Spain: September 1526, 1-10

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 1, 1525-1526. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1873.

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'Spain: September 1526, 1-10', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 1, 1525-1526, ed. Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1873), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol3/no1/pp870-892 [accessed 27 November 2024].

'Spain: September 1526, 1-10', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 1, 1525-1526. Edited by Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1873), British History Online, accessed November 27, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol3/no1/pp870-892.

"Spain: September 1526, 1-10". Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 1, 1525-1526. Ed. Pascual de Gayangos(London, 1873), , British History Online. Web. 27 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol3/no1/pp870-892.

September 1526, 1-10

1 Sept. 527. Antonioto Adorno, Doge of Genoa, to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 38,
f. 247.
Thanks the Emperor for the provision made for the defence of Genoa. Has charged his ambassador at the Imperial court to express his sentiments of gratitude and to ask for the captaincy of men-at-arms vacant by the death of the Duke of Seiessa (Sessa).—Genoa, 1st Sept. 1526.
Signed: "Antoniotto Adorno."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1526. From the Doge of Genoa, 1st of September. Received at Granada."
Italian. Original. p. 1.
2 Sept. 528. The Emperor's answer to Dr. Edward Lee, English resident Ambassador in Spain.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hofu. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 224. No. 6.
To the representations made by Dr. Lee in his master's name the following answer is made by the Emperor's commands:—
1stly. His Imperial Majesty has heard and fully values the good, honourable and very cordial representations and advice of the King of England, which emanating, as they clearly do, from the true love and perfect understanding always existing between the Emperor and the said King, his uncle, they cannot fail to meet with reciprocal sentiments on his part. The Emperor doubts not that the King's intentions and purposes have no other aim than the welfare and tranquillity of the Christian community at large, the repulse of the Turk, the constant enemy of our faith, and the extirpation of the Lutheran sect—all of which aspirations are well worthy of one who, like our most beloved uncle, bears the title of "Defender of the Faith." Nor is the Emperor himself less inclined than the King of England to uphold and maintain the Christian religion, a task imposed upon him by God Almighty, and for which he has from his most tender age shown a natural inclination, as appears from all the treaties concluded since the beginning of his reign.
For the execution of the above purpose and holy enterprise, therefore, the Emperor is willing to give all the assistance in his power, employing therein all his forces and kingdoms, his own person and life, and whatever else God has given him. No private interest of any kind shall ever deter him from the path which he is in duty bound to follow; all his efforts shall be directed towards ensuring the peace and true union of the Christian world, as the King of England very properly and benevolently advises.
With regard to other representations of the said English ambassador on matters concerning the most Christian King of France and the affairs of Italy, the Emperor's answer is as follows: It is publicly admitted that the present Italian league has been concluded for no other purpose than to secure peace to the Christian world, and also that an honourable place has been reserved for him (the Emperor), provided he will agree to its conditions. The King of England, moreover, has been appointed protector of the said Italian league, but has not yet accepted the appointment, that he may more freely and effectually employ himself in the settlement of the questions now pending between the Emperor, the King of France and the Italian powers. The Emperor thanks the King of England for his intervention, and will be very much obliged if he will persevere in his good purpose, so as to bring about the said general peace. But since it would appear from the representations made by the English ambassador in this our court that the King, his master, has been strangely misinformed respecting the intentions of the French King and Italian Confederates, the Emperor takes this opportunity to forward copies of the excuses which the said King alleged at the time for not complying with the treaty [of Madrid], as well as of the new offers since made to the Viceroy of Naples, and the Emperor's answer to them, the Apostolic brief explaining the motives for the Pope's joining the League, the replies and justifications sent thereupon, &c., whereby the King of England, our uncle, will be convinced that the French and Italian question bear a very different aspect (à rebours) from that which has been represented to him.
As to the assertion of the Confederates that an honourable place in the League has been reserved for the Emperor if he will only subscribe to its conditions, it is quite plain that the whole thing is a pretence (une monstre sans effect) and mere empty words; for even supposing the stipulations to be such as the King of England represents, it is evident that the Confederates never intended him (the Emperor) to join the League. When the Papal nuncio (Castiglione) and the ambassadors of France and Venice (Jean de Calvimont and Navagero) called to know whether he (the Emperor) would or would not accept the terms of the League, they were naturally requested to produce their respective powers to that effect, when they plainly confessed they had none. Had the ambassadors been sufficiently empowered to treat, had they shown the draft of the treaty drawn up in due form, the Emperor, however little disposed to accept terms from his enemies, might have joined the said confederation, made, as it is said, for the sole and exclusive purpose of a general peace. With a few and unimportant changes to be introduced in the said draft, the Emperor might easily have given his full approbation, and worked in common with the King, one of the contracting parties and protector of the said league, so as to bring about a general and lasting peace.
With regard to the exhortations and requests which the King of England has addressed to the Emperor on the subject of a new treaty to be made with France, and likewise of the payment of certain sums owing to him, the Emperor cannot but repeat here what he has already said to the French ambassador (Calvimont), namely, that so ardent is his wish for universal peace, for the repulse of the infidel Turk, and the extirpation of heresy, that in order to attain those objects he is willing to open negotiations for a new treaty and again discuss the settlement of their private affairs (ses afferes particulieres), provided the King of France sends also his full powers to that effect. Respecting his own debts to the King, the Emperor proposes that out of the sum to be paid by France on the ratification of the Madrid convention, or of any other treaty that may be concluded hereafter, the total amount of money owing to the King of England shall be at once deducted and handed over to him.
With respect to His Imperial Crown, the Emperor has so little ambition that he would not for the sake of it keep so large an army as he does at present [in Italy], or attempt anything likely to disturb the peace of Christendom. But at the same time his honour and reputation forbid his accepting the said Imperial Crown from the hands of a legate, or any other personage deputed to that effect, as it would be inconsistent with his dignity to receive it from any but the Pope himself, as his predecessors in the Empire have been in the habit of doing. Neither can the said coronation, on the grounds which lead the Emperor to wish for it, be intended to increase his authority or his rights to the Empire; and in fact were it not for the benefits likely to result to Christianity, and for the destruction of Turks and all sorts of infidels, lutherans and other heretics, which is to be the result of that coronation, the Emperor would not for that sole and exclusive act undertake a journey to Italy.
