of money. Considers it, nevertheless, imperative that His Majesty should order a powerful fleet to be fitted out with 10,000 men on board to land in Sicily, or wherever the greatest need of them exists; the fleet to bring money for its own support and that of the troops in general. Three hundred thousand ducats at least ought to be sent to Germany for raising and paying fresh auxiliary forces to come down, precisely of the quality and number specified by Leyva, and to the places he himself has designated. The troops under the latter to be paid all their arrears, that they may be serviceable and ready for work And above all, the Emperor should not allow himself to be deceived by words and peaceable overtures from his enemies, but either accept peace at once, or make a vigorous war instead of losing time in negotiation.
	The Venetians, though their territory is well guarded and in a good state of defence, (si bien tienen las tierras fuertes), have nothing to eat. If their lands were invaded and laid waste, so that they should not be able to reap the harvest this year, it is almost certain that they would withdraw their forces from Lombardy to guard their own territory. Has written to His Highness on the subject. Cannot say whether his opinion will prevail, but thinks, and so does Leyva, that there is no other way of distressing the enemy. The King, however, is so much engaged just now with his Hungarian and Turkish wars, that he may possibly not have leisure to attend to our wants. The Signory's territory is completely exhausted, and though they still get money by means of taxation, the people begin to be tired, and pay with reluctance. A tax of 100,000 ducats has lately been imposed upon their clergy, without consulting the Pope or asking his permission, a measure which, joined to their still occupying, under various pretences, Ravenna., Cervia, and other towns of the Church, is the cause of His Holiness being in very bad humour with them just now. Hears that the Florentines have imposed a similar tax on their own clergy, also without the sanction of the Pope, at which he is, as may be supposed, exceedingly angry.
	The Duke of Ferrara is sending his eldest son to France, &c. Andrea del Burgo still keeps saying that he is in reality a good servant of His Imperial Majesty, and that he will take the very first opportunity of deserting the League. That may be, but the fact is that he (the Duke) has always swayed with the wind as if he were a weathercock, (fn. n6) and that no reliance is to be placed on what he says or does. Really believes that, should the new German army approach the Ferrarese, he (the Duke) will make some demonstration in favour of the Empire, rather than risk the loss of his estate, but in his opinion his offers should not be accepted unless accompanied by a large sum of money. The Pope being on such bad terms with him just now, it is to be assumed that the Duke would feel disposed to contribute in money, and pass over to the Emperor's side, if only the possession of Modena and Reggio were assured to him. Has written to Andrea del Burgo on the subject, and expressed his astonishment at the Duke sending his son to France to be married, when the Emperor's daughter (Marguerite) had been promised to him.
	It is now many months since the Pope left Sanct Angelo, and yet the Council of Naples has not appointed anyone to reside at his Court.
	The rumour still prevails in this city of the great preparations the Turk is making to invade Hungary. The people talk of him as they would of the King of France.
	(Common writing:) This Signory's proveditoiyt, (fn. n7) now with Lautrech, writes in date of the 29th of March that Barletta and all the towns of the coast of Puglia, with the one exception of Manfredonia, have surrendered to the French. The news is confirmed by merchants' advices of the 31st. Trani, Monopoli, Mola, and Poliniano (Polignano) have declared for this Signory. All this has been caused by the retreat of the Imperial camp. Letters have since come from the said proveditor, dated Gruta Menara the 3rd inst., announcing that the Imperialists were at La Tripalda and in the neighbourhood. What their plan of campaign may be nobody here seems to know, but it is supposed that they will fall on Capua, Gaeta, and Naples, principally to defend the latter city. It is not yet known whether the Neapolitans will agree to this plan; they had raised 4,000 infantry for their defence. (fn. n8) Has been told that Lautrec has letters from Naples of the 3rd inst. announcing that on the following day the citizens were to meet and consult whether they should admit the Emperor's army within the city or not, which is by no means a good sign.
	There is no news of the arrival of the Spanish fleet. On the contrary, these people say that it is a hoax (burla), and he (Sanchez) begins to think it is so, for had it arrived, as some still persist in saying, certainly the Imperialists would have taken the offensive instead of retreating.
	The King of France has given orders for his fleet at Provence to fit out for sea. This Signory has done the same with respect to theirs. It is added that this latter is to go to the coast of Puglia.
	The Prince of Melfi (Caracciolo) was really taken prisoner at the storming of that city, and the Marquis of Quarata (Corato) close to Monopoli.
