Spain: November 1525, 6-15 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 1, 1525-1526. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1873.

Citation:

'Spain: November 1525, 6-15', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 1, 1525-1526, ed. Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1873), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol3/no1/pp445-465 [accessed 27 November 2024].

November 1525, 11-15



11 Nov.	257. Alfonso d'Este [Duke of Ferrara] to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 36, f. 161.	Is unable for the present to go to Spain and kiss the Emperor's hands, as his ambassadors at Court will not fail to represent. He (the Duke) takes this opportunity to offer himself as the most humble servant and vassal of the Empire. Begs to recommend his own suit at Court, and to be considered as one always ready to obey His Imperial Majesty's commands and prove his good intentions, till he can personally, and in the Emperor's presence, make similar protestations.—Sāgiā (San Gian) di Moriana, 11 Nov. 1525.
	Signed: "Alfonso da Este."
	Addressed: "To the Sacred Imperial Majesty."
	Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. From Alfonso d'Este, 11 Nov."
	Italian. Holograph. p. 1.
12 Nov.	258. The Duke of Sessa, Imperial Ambassador in Rome, to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 36, f. 166.	His last letter was dated the 31st of October last. Has not written since, owing to the insecurity of the roads, for those of his despatches which he sends by way of Genoa remain in that port as long as God and man choose, whilst for those he forwards by a land route there is no certainty of their ever reaching their destination. This notwithstanding, he will never fail in his duty, which consists in writing home and reporting on the state of affairs; though he must say that his letters generally remain unanswered, the last he has received from Court bearing date of the 23d Aug.
	The Pope, as stated in his last letter of the 31st of October, waiting for the return of his chamberlain, (fn. n1) whom he had sent to the Marquis [de Pescara] concerning Morono's arrest. The chamberlain returned, and has since been sent to Spain on a similar mission with despatches for the Legate. (Cipher:) He (Sessa) believes the Pope to be very much frightened at the idea of the Emperor seizing on the duchy of Milan and keeping it for himself. That is an idea to which he will never be reconciled, and he makes no secret of it. He gives as an excuse for his meddling in the last intrigues that he has not been treated by His Imperial Majesty with that kindness and benevolence which he expected at his hands, and especially that his claims against the Duke of Ferrara are still unsettled. He, moreover, declares that even if he were to get full satisfaction on this point, he could not be persuaded to accept the terms offered to him unless he was previously assured that the Emperor had no idea of possessing himself of that estate. For, he says, openly and without reserve, if the Emperor has designs upon Milan it is equivalent to his wishing to become the sole ruler of Italy, and yet one of the conditions of his investiture of Naples is that he is to hold nothing in Lombardy.
	He (Sessa) has made no attempt whatever to allay His Holiness' fears on this point. Not knowing the Emperor's intentions, and the matter being of such importance, he has preferred waiting for instructions from Court. Has, however, had ample opportunity to learn what the Pope's sentiments are. He said to him a few days ago: "If His Imperial Majesty, by seizing on the duchy of Milan, or giving it to his own brother, the Archduke, aims at becoming, by open force, the sole master of Italy, he shall certainly not have my consent: I will rather suffer martyrdom, like the rest of the Italian Princes, than give in. But if, on the contrary, the Emperor has no such design he will have me by his side, disposed to help and give him satisfaction." He (the Pope) has lately received intelligence that the Marquis of Pescara had demanded the castle of Cremona as security, and that on the Duke's refusal he had already begun to invest the place, as was done in the late war when in the power of the French, which intelligence has increased tenfold his fears and suspicions.
	Since the arrival of the new English ambassadors (fn. n2) nothing has transpired about their commission and instructions. He (Sessa) has, however, heard from a reliable source that Cavalier Casale took to Lyons more than he was asked for; that the Cardinal's principal aim just now is to govern [matters in] France; (fn. n3) and that Madame the Regent wishes this object of the Cardinal to become generally known. He (Casale) is accompanied on his mission by one Lilio Groto (Livio Greto?), an Italian, who once came to the Pope on a similar errand at the beginning of this present plot, which, as far as he (Sessa) can judge, is conducted, as usual, through Alberto di Carpi and his friends, and has lately thickened considerably, fear making these people intrigue more actively than ever.