To the King's remarks on the blessings of peace, and the calamities and dangers attending war, the Emperor has nothing to add; both are so notorious as to require no commentary; and since the Emperor is now doing all he can to attain that desirable object by concluding general or particular treaties with all his enemies, there is no ground for the protest made by the King, his brother, when he declares that if his efforts prove unavailing it will be difficult for him to reject the pressing solicitations of the confederated powers, and refuse the title and office of Protector of the League, which has been offered to him. There is no occasion, We repeat, to make such protests, the Emperor being quite ready and disposed to act according to the King's wishes in this particular. Nor was there any need either for the King, our brother, to make his excuses, and pledge his word that though named in the treaty of League, as publicly announced and proclaimed, he has not actually joined the Confederates; the Emperor attaches more faith to the words of his brother of England than to any proclamations made in France or Italy.
On this and other points Don Iñigo is particularly instructed to offer the Emperor's most sincere thanks to the King of England.
Lastly, with regard to abstinence from war the King will see by the enclosed duplicate of answer to the Pope that the Emperor is quite ready to lay down his arms, provided the confederated powers do the same, and, therefore, that he can in no way be considered an obstacle to peace.—Faict à Grenade au Conseil del' Empereur ce 2me jour de Septembre de 1526.
French. Original draft. pp. 3.
2 Sept. 529. Lope de Soria, Imperial Ambassador in Genoa, to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 38,
f. 227.
Yesterday, the first of September, the enemy's fleet approached nearer and bombarded this port and town. We returned their fire. Their object was no doubt to create a disturbance among the people and induce the Fregoso faction to rise, but the Doge and his friends are on the alert.
Our naval forces consist of six galleys only; but as five more caracks and six galleons are ready, waiting only the artillery that is to come from Pavia, there is reason to expect that, by the time the Viceroy arrives, there will be a sufficient force in this port to put out to sea and meet him.
Has heard that the Marquis of Mantua (Federigo Gonzaga) has made an agreement with the Pope. Cannot vouch for the truth of the report, but is rather inclined to believe in it.
To-day, the 2nd of September, the whole of the enemy's fleet, amounting to 37 galleys, is again in front of this port. Advices have come from Piedmont of the arrival there of the French forces, mustering 800 lances and 10,000 foot between Gascons, Piedmontese and Frenchmen. The Commander-in-Chief to be the Marquis of Saluzzo, whose brother is to take possession of Asti—not a difficult undertaking, considering that the place has no defences at all, and no garrison. Most probably the enemy intend to attack this city by land and sea at once.
Count Pedro Navarro is the Grand Admiral (Almirallo) of the fleet.—Genoa, 2nd Sept. 1526.
Signed: "Lope de Soria."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial and Catholic Majesty."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1526. Lope de Soria. Genova, 2nd Sept."
Spanish. Original. pp. 2½.
2 Sept. 530. The Same to the Same. (fn. n1)
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 38,
f. 249.
The coming of the German reinforcements is for the present in abeyance (se ha resfriado), although all letters from Milan during the last month reported them in the Valtellina, ready to cross the passes with the consent of the Grisons. Now they write that the Grisons have gone over to the League, and intend to defend the passes against the Germans. If so, the Genoese will certainly lose courage, for having in sight of their port the whole of the confederated fleet to stop all supplies, and not having a sufficient naval force to drive off the enemy, they are beginning to despair. The only thing that keeps them up is the hope of the Viceroy's fleet coming soon to these waters. Should this hope also fail them they will at once begin to treat with the Confederates.
The Doge is now sending a light frigate to Barcelona to ascertain the truth of the Viceroy's movements, and whether he is soon coming this way or not. In his (Soria's) opinion this is the only hope of salvation for Genoa, surrounded as it is on every side by the forces of the enemy; for on the Viceroy's arrival our galleys may go out to meet those of the enemy, and defeat them at sea, or within the ports where they may take refuge, which will prove a decisive blow in the present campaign.
Count Guido Rangone has sent one of his secretaries to this Doge, assuring him of his friendship, and advising him very strongly to join the Italian league against the Emperor, whose cause, he says, is entirely lost in Italy. He, moreover, exhorts him to save himself whilst there is a chance, and makes him all manner of offers. The Doge has made a suitable answer to the Count's secretary, and of course rejected his offers.—Genoa, 2nd Sept. 1526.
Signed: "Lope de Soria."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, &c."
Spanish. Original. pp. 2.
3 Sept. 531. The Same to the Same.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 38,
f. 255.
Thinking that the messenger would leave yesterday, he closed his letter of the 2nd. Has heard since that on the same day the enemy's galleys captured a brigantine coming from Naples with several despatches for him (Soria), mostly written in cipher. Fancies that some were from Don Ugo de Moncada. The master of the brigantine reports that the Neapolitan galleys are already in the Piombino channel, which appears very probable from the fact of Andrea Doria having this very morning set sail in that direction with his eight galleys and three move of the Venetians.
The enemy has likewise announced that Don Ugo and the Colonnese had agreed with the Pope for a cessation of hostilities in that quarter, owing to his (Don Ugo) being unable to maintain his small army. The Pope had accordingly dismissed his forces, keeping only 500 men of his own body guard. Lastly, Don Ugo was suffering from illness.
This news of the truce has somewhat terrified the people of this city, who fancy the Pope will now be able to employ his forces wherever he sees fit. Intelligence has just been received of considerable armaments being got ready at Asti, and of certain men-at-arms and infantry about to be sent against Saona (Savona), whence, after joining those now upon Cremona, they are to undertake the siege of this city.
(Cipher:) Indeed the Genoese are so terrified at this and other movements of the enemy, that he (Soria) is very much afraid of disturbances; for if the enemy approaches Genoa by land, provisions coming into the city are sure to be stopped.—Genoa, 3rd of September 1526.
Signed: "Lope de Soria."
Addressed: "To the Sacred, Imperial, Catholic Majesty."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1526. From Lope de Soria From Genoa, the 3rd of September. Received at Granada."
Spanish. Original. Contemporary deciphering. p. 1.
5 Sept. 532. The Emperor to the Duke of Sessa.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Muñoz, A. 83,
ff. 311–3.
The King. Illustrious Duke, our cousin, &c. After writing to you on the 21st of August last, your letter of the 26th of June, written conjointly with Don Ugo de Moncada, came to hand. We fully approve of everything you and Don Ugo said to the Pope on the occasion, and of the measures you took subsequently.