	(Cipher:) Such being the state of affairs in the kingdom of Naples, he (Sanchez) has written to the King of Hungary and Bohemia, recommending that, over and above the force which he intends sending us, he should raise 6,000 more men to defend Lombardy in case Leyva should march, as it is supposed he will do, with the new reinforcements and the Milanese army to the relief of Naples. Cannot say what His Highness will decide, or what he will be able to do, for certainly there is no other way of getting out of the present difficulty, especially as late advices from France, of the 24th ulto., state that Mons. de St. Pol was soon expected to cross the frontier with 400 lances and 6,000 Germans.—Venice, 16th April 1528.
	Signed: "Alonso Sanchez."
	Addressed: "Sacræ, Cesaræ, et Cathce. Magti."
	Indorsed: "To the King. 1528. From Venice. Alonso Sanchez. 6th April."
	Spanish. Original mostly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. pp. 9.
10 April.	401. ——— to the Emperor. (fn. n9)
S. E. L. 806, f. 25. B. M. Add. 28,577, f. 25.	Begs to be excused if he errs in what he is about to say, as he has lived so long in retirement away from Court, and a stranger to State affairs. Believes that there is no better way of putting down the tyranny and ambition of the French King than living in friendship and preserving a good understanding with the King of England. Nothing, indeed, can instil courage into the French and embolden them to make war upon him (the Emperor) so much as the chance of a rupture between England and the Empire. Had he (the Emperor) been on good terms with the English, the French, he is persuaded, would never have dared to send an army to Italy, or advance as far as Naples. Ferdinand, the Catholic King, knew that very well. Whenever he was obliged to make war on the French he always took care to secure the English alliance. He never failed in his attempts to gain them over to his side, for however firm and closely knitted the alliance between England and France may have appeared in public, in secret they have always been rival and hostile to each other. This enmity is not of recent date; it is old, and time has rendered it a second nature with them. Feels sure that it would not be very difficult to sever the present alliance between England and France, especially if he (the Emperor) were to promise the former power to help them in the conquest of the duchies of Guienne and Normandy, which belong by right to England, and are unlawfully retained by France. King Henry need not despair, though he failed in his last attempt. Whenever an opportunity occurs the trial must be repeated, and hatred and mistrust of the French must be fomented in every English heart. King Henry must be frequently warned not to trust Francis or rely on his friendship; he must be told that France would already be the mistress of the whole world had not he (the Emperor) prevented her from carrying out her ambitious plans, and care must especially be taken to convince him of this one fact, that the Emperor's opposition to those ambitious projects is beneficial to all parties. In short, King Henry must be told how dangerous to all, and how unprofitable to himself, is his alliance with the French.
	On the other hand, the Emperor might expatiate on the true and brotherly affection he bears to King Henry, and how he has never betrayed, nor will ever betray, his interests. The writer is of opinion that if he (the Emperor) will only treat King Henry in this way (and it is to be hoped that he will) he will easily gain him over to his cause, and do what he pleases with him (creo que acabará lo que con el Rey de Inglaterra quisiere). The writer recollects that King Ferdinand the Catholic was once on very bad terms with the King of England, who had threatened to make war upon him, and help France against Spain, having ill-treated his ambassadors [in England] and all the Spaniards then residing in that country. The Catholic King, however, soon tamed (amansó) him by a present of horses, saddles, and bridles, besides a splendid necklace (collar) set with jewels for himself; by which means he (Ferdinand) gained his friendship so completely that at his death England was more attached to Spain, and more disposed to help her in a war against France, than it had ever been before. Thinks that a similar conduct towards this King would now have a similar effect.
	Does not know the actual state of affairs, and therefore it may be that the Emperor does not consider it prudent or expedient to employ the aforesaid means. Should that be the case, it seems advisable that a peace be at once made with the French King on terms that can be honourably accepted, setting his sons free on the payment of a good ransom, and so forth. Countries may be easily conquered and subdued, but possession can only be retained by peaceful measures. The Catholic King (Ferdinand) knew this well. When he had fairly turned the French out of Naples he concluded a peace with them, married Germaine de Fox, and the kingdom of Naples was made over to her and to her issue. The King of France (Louis XI.) happening soon after to die without male children, affairs took such a turn that his posterity was entirely excluded from the succession, and King Ferdinand invested with it by the Pope. If the Emperor only imitates the prudent policy of his grandfather he will be able to exclude King Francis and his successors through all futurity from the Duchy of Milan and the rest of Italy. King Ferdinand never carried on war except for the purpose of making peace, even at some sacrifice, and having made peace he then employed his time in again preparing for war.