	About the doings of the Venetians, His Imperial Majesty has, no doubt, received through his ambassadors better and more direct information than he himself can furnish. The Signory had appointed three senators to treat about the convention. He (Sessa) has been consulted as to whether the last treaty was to be confirmed or a new one made in its place, on the same grounds and conditions, only excluding from it the Duke of Milan, and guarding against the event of his guilt being fully proved, and his thereby deserving to be deprived of his estate. Has taken lawyer's opinion on the case; both Miçer Antonio de Benafra and Auditor Cassador are of opinion that whether the said treaty be confirmed or renewed, if the Duke is mentioned in any of its articles it will be understood that the Emperor forgives his guilt and takes no more notice of it. He (Sessa) thinks their doubts will not stop there, and that they are sure to take advice on other points as well, since the whole is a stratagem to ascertain whether the present Duke (Francesco Sforza) is to be considered safe in his estate or not. In fact, on this matter, they (the Venetians) entertain the same opinion as the Pope, and have no idea of yielding. On the contrary, in the four or five preghe held immediately after Morono's arrest they resolved to fortify their frontiers and increase their land and sea forces; and he (Sessa) has been advised that they are losing no time in making all manner of preparations for war. Has written to the Imperial ambassadors in that city, (fn. n4) informing them of this fact, and wondering how it can be that they have not discovered the secret of such armaments. It would appear that the Signory have lately got hold of a deed whereby His Imperial Majesty or his grandfather, of glorious memory, the Emperor Maximilian, granted to a certain Lord de Escalas (Scales) the signory of Padua, which has naturally caused great scandal among them, and increased their fears. Has been told by a person of great authority [at Rome] that soon after the battle [of Pavia] and the capture of the French King a man arrived [at Venice], sent by the Turk to inquire about the state of affairs in Europe, fearing lest, through the universal peace likely to ensue, the arms of the whole of Christendom should be turned against his master, and that the Signory had calmed the Turk's apprehensions, and promised him 500,000 ducats and the assistance of their fleet to land on the coast of Apulia or Sicily, in case the Emperor should act in Italy contrary to their views.
	The above information he (Sessa) has from a person of quality, but it might be, after all, only a rumour put forward by way of a threat (torcedor). However this may be, there can be no doubt that both the Pope and the Venetians are determined not to come to an agreement with, or accept terms from, the Emperor without consulting each other first. They are closely united just now, and their couriers are daily going backwards and forwards. He (Sessa) considers it his duty to inform the Emperor of these facts, that he may take proper measures and stop the intrigues of the confederates. Late advices from France state that Madame d'Alençon was about to return, without having concluded anything, owing, they say, to new clauses having been added to the treaty of peace. Busbaca, the Pope's messenger, who came despatched by the Legate [in Spain], had been detained five days [at Lyons], then allowed to proceed on his journey, and at last, soon after his departure, stopped again and secretly arrested, as it is presumed, since, at the date of this letter, he has not yet made his appearance [in Rome]. If the letters he brought for the Pope have been seized there is very Little doubt but that they will be sent to him through Alberto [di Carpi]. He (Sessa) and the rest of the Imperial agents and generals in Italy are also sure to lose theirs.
	It is asserted that Madame [the Regent of France] is collecting large sums of money towards the ransom of the King [her son], or if that be not obtained, for the prosecution of the war. The advice they give her from hence (Rome), and from England also, is to invest the Dauphin with the same authority, regal state, &c. as his father, but without the title of King, and that she herself administer and govern the kingdom, and undertake the recovery of Milan. Great are the intrigues of the confederates in that direction, much greater since they fear that His Imperial Majesty will take the duchy of Milan for himself. Indeed, these Italian potentates are so frightened at the Emperor's power, that they will never cease plotting against him. Whilst he lavishes his treasures to maintain and keep so large a force in Italy, they amass money and increase their resources, to ensure, as they imagine, their own safety, and to thwart and impede the Emperor's political views. It is for His Imperial Majesty to decide soon which is the best course to follow, whether to secure them as friends, or to punish and humiliate them as enemies. Let not the Emperor be deceived by the Archbishop of Capua's hopeful promises, for, however good his intentions, he knows nothing about these intrigues. The confederates do not trust him, and work with the greatest secrecy, the whole affair passing through the hands of Alberto di Carpi, of the Datary, the Venetian ambassador (Marco Foscari) and Cavalier Casal, without the Archbishop having any cognizance of their doings, as happened in the affair of Morono, whose arrest was made before he knew anything of the plot and conspiracy at Milan.