Since our propositions for the establishment of a general and permanent peace have thus been rejected, it becomes imperative for us to adopt such measures as may effectually protect our Imperial interests. Thus after placing our cause in the hands of God, who knows our righteous intentions, we have written to Don Hugo commanding him to use every possible endeavour to bring the Duke of Ferrara to terms, and make such arrangements with him as may secure his co-operation [against the Pope].
Provision is being made for a fleet to take on board our Viceroy of Naples with the German troops now quartered in the Roussillon, besides 3,000 picked Spanish infantry. The whole of these forces to be ready to embark at Cartagena on the 20th inst., and to sail for whichever point of the Italian coast is most in need of them, so as to reinforce the Imperial army in Lombardy, assist Genoa, Sienna, or whatever city is most threatened by the enemy. Orders have also been sent to Naples for the galleys [of that kingdom] to return to Genoa as soon as possible, well provided with every necessary, such as money for the pay of the crews and provisions for three months. The galleys of Castille, similarly provided and victualled, are to join those of Sicily and Genoa at the latter port, where a second fleet of caracks and galleons is to be fitted out, so that all these forces united may be superior in number to any the enemy may have in those seas. Money has likewise been procured; we now send bills of exchange to the amount of 30,000 ducats, which, added to the sums offered by the Doge and Community of Genoa to Lope de Soria, will be sufficient to carry on the war for some time. Don Ugo, moreover, has been ordered to go to Genoa, either in the galleys of Naples, or as he best can, to take the command of the whole fleet there, and fall suddenly upon Andrea Doria, who is reported to be on the coast of Sienna, and prevent his joining the French or Venetians. As the fleet that is to collect at Genoa will be very superior in force to that of the enemy, Don Ugo has been instructed to strike a decisive blow at once, not forgetting at the same time to defend that city (Genoa) against invasion. We hope that the above military preparations will be sufficient to maintain things in their present state, and give time for the arrival of the Viceroy's fleet, as well as for the reinforcements of troops which the Archduke, our brother, has been instructed to raise for Lombardy.
We think that your presence in Rome or its immediate neighbourhood is now more wanted than ever, if the Colonnese are to be kept in order, and Sienna protected from the enemy; for should that Community be disturbed and induced to side with the Pope it might prove a serious check to our arms. You must, therefore, make every possible effort to protect Sienna and prevent its falling into the hands of the enemy; since the Pope will be weakened by it, and it is not likely that, having the Siennese at his back, he can make any serious attempt upon Lombardy, or send thither the whole of his forces. There is still another potent reason for your remaining in the vicinity of Rome. The Pope might, seeing things did not turn out to his advantage, be inclined to change colours, in which case it is important that you should be near at hand to treat with him, as likewise to inform us or the Duke of Bourbon of any change you might observe in the Pope's sentiments. The present letter is sent by duplicate and through various routes for fear of miscarriage.—Granada, September 1526. (fn. n2)
Spanish. Original corrected draft. pp. 4.
7 Sept. 533. Thomas Sanchez de Baeça, Governor of Cremona, to the Marquis del Guasto and Antonio de Leyva.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 38,
f. 261.
Last night, perceiving that the enemy was approaching us with trenches, two redoubts (cavalieri), and other works, we decided to make a night attack (encamisada). Accordingly, having with about 600 men, Spaniards and Germans, advanced as far as their trenches, in the direction of Piciguitone (Pizzighitone), we suddenly came upon three companies of the Duke of Urbino, whom we completely routed, killing their three captains and capturing two of their banners. The rest fled in the direction of the castle, the postern (blanqueta) of which happened to be open. Had the drawbridge been equally so, we should all have got in after them.
Near the bastion looking towards the Pò the enemy had dug another trench, guarded by two companies of Switzers, who, had our men obeyed orders, would have been put to the sword like the rest.
To-day, at noon, we sent 100 cavalry and 300 infantry by the gates Ogni Santi and Sant Michele, and numerous prisoners have been brought in. The loss of the enemy is estimated at 200 men at least, besides the three above-mentioned captains, and upwards of 50 peasants they had engaged as pioneers. They had four guns with them, and expect to receive 16 more soon. I cannot imagine what they mean by having so much artillery, unless they want to frighten us with the noise.
Our loss last night was two Germans and one Spaniard. The prisoners say that the Duke of Urbino, their general, swears he will take Cremona. We are all determined not to let him have it. Nevertheless, we beg you to think about us, and send us reinforcements as soon as possible.
Many of the fugitives threw themselves into the moats of the castle, and tried to approach the gates, saying aprite per amor di Dio! The warder used formerly to keep the gate half open, but lately, owing to our continual camisadoes, keeps it close shut, so that it was with the greatest difficulty that he was able to admit the fugitives inside. Some nights ago, as some of our men were as usual in pursuit of the enemy, two Spaniards passed the drawbridge, and believing they were followed by their comrades, penetrated into the castle, crying España! España! when being recognised they were taken prisoners.—Cremona, 7th of September, on the eve of our Lady's day, 1526.
Signed: "Thomas Sanchez de Baeza."
Addressed: "To the most Illustrious the Marquis del Guasto and Antonio de Leyva."
Indorsed: "Copy of letter from Captain Baeça."
Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 2.
8 Sept. 534. The Emperor to Don Iñigo de Mendoça, his Ambassador in England.
K. u. K. Haus-
Hofu. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 224. No. 6.
De par l'Empereur. Cher et feal etc.. By Dr. Lee, the ambassador of the King of England, our good brother and uncle, We have received his gracious letter to us, as well as the copy of those he wrote to the said ambassador, charging him to communicate certain matters; the substance of which, as well as the answer made by us to the English ambassador, We here subjoin, (fn. n3) that you may confirm every one of the arguments and assertions therein contained in the manner most fitting, but without giving offence of any kind.
Respecting the representations which the said ambassador has made to us in writing, you will tell the King that We thank him for his opinion and good advice, and that he will always find us firmly attached to the good understanding and alliance existing of old between the houses of Spain and Burgundy and that of England; that besides the ancient and deeply-rooted friendship and consanguinity which unite both our royal families, We feel towards him great affection on account of the many services he has done us, and his kind reception when We last visited him, (fn. n4) assuring him that the kindness with which he treated us, whilst at his court, his hospitable and splendid entertainment, and the timely succour (fn. n5) he gave us to return to our Spanish dominions shall never be forgotten by us as long as We live, and that our only wish is to have an opportunity of doing the same towards him.