	Spanish. Original. pp. 5.
18 April.	402. Martin de Salinas.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. c 71, f. 194.	Has received the letters of the 2nd and 15th February, brought by Don Pedro de Ascoytia, who arrived on the 2nd inst. Informed the Emperor of their contents, as well as of the extreme want of funds in which His Highness was. Found the Emperor very willing to provide money and anything that might be required for the contemplated expedition The affair was then submitted to the Council, and on the 6th inst., before its deliberations had come to a close, Don Pedro de Cordova and Don Antonio de Mendoza arrived with instructions and despatches; after the perusal of which both those gentlemen and himself (Salinas) waited upon the Emperor, and fully explained to him the nature and extent of the wants according to the tenour of the said letters. His Imperial Majesty, however, was of opinion that what with the 100,000 previously remitted, and actually spent according to the list of distribution forwarded by His Highness, and the 50,000 more, for which bills of exchange are now being procured, there was sufficient provision for the present emergency.
	The Emperor has the Queen of France [Leonor] in his company. Whether it be on account of the title she bears, or in the hope that her marriage will take place, certain it is that she has kept up a larger household and spent more money than was needed. She has contracted considerable debts, and has now applied to the Emperor to advance her part of her marriage portion, amounting to 200,000 ducats. His Imperial Majesty has agreed to pay her 12,000 doubloons (doblas) for her annual maintenance as the interest (juro) of one half of her dower. The remaining 100,000 ducats to be paid to her by instalments in six years' time.
	There can be no doubt, as His Highness says in his last letter, that the Venetians, the Vayvod of Moldavia (fn. n10) and others are trying to bring the Turk into Europe. The Emperor is fully aware of this, and consequently the pr posal to send ambassadors [to Constantinople] has met with his full approbation. Nevertheless, he thinks that. Christian Princes ought to avoid as much as possible any sort of diplomatic intercourse with the Infidel. But since the Venetians have been the first to treat with him, there is no reason to neglect a step calculated to defeat the plans of the confederates.
	The agreements (apuntamientos) entered into with the Duke of Ferrara (Alfonso d' Este) and Marquis of Mantua (Federigo Gonzaga) have also met with His Majesty's approbation.
	Respecting Luther and his sect, the Emperor is of opinion that the Provost of Balcrique (Waltkirk) be again instructed, as he was at his departure from Spain, to treat him with mildness and try to persuade him to return to the good path, so as to set the Suabian League free, dispose of some of its forces, and invade France on the German frontier.—Madrid, 18th April 1528.
	Addressed: "To the King."
	Spanish. Original draft. pp. 2½.
20 April. S. E. Port. L. 368, f. 171. B. M. Add. 28,577, f. 220.	403. Lope Hurtado, Imperial Ambassador in Portugal, to the Emperor.
	As the Emperor's answer was not forthcoming, and it was important to get advices of what the French and English Kings were doing, he (Hurtado) requested this King to write to his ambassador in France, and also to send a prudent and cautious person to England, who might secretly ascertain what warlike preparations were being made in those countries. The ambassador to England might be sent under some specious pretence, and His Highness the King (João II.) or the Queen might write to their aunt (Katharine) and ascertain how she was treated by her husband, the state of the country, and the warlike preparations, if any, that were being made. The ambassador, after sending the information required, might remain at the English court on the plea of proposing a marriage between the Infante Dom Luys and Princess Mary. Your Imperial Majesty (he took leave to observe) was bound to seek his own aggrandizement as well as that of his brother the King of Hungary. So great was the Emperor's power, and so many were his connections with England, that the least change in that kingdom—the Cardinal's death or that of the King—might bring about the said marriage. (fn. n11)
	For this reason it was very desirable to have there [in England] a proper person to represent Portugal, who might advise of any change in politics, &c.; and lest the King should excuse himself .on account of the cost attending such an embassy as this, he (Hurtado) observed that it was not necessary to send thither a very high personage, a wise and prudent gentleman would do just as well. The King replied that he would look into it. Told the Queen what he had been suggesting, that she might help in the same direction. Called next upon the Infante [Dom Luys] and prepared him also. Spoke twice again with the King, who said he had resolved to accede to the Emperor's wishes, and send an ambassador [to England]. Begged him not to lose time, but appoint one, who might sail in one of the ships (naos) now, in this port. Asked the Infante what the King thought of his proposal The King (he said) approved of the plan, but he was rather slow (largo) in his determinations; the councillors were very numerous and divided; which circumstance gave rise to much delay, besides the danger of things getting bruited in the meantime. Advised him to speak to the King again. He (the Infante) would do his utmost to forward our views; he had already pointed out to him a very shrewd politician well versed in the ins and outs of courts, who had been in England in his father's [Don Manuel's] time. Should the King, his brother, make any more scruples about it, or delay the accomplishment of his promise, he (Dom Luys) had no objection to send the said person to London at his own expense, that he might remain there as long as the Emperor pleased, and report by means of a cipher placed in his hands at the right moment. He (Hurtado), might at once draw out the instructions for the agent to take with him. He might write to the Emperor by that very post, whilst the Infanta [Maria] would inquire from the Empress [Isabella] whether it was the Emperor's wish that he (the Infante) should send such an agent to England. If the plan met with the Emperor's approbation, the agent could be instructed at once respecting his behaviour in England, and how he was to set to work with Queen Katharine and such of the Imperial servants in London as could be trusted. (fn. n12)
	This being the state of the affair, a speedy answer is needed, that this King, or the Infante as proposed, may send a person to England.