You will tell him that, as contained in our answer to his ambassador, We have not the least doubt but that he has been misinformed respecting our late dealings with the Pope, with the Duke of Milan (Francesco Sforza), and with the rest of the Italian Princes; that persevering, as We do, in our habit of openly declaring to him our most secret thoughts and deeds, and in order that he may fully estimate our exertions for the peace and quietness of the Christian world, as well as the ungrateful behaviour of some of our late allies, We now send for his perusal authentic copies of every paper that has passed between us and the King of France, as well as those drawn up in vindication of our conduct with the Pope. You will request and solicit the King, our good brother and uncle, and our excellent friend the Legate to peruse the said papers attentively, that both may see who is in the wrong in this business, and who is the cause of the troubles and wars now disturbing the Christian world. A marvellous and strange coincidence, indeed, that just at the time when the Turk, the sworn enemy of our faith, is preparing to invade our kingdom of Hungary, the principal and most advanced bulwark of Christendom on that side; when We and our beloved brother, the Archduke, are making every preparation, to resist the said invasion, and crush the growing sect of the Lutherans, We should be obliged to desist from our good intentions and deeds, protect ourselves, and provide for our defence! For the blood of the Christians being thus stirred, and their passions excited, it will doubtless give the said Turks and Lutherans a fine opportunity to sap the foundations of our Christian religion, so cruelly persecuted, not only by its natural enemies, but by those who are most bound to protect it, and who, if not inclined to co-operate in its defence, ought not, at least, to impede our good designs. God knows the good offices and large offers made by us to our Holy Father, the Pope, and how willing We are to grant him more than he demands or even than is just or reasonable, in order to ensure the said universal peace, and enable us to turn our arms against the enemies of our faith, make war on the Turk, and extirpate the Lutheran sect, in which undertaking We hope the King of England, our old friend, good brother and uncle, will assist, so that with the help of God, who knows the sincerity of our professions, the goodness of our cause, and the malignity of our adversaries, their wicked plans may be utterly defeated.
True it is, as you will be able to judge from our answer to Dr. Lee—a copy of which is here enclosed—that we were earnestly requested by the ambassadors of the Pope and of Venice, then residing at this our court, (fn. n6) to join the league formed by their respective masters; but it is no less true that We rejected their offers, since the said confederacy having been made against our own interests and against the peace of Christianity, it was not to be expected that We should join it to our discredit and detriment, without first knowing the terms and conditions thereof, and ascertaining how far it was profitable to our interests or otherwise. The said ambassadors at once acknowledged the justness of our observations, but not having by them a copy of the articles, nor received instructions thereupon, they could not answer our objection, though We repeated the assurance of our constant wish for general peace, and promised that if such objectionable articles as might be contained in the said treaty should be replaced by others more reasonable, We would gladly join the League, as it might be easily converted into a good and lasting peace. Such being the case, people would find us as reasonable and accommodating on that score as our words and deeds have hitherto manifested. Upon which the said ambassadors of the Pope and the Venetians replied that they could answer for their master's reciprocity in the matter, and promised to write home for full powers to treat, to which We consented. We hope, however, that on the arrival of the said powers our wish for peace shall be made known, and that the dissensions of the Christian Princes being put an end to, We shall be enabled to turn our arms against the Infidels, for God's better service and the exaltation of our Catholic faith.
By the above declaration the said King, our good brother, will perceive our desire for universal peace. It will, indeed, be no fault of ours if it is not concluded. And whereas in the said letters the King advises us to look to the said peace, you will tell him that We thank him greatly for his good and prudent advice, which We know emanates from the great love and affection he bears us, and his desire of the advancement and prosperity of our affairs. You will also tell him that We concur in his advice, acknowledge its sincerity, and intend to follow it, begging him to persevere in his good intentions as hitherto. You will tell him likewise that We shall have great and singular pleasure if he will apply himself to the advancement of the said peace, as stated in his letter, and have regard to the ancient good understanding, and the sincere and deeply-rooted alliance existing between us.
That the said King of England, our brother, may be the more convinced of our ardent wish for peace, particularly with the King of France, you will remind him how the latter in compliance with the treaty of Madrid, and before returning to his kingdom, left with us as hostages his two eldest sons, viz., the Daulphin, Duke of Bretagne, and the Duke of Orleans; that he gave us, besides, his faith and word of honour, as a King and as a gentleman, that in case of his being unable to fulfil within the appointed time all the conditions of the said treaty he would come back to us and again constitute himself a prisoner in our hands, as he himself has often promised to do since his return, and could, if he chose, have done at any time. With regard to the keeping of his faith and word, a thing solely dependent on his own free will, he ought to follow the example of his predecessors, and especially of King Jean [Sans Terre], and yet this present King of France, not contented with having made and sworn such a damnable league against us and against the treaty of alliance and friendship so lately concluded between us two, has required and summoned us through his ambassador residing at this our court to give back to him the said hostages, his sons, for a consideration in money to be paid at certain intervals; just as if we had been bound to do this by treaty, when it is well known that the contrary is the case, and that himself failing in the execution of any of its clauses, he is obliged to constitute his person a prisoner in our hands, in which case, but not otherwise, We should return the said children to him. Such being the case, and the time and conditions of the delivery being clearly stated, We can hardly believe that the King will break his most solemn promise and word of honour in this respect.
You will likewise inform the King, our brother, that when our Viceroy of Naples (Charles de Lannoy) joined the King in France, both the King and his mother the Queen Regent made him very substantial offers by deed of hand, and charged him to communicate the same to us, if We would consent to give up the children of France. Their own ambassador has since required us, as before stated, to accede to the said demand, offering the most ample concessions in his master's name, if We would only consent to a private and separate peace with him. Our answer to the said ambassador has been in substance, that he could easily perceive our desire for peace, to ensure which, We felt disposed to listen to any honest and reasonable overtures. You are, therefore, to tell the King in our name that it will be no fault of ours if the said peace is not firmly established in Christendom; and that with his help and assistance, and that which Monseigneur the Legate cannot fail to give, We have no doubt that our object will be attained. Should the King and Legate feel disposed to co-operate with us in the aforesaid object, as we have no doubt they will, you will take care to inform us thereof as soon as possible, and beg them in the meantime to continue in their good purpose, and contrive that the above-mentioned league between the Italian powers be forthwith converted into a general peace for the good of Christianity at large, since besides that the ends and purposes for which the said league was avowedly concluded are unjust and unreasonable they are no longer required. For, as regards Milan, it is notorious that the Duke Francesco by the capitulation (appointement) which he made for the surrender of his castle, submitted his person to the ways of justice; and We intend to have it administered to him in a proper and summary manner, that he may be at once either acquitted of the charges brought against him, or else convicted of his guilt. We have already announced this to the Pope, as it would not do for us to proceed in this case by force of arms, nor would it be right or reasonable to prevent us from doing justice on our vassal, and punishing him according to his deserts. Neither can We imagine that the King, our brother, or any other Prince in Christendom, would tolerate such interference in their affairs as would prevent them from administering justice to their vassals and subjects; and, therefore, We earnestly request him to persevere in his good purpose of thwarting and impeding the said Italian league, or else of having it converted into a universal peace between Christians.
We have been informed that the Duke Francesco Sforza has granted the Legate certain pensions on his estate at Milan, till he should be able to give him an equivalent in lands. You will tell him in our name that even in the event of the Duke Francesco being deprived of his duchy, and thereby prevented from fulfilling his engagement, he (the Legate) shall be no loser by it. We shall take care that Monsieur de Bourbon, to whom the said duchy of Milan is to be adjudicated, in compensation for his marriage [to our sister], which was promised, but not effected, pays not only the arrears of the said pension on his estate, but an increase of the same. You may likewise inform the Legate that if he succeeds in preserving the true union, friendship and good understanding between the said King, our uncle, and ourselves, and will undertake the general care of our affairs, as he has done at other times, and we hope will do again, not only shall We cause all arrears of his [Spanish] pensions to be paid to him, but shall make such arragements in future that they may never be wanting when due, and shall moreover augment them by 6,000 ducats every year, consigned upon our best and surest rentals in Spain. After carefully examining the answer which, in explanation of our conduct and in vindication of the charges contained in his brief, We have addressed to the Pope, and of which We enclose you a copy, the Legate will perhaps be pleased to let us know his opinion and advice in this matter. We also send you a letter for Madame, our aunt, which you will take care to forward, as well as all other papers and the copy of this our letter to you, that she may the better manage our affairs in Flanders. And as it is our intention to send the duplicate of this by a sea route, the same courier destined for that voyage may bring back your answer, together with a detailed account of your progress in the negotiation; but before despatching the courier you will inform Madame, that she may have time to write to us and tell us of the state of our affairs in Flanders, as she used to do during the last war.—Granada, 8th September 1526.
French. Original draft. pp. 11.
8 Sept. 535. Lope Hurtado to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 38,
f. 262.
(Cipher:) Wrote on the 20th of August last by way of the Imperial ambassador in France, and sent the duplicate by way of Genoa. Wrote home, on the 1st inst., by a servant of the King of Portugal, a very trusty man, and purposes writing again by the bearer of this, a Dean of Placenzia [in Extemadura], who is returning home, and has promised on his arrival at Salses [in Catalonia] to take post-horses and ride to Court.
Has heard from the Archduke, who says that if Mons. de Bourbon wants Germans he must pay for them. Has forwarded his letter to Milan.
Richarte passed through here on the last day of August with a despatch of Mons. de Bourbon, which is a proof that the negotiations with the Grisons, mentioned in the Abbot of Najera's letter of the 25th ult., have completely failed.
The said Abbot [of Najera] writes in cipher that the Duke of Ferrara was about to declare for His Imperial Majesty, and take up arms against the League, on condition of his being appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial armies [in Italy], and of his eldest son marrying the Emperor's [natural] daughter, with the county of Calpi (Carpi) as a dower. Vespasiano (Colonna) approved of the arrangement, but neither the Duke [of Bourbon] nor the Marquis del Guasto were willing to give up the command of the army unless they had the Emperor's express orders, for which they were sending to Spain Spinar (Geronimo de Espinal), Don Ugo's secretary.
The enemy, according to the Abbot's news, were one mile from Milan in a strongly fortified camp. Cremona had been twice unsuccessfully attacked, and the Duke of Urbino had sent thither the Venetian Proveditor-General (Pesaro?) with three guns and 20,000 men.
When Spinar (Geronimo de Espinal) left Rome on the 20th, Don Ugo and the Colonnese were at Gruta Ferrata with 1,000 horse and 4,000 foot in great fear (con mucho temor); the Pope in the castle of St. Angelo, with 5,000 troops for his guard. The Duke of Sessa died on the 18th of August at Rome. Pedro Navarro and the Archbishop of Salerno (Fregoso) entered Savona on the 14th with 16 galleys and three brigantines, and subsequent letters of the 5th inst. from Turin announce that on the 2nd the entire fleet of the Confederates was in front of Genoa, 32 galleys in all—Papal, Venetian and French. The Marquis of Saluzzo was also fast advancing with his bands; he was at Asti, intending to march on Genoa; many captains of men-at-arms and infantry, belonging no doubt to the 500 spears and 4,000 foot sent by the French, have lately passed through this place (Chambery), but notwithstanding all this, Soria writes to say that the Genoese are quite prepared to receive the enemy both by sea and land.
Though the Abbot [of Najera] wrote to say that the Confederates had already secured the services of 5,000 Switzers and Valesians, the information we have here is that the former have sent to recall (revocar) the Cantons that went without their permission, as they do not wish to furnish more men (mas gente).
In the state in which Genoa is at present, surrounded by the enemy, he (Hurtado) thinks the safest route for letters and despatches is by Barcelona and Niça. From the latter place they may be addressed either to the Archduke [in Germany], or to Mons. de Bourbon [at Milan]. The governor of Niça, Mons. de Salanova, is an excellent man and firmly attached to the Imperial cause. The Duke and the Infanta his wife have spoken to him on the subject, and he is willing to go and reside at the seat of his government that he may serve the Emperor more efficiently. If his idea is approved of Bartholomé Ferrer [at Barcelona] must be ordered to address all letters to the said governor (Salanova). Has written to the Infanta (Ferdinand) and to Mons. de Bourbon, informing them of the proposed change.
Yesterday this Duke (Carlo Emanuele) and the Infanta (Beatrix) his wife received the Imperial letters of the 25th of August, brought by Mons. de Liñana, (fn. n7) the Grand Chancellor's son-in-law, besides a safeguard (salvaguardia) which both prize very much.