	Yesterday despatches were received from Antonio de Azevedo, the ambassador, advising that His Imperial Majesty, after closing the Cortes, and having his own son [Philip] sworn as successor to his kingdoms, was about to start for Valencia. The King of Hungary had written to say that the Turk was preparing and the Vayvod showed still signs of rebellion.
	Has no news either from France or England. Onorato (Honoré) and another Frenchman, a servant of the Queen Regent of France (Louise de Savoie), are about to quit Portugal, as the enclosed letter just received will show. (fn. n13) The former most likely will sail in one of the French ships now ready; cannot say as to his companion. Has set spies upon him, and will report.—Almeirim, 20th April 1528.
	Signed: "Lope Hurtado."
20 April.	404. Count Maddalone to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 43, f. 260.	Must tell the exact truth and describe the miserable state of Naples. His Imperial Majesty knows already that the enemy entered this kingdom by way of Tronto, and reduced the whole of Abruzzo before our army could leave Rome. When they came in sight of Lautrech at Troya, that general had already made himself master of the Capitanata of Puglia, and of its principal towns, such as Nucera, San Siveri, &c. Once at Troya, eight miles from Nucera, our men began skirmishing with the French, but not being closely united (non essendo uniti), and being besides unprovided with artillery, could not do much. Then came the Marquis of Saluzzo, and joined the enemy's camp with his infantry and light horse, quickly followed by Orazio Baglione, who, arriving by way of Abruzzo, seemed determined to invade the country of Lavoro by Castello de San Juro (San Giorio?) and Benafra (Venafro). For this reason it was considered advisable to leave in that country the 1,500 Germans, the rest of those who came with Lannoy, and about 3,000 more infantry, besides 100 lances. Since then, hearing that Baglione intended to join the camp of the League with his forces, orders were sent to the said Germans to make a rapid march towards Troia. The army of the League, however, after forming two strongly fortified camps, took up certain positions, whence they could easily stop our supplies, as well as prevent the junction of the Germans, and thus the operation failed, and our generals were compelled to retreat in order to protect the passage of the light horse and artillery coming from Naples, as well as that of the 5,000 Germans from the Terra di Lavoro.
	The retreat commenced at night without losing a man, and the army is now encamped close to Naples, at a place called Poggio Reale, about one mile distant from that city. The captains have decided to abandon Benevento, Montefusco, and other villages, but have erected parapets and other works, with strong artillery, to defend their camp if attacked. Naples in the meantime has been almost completely deserted, the rich citizens and gentlemen having gone away with their families and valuables, chiefly from fear of the Imperial army, whose want of discipline is as great as it ever was, many of the villages through which the soldiers passed having been wantonly sacked. (fn. n14)
	Has come to Gaeta on account of bad health, otherwise would have remained at Naples assisting the generals, as all good servants of the Empire ought to do under present circumstances,
	News has just come that 16,000 Germans with a division of Burgundian light horse and practised artillery have entered Italy; also that His Imperial Majesty is fitting out a fleet of galleys. This is most needed to drive Andrea Doria away from this port, for with his eight galleys and two "fuste" he is doing all the harm he can, and intercepts all vessels coming from Sicily with wheat and provisions.—Gaeta, 20th April 1528.
	Signed: "Lo Comte di Matalune."
	Addressed: "Sacræ, Ces., et Cath. Mti."
	Indorsed: "To His Majesty. From Count de Matalon. 20th April 1528. Answered."
	Spanish. Original. pp. 5.