The French had imprisoned Mons. de St. Vallier. Has been told since that they had released him, and that he is now at his own dwelling.
Has not visited the Lord Chief Steward, owing to the roads not being secure, but letters have been received from him stating that he himself will soon come and call on the Duke [of Savoy].
Were not the Portuguese who takes charge of this letter a stingy and covetous fellow (ruin), the Emperor would have received it by the 12th inst. As it is, God knows when it will reach His Majesty's hands.—Chamberi, 8th of Sept. 1526.
9th Sept. Has just received a letter from the Lord of Monego, of the 1st inst., advising that a gentleman of the Emperor's bedchamber had passed through that city, on his way to the Imperial camp at Milan, and that three days before Micer Leonardo de Grimaldo had arrived and taken the same route. The French fleet had gone eight days before to Portofine, to wait there for those of the Pope and Venetians.
Hears there are vacant bishoprics [in Spain]; begs to be remembered, for these are not times to forget those who, like him (Hurtado), deserve reward for their services.—Date ut supra.
Signed: "Lope Hurtado."
Addressed: "Sacræ Cesareæ Catholicæ Maiestati."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1526. Lope Hurtado, 8th Sept. Received at Granada. Answered."
Spanish. Holograph entirely written in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet (.. 263). pp. 4.
9 Sept. 536. Secretary Perez to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 38,
f. 267.
Sends duplicate of his letter of the last day of August. Has nothing particular to advise, except that the enemy is not as confident of success as he was some time ago. Things in Lombardy are not so comfortable for them as they could wish, and as to Genoa all they have achieved up to the present time has been to take four or five vessels coming from Sicily laden with wheat.
The Pope is sending cavalry to the frontiers of his estate, because he says that on the arrival of the Viceroy, and of the reinforcements to be sent by the Archduke, he fears that something is to be undertaken against him. He has advices from Spain and from other quarters to that effect, and knows as a fact that a large sum of money has been remitted to the Archduke, who was expected at Innsbruck on the 3rd inst.
There is a report here (at Rome) that His Imperial Majesty has lately consulted his confessor, the Bishop of Osma, (fn. n8) whether in consequence of the Pope's present behaviour he would be justified in refusing him obedience, and that the confessor's answer has been that nothing could justify him (the Emperor) in so doing. That the Emperor had since consulted his Privy Council, but had not received an answer yet. Other accounts state that the confessor had given it as his opinion that the Emperor could lawfully make war on His Holiness and invade the estates of the Church, since the Pope had been the aggressor. This last intelligence, as may easily be conceived, is not much to the taste of the Pope's friends.
(Cipher:) Nor are they much pleased at hearing that the Collateral Council of Naples has received positive orders to prepare for an invasion of the Papal estates. Certainly if the news be true, and war on this side decided upon, the present moment is most opportune, for there is no infantry here, and what cavalry the Pope has is now out of Rome, small in number, and in poor condition.
He (the Secretary) hears that the Pope is in frequent communication with the Archbishop of Capua, as if His Holiness thought he might want him one of these days to be a mediator between him and His Imperial Majesty. Hears also that Il Guicciardino, who is his commissary-general in Lombardy, has written advising him to make his peace with the Emperor, which he says is a far preferable expedient to that of remaining entirely at the mercy (disposicion) of the French King, who in case of complete success—which is very doubtful—would dictate terms both to him and to the Venetians. The said Guicciardino added that the Duke of Urbino (Francesco Maria della Rovere) was of opinion that Cremona could never be taken by force of arms.
The Pope is sadly in want of funds. Has tried to borrow money in various quarters, but has been advised to sell ecclesiastical benefices, which expedient he (the Pope) knows to be unavailable under the present circumstances, as nobody will purchase unless the revenues are high, and the cost of the benefice itself very low.
(Common writing:) Don Ugo is still at Subiaco with the Cardinal (Pompeo Colonna), waiting for orders; their men posted on the confines of Naples, where the Collateral Council has lately raised 3,000 infantry; 1,000 for Gaeta, and 2,000 for the capital.
(Cipher:) Intelligence has reached us that the Duke of Ferrara has publicly declared for the Emperor, a piece of intelligence by no means agreeable to the Pope's partisans. Cannot tell whether the report be correct or not; all he can say is that the Duke has hitherto secretely favoured the Imperial cause, made offers to Don Ugo, and even rendered some service.
His Holiness has refused the Duke of Camarino (fn. n9) permission to go and serve the Emperor.
Has been promised by the ambassador of Portugal that this letter shall be duly conveyed to its destination. The report is that the Pope is about to send a messenger to the King [of Portugal], begging him to mediate in his present quarrel with His Imperial Majesty.
The Pope's partisans still go on threatening us with an invasion of French lances and Switzers; but the truth is that with the exception of a few of the latter, who seem to have already joined the camp of the Confederates, not one soldier [of France] has yet set his foot in Italy. The gentleman, however, who came on behalf of the French King is still here; so is Alberto di Carpi, who has lately been unwell and has not yet recovered.
The Duke Francesco Sforza is still at Crema. He has lately sent a secretary of his here, to negotiate certain matters, though, as the report goes, and the secretary himself asserts, his master has very little hope of improving his case, even in the event of the League coming victorious out of the present contest.
(Cipher:) It is generally reported that His Holiness, in order to raise money, will create certain fresh cardinals, and it is added that three Florentines have offered 100,000 ducats for three hats. Several good servants of the Empire here think that, to prevent such an abuse, the Pope ought to be admonished and summoned to appear before a council of the Church; which summons, as the aforesaid good-intentioned people say, might be made by any cardinal not residing at Rome.
(Common writing:) An equerry (palafrenero) of the Pope, named Medrano, who left Cartagena on the 16th of August and Barcelona on the 23rd, has just arrived from Naples. He travelled in company with another courier from Valladolid, and has told him (the Secretary) much happy news from Spain, and among the rest that the Viceroy (Charles de Lannoy) was shortly to start on his voyage, and that His Imperial Majesty would soon follow him. (Cipher:) Nothing indeed could be so beneficial to the Emperor's interests [in Italy] as the confirmation of this last news; all the world would be his (todo el mundo seria suyo), and considering the almost general discontent which now prevails at Rome, the Pope could not, if he would, do harm. The Romans fear he will take their last penny from them for the expenses of this war, and such are their sufferings that they begin to doubt whether there is a God at all (sienten duda de que falta Dios).
(Common writing:) These two messengers from Spain relate that they saw and heard in various towns of Castille the proclamation of certain Imperial edicts imposing pain of death on whomsoever was convicted of saying that the Emperor and the King of France were not good friends. This intelligence, if true, takes every one of us by surprise, for certainly the warlike preparations now being made in France and elsewhere are a contradiction to that statement, unless it be that the said proclamation has been made only as an expedient for hastening the solution of the present difficulties.
An attendant of the Lord of Monaco has arrived with the intelligence that on the 3rd inst. a gentleman of the Duke of Bourbon touched at that port, bringing three packets of letters. An hour after his arrival he sent one of the packets to Milan, to his master; the second he intrusted to the Lord of Monaco until it should be called for, and the third he himself took in a brigantine that sailed for Genoa that very night. Although the enemy's fleet extended east and west before Genoa, he hoped to be able to reach his destination.—Rome, 9th Sept. 1526.
Signed: "Perez."
Addressed: "Sacratissimæ Cesareæ Catholicæ Maiestati."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1526. Rome. Perez, 9th Sept. Answered."
Spanish. Holograph partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. pp. 3.
9 Sept. 537. Antonio de Leyva to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 38,
f. 281.
Refers the Emperor entirely to the Marquis' letter respecting the enemy's positions [before Milan]; the efforts that have been made to draw them out of their entrenched camp; the sickness prevailing in the Imperial army; the scarcity of money and ammunition, &c. All, to the last man, will, however, do their duty. The remittances in bills of exchange have come at a very good time, but Mons. de Bourbon, in his (Leyva's) opinion, is too parsimonious and sparing with the money (pone demasiado recaudo).
Things at Milan cannot long continue as they are unless speedy succour be sent here as well as to Genoa.
No news from the Archduke or from the Germans he was to send as a reinforcement. The Spaniards under his (Leyva's) immediate orders have not received a "quatrino" ever since the arrival of Mons. de Bourbon, and whenever a man is assailed by the prevalent disease, he has not a ducat at his disposal to get advice.
The Viceroy's fleet, when ready to sail, should by no means go to Naples or Sienna, where it is not wanted at all, but to Genoa or Monago.
The Marquis del Guasto is in bad health just now, though he does his duty and works like a common captain.
Thinks that the money to be spent in several months' warfare had better be spent at once, and feels sure that the campaign might thus be brought to an end; that is, supposing that an agreement with France cannot be made, for in his opinion and that of his colleagues this would be the most effectual means of terminating it.—Milan, 9th Sept. 1526.
Indorsed: "Relacion de las cartas de Antonio de Leyva."
Spanish. Contemporary abstract. pp. 2.
9 Sept. 538. News from Germany.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 38,
f. 343.
His Highness the Archduke is sure to provide for the affairs of Italy as time and present circumstances will permit. You need not be uneasy at the Venetians having subsidized as you say 10,000 Switzers, for you will soon receive such reinforcements as will enable you to take the offensive.
The Archduke went yesterday by water to Vienna. He will take up at Rosenau (in Hungary) the Duke of Bavaria and the Archbishop of Saltzburg, who are waiting for him. The Hungarians were defeated by the Turk; that is quite true; but we do not yet know for certain whether King Louis perished in the battle or escaped. The danger, nevertheless, is so great that the Archduke must immediately see to the defence of his own estates, "et propterea necesse est ut Serenissimus dominus noster in prefatis provisionem faciat cum terræ suæ, ut scitis, positæ sunt in maximo periculo."—Innsbruch, 9th Sept. 1526. (fn. n10)
Indorsed: "Ex litteris domini Cancelarii Serenissimi Domini Principis de data Inspruch, nona Septembris."
Latin. Contemporary copy. p. 1.
10 Sept. 539. The Marquis del Guasto to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 38,
f. 278.
States his reasons for fearing that Cremona will ultimately fall into the hands of the enemy. The garrison is in want of provisions, and if not relieved will be obliged to surrender. If Cremona falls, the enemy is sure to establish two camps before Milan; one on the ground which they occupy at present; the other on the road to Pavia, so as to stop all communication with that city. The Imperialists will then be so completely surrounded that in order to escape from starvation they will be obliged to cut their way through the enemy and abandon Milan. Hundreds of soldiers are on the sick list.
Genoa will certainly be attacked by sea and land. The Marquis of Saluzzo has already with him 500 men-at-arms, besides 500 foot raised in Piedmont. Very soon we shall not be able to receive either letters or money from Spain.
The Doge and Community of Genoa and Lope de Soria have applied for 1,000 infantry for the defence of the city. We have sent them three companies (banderas) of Spaniards that were at Alessandria, and 500 Germans from Pavia, but even these reinforcements may be insufficient to guard the place, attacked, as it is to be, by sea and land. Had it not been for the total want of resources, and the sickness prevailing among the men, we should already have attacked the enemy in their fortified camp; but everything in the Imperial army is out of order (desbaratado). The fortresses in the Estate are mostly without provisions or ammunition; the garrisons scanty and insufficient for the defence. The enemy, who knows this well, and is abundantly provided with every necessary of war, has an interest in protracting the war as long as he can.
Unless the Viceroy comes very soon in force, or the Archduke sends his lansquenets, he (Guasto) cannot but fear the worst; for the most the Imperialists can do is to defend themselves against the enemy.
Encloses copy of letters from Rome, as well as from Don Ugo and the Colonnese, whereby his Imperial Majesty will be able to judge how matters stand in that quarter and at Naples.
Regrets his bad health, just at the time when his exertions and those of his colleagues in command are most wanted.—Milan 9th Sept. 1526.
Indorsed: "Relacion de las cartas del Marques del Gasto."
Spanish. Contemporary abstract. pp. 2½.
10 Sept. 540. The Abbot of Najera to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 38,
f. 281.
Wrote on the 27th of August last, and encloses duplicate Received on the 1st inst. the Imperial letter of the 14th of August, and read also what the Emperor wrote to Mons. de Bourbon, of the same date.
(Cipher:) No time is being lost in attending to the fleet, and sending artillery [to Genoa]. Begs that the Viceroy's forces may land at Monego or Genoa, without touching at Naples first, for it is here in Lombardy and at Genoa that the expected reinforcements are most wanted. Seventy-seven (sic) galleys of the Pope, France and Venice are new in sight of that city, and the Confederates are only waiting for some of the troops now engaged under the Duke of Urbino in the siege of Cremona, and for the bands of the Marquis of Saluzzo and Federigo Boçano (da Bozzolo), to commence the attack. These last-named captains have already made levies in Piedmont and entered the territories of Asti and Alessandria, where Giovanni Birago is to join them. Our men had attacked the latter at Valença di Pò, but had achieved nothing, as Birago had with him 1,500 men, and, besides, the place was very well fortified.
All these armaments being destined against Genoa, the Imperial generals have sent thither, at the express desire of the Doge (Adorno) and of the Imperial ambassador (Soria), three companies (banderas) of Spanish infantry, and Fabricio Marramaldo has also received orders to expedite two more of Neapolitans, the best he has under his command. At Alessandria we have one company of Spaniards, besides 5,000 Germans, formerly at Pavia. If required, Fabricio Marramaldo will go thither with about 1,500 Italians he still has. But the necessity of providing for so many places diminishes considerably the numbers of this Imperial army, many of whom are so weakened by the prevailing disease, as to be unable to carry arms. Were he (the Abbot) to say that the city itself is heartily sick of them, it would not be far from the truth. Indeed it may be asserted that if the Imperialists maintain their ground here, it is more owing to their military reputation than to any display of force. (fn. n11)
(Common writing:) The Grisons have decided at last not to furnish us with troops against the Switzers, their confederates (coligados), now in the camp of the Pope and of the Venetians, and consequently will not grant the Germans passage through their territory, as the Swiss Cantons threaten them if they do. This notwithstanding, George Fransberg (Fruntsperg) writes to say that, if required, he is ready to force his way through the land of the said Grisons, or through any other pass.
Alonso Sanchez had letters of the 28th of July from Innsbruck, announcing that on the 3rd inst. the Archduke was to hold a diet. He had already collected at Trent 6,000 German infantry, and was only waiting for the deliberations of the said assembly, either to come down in person, or send a considerable reinforcement. The courier which His Imperial Majesty despatched to him arrived [at Genoa?] on the 1st with letters for him (the Archduke) of the 14th and 15th of August, and reached Piedmont in safety. There can be no doubt, therefore, that properly instructed by his brother, the Emperor, His Highness will turn his eyes towards us and send us the reinforcements we so much want.
Great difficulty exists in obtaining news from Rome owing to the vigilant watch kept by the enemy. The last letter received from Don Ugo is of the 16th of August last. At that time he (Don Ugo) and the Colonnese were not far from Rome with 1,000 horse and some infantry. Provisions were scarce in their camp, owing to which they were about to move to a district and town in the Roman territory called Narni.
Cremona makes a gallant defence. May God be praised for it! The garrison have taken from the Venetians no less than seven banners in different sallies. The Duke of Urbino (Francesco Maria della Rovere) is still in command of the besieging forces. He ordered an assault, but was repulsed with great loss. Should the expected reinforcements arrive soon we shall be able to treat them as we treated the French at Pavia.
(Cipher:) The true help, however, on which we rely is from the Viceroy or from Germany, before the Confederates have time to secure more effectually the co-operation of the French King, or of the Turk himself, which they are very capable of doing, in case of their being worsted in the present campaign. But above all things let us have money to pay the men, for otherwise it is impossible to support them in this country.
Begs that the affair for which Spinar (Geronimo de Espinal) went to Court be speedily terminated, as the Emperor cannot fail to see its importance under the present circumstances.
The Marquis of Guasto has been working so hard of late, inspecting our defences and outposts, at times under a scorching sun, and at other times under the night dew, that he has caught a very bad tertian fever. Antonio de Leyva is suffering from the same cause.
There is a report that the Turk had penetrated into Hungary and seized upon an estate (tierra) in the interior of that kingdom. Both Hungarians and Bohemians had marched against the Infidel, and a battle was soon expected. The news, however, may be untrue, having been spread by the Venetians.—Milan, 10th Sept. 1526.
Signed: "El Abad de Nagera."
Addressed: "To the most Sacred, Imperial, and Catholic Majesty."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1526. Milan. Abbot of Najera, 10th Sept. Answered."
Spanish. Holograph partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. pp. 3.
10 Sept. 541. Vespasiano Colonna to the Grand Chancellor.
M. Re. Ac. D. Hist.
Salazar, A. 38,
f. 374.
Has written to Bartholomé, his agent, on the state of affairs. Begs credence for him, and assures the Emperor that he only esteems life in as much as he can employ it in the Imperial service, as his deeds will show.
Addressed: "To the Emperor."
Indorsed: "Relacion de cartas de los Coluneses."
Spanish. Copy and abstracts made in the Imperial Chancery. p. 1.

Footnotes

  • n1. Duplicate of the same letter, containing some paragraphs more.
  • n2. The date of this minute was not filled, but from the place it occupies in the volume of the Muñoz Collection, chiefly composed of original drafts and minutes in the handwriting of one of the Emperor's secretaries, with occasional notes and corrections by Chancellor Gattinara, there can be no doubt that it must have been written between the 1st and 3rd of September. The Duke of Sessa died on the 18th of August, and therefore the news of his death had not yet reached Spain.
  • n3. See above, No. 528.
  • n4. In May 1522.
  • n5. Various receipts for sums lent by Henry VIII. to the Emperor as early as 1517, for his voyage to Spain, are printed in Bergenroth's Calendar, Vol. II. pp. 287–9.
  • n6. Baldassar Castiglione and Andrea Navagero.
  • n7. Liñana thus written is not an Italian name, and the two sons-in-law of Gattinara are said to have been of that nation. Perhaps Lignani was meant, in which case Alexandro, Count of Settimo, must be the person intended, the same called elsewhere Mons. de Lignan.
  • n8. Fray Garcia de Loaysa.
  • n9. This Duke of Camarino was a Farnese (Pietro Luigi), who became afterwards Duke of Parma and Piacenza. He was the son of Pope Alessandro Farnese, better known as Paul III., at this time Cardinal Farnese.
  • n10. This letter, as appears from the indorsement, was written by the Chancellor of the county of Tyrol, but to whom addressed it is not said; perhaps to Sanchez at Venice, or to the Abbot of Najera at Milan.
  • n11. "Toda la gente nos enferma y si dijese que lo está la ciudad della no errára, de manera que nos mandamos aqui mas con la reputation que con la fuerza."