	(Common writing:) The Duke of Ferrara is still in Piedmont, owing to his having been refused the safe-conduct he applied for. The Pope, however, pretends that the whole affair is a stratagem and double-dealing of the Duke.
	Things at Sienna are in the same state.
	The see of Oviedo has been given to Don Francisco de Mendoza, to whom the briefs for the administration of Zamora have been duly forwarded. (fn. n5) The bulls for the bishopric of Cadiz, in favour of a nephew of the Archbishop of Cosenza, (fn. n6) have also been expedited. He is about to start for his diocese, and as he is a good servant of the Empire, he (Sessa) takes leave to commend him to the Emperor's attention.
	In consequence of the Duke of Albany's threatened invasion of the kingdom of Naples, certain sums of money were then borrowed, out of which a portion still remain unpaid, such as 3,000 ducats lent by the Bishop of Salamanca, 1,000 by Cardinal Tortosa, and 1,000 more by Cardinal Vique (Vich), deceased. He (Sessa) is bound in forma camarœ to the payment of the above and other debts contracted for the Imperial service. The creditors have lately become very pressing, threatening immediate execution upon him (Sessa), upon the Bishop of Gerona, and Secretary Perez, who were joint securities for a portion of that loan.
	The advocate, the abbreviator (abreviador), and the solicitor to His Imperial Majesty have not been paid their salaries at Naples for some time, owing to their not being included in the general balance. One of them, Micer Marchion Barbadasi, the Imperial advocate, has lately died, and his heirs claim the arrears due to him. He was a good servant of His Imperial Majesty, and, as such, recommends his suit, as well as that of the other two functionaries.
	The Pope still insists on his last resolution about the Crusade. All Sessa's efforts to move him have been unavailing. The Montaragon business is being proceeded with, notwithstanding the Royal warrants adduced by Don Alonso de Aragon.—Rome, 12 Nov. 1525.
	Signed: "El Duque de Sesa."
	Sigismondo, the servant of Alberto di Carpi, who disappeared some time ago whilst journeying to France, has been found dead in Venetian territory. He was murdered on the road by some robbers, but his despatches have been brought here (to Rome), whereby the suspicion and rumour of their having fallen into the hands of the Emperor's ministers [in Italy], as was at first maliciously spread, falls to the ground.—Data ut supra.
	Addressed: "To the most Sacred and Invincible Emperor, King of Spain and of the two Sicilies, our Sovereign and Lord."
	Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. From Rome. Duke of Sessa, 12th of November."
	Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet, pp. 7.
13 Nov.	259. The Duke of Milan (Francesco Sforza) to the Marquis of Pescara.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 36, f. 213.	It has come to the knowledge of the most Illustrious and Excellent Lord Francesco Sforza, Viscount and Duke of Milan, that the Illustrious and Excellent Marquis of Pescara has resolved so to proceed against his honour and reputation as to have him closely watched and besieged in his own castle of Milan. Owing to which, he (the Duke) takes this opportunity to protest against such an act of violence, and to remind the Marquis of the constant and inviolable faith with which he has always served the Empire, exposing his own person and that of his subjects and vassals whenever required, and fulfilling other acts of a faithful and devoted servant.
	Begs also to remind the Marquis that on his application, and without his having exhibited the Imperial commission to that effect, the Duke granted whatever demands were made upon him, at once placing his estate in the hands of the Imperial generals. That having also been requested to give up the castle of Cremona and to offer competent securities for that of Milan—the only two fortresses remaining in his hands—he preferred the latter method, and engaged to give such security for both as might be required. All of which the Duke did without resistance, in order to show the sincerity of his professions as well as of his devotion to the Imperial service. Nor has the Duke omitted any exertions towards the acquitment of his own debt to the Emperor, having already paid the greater part of the 100,000 crowns named as the price of his investiture, and being well disposed to pay the remainder, when the occupation of his estate by the Imperial army and the appointment of new fiscal officers by the Marquis checked all his efforts.
	Notwithstanding the above, and even whilst the Duke was making protest of his fidelity to the Emperor and of his determination to live and die as a true feudatory and vassal of His Imperial Majesty, he has experienced at the hands of the Marquis and of the other Imperial generals and ministers in Italy the treatment of which he now complains, declaring upon oath that he has not deviated, nor ever will deviate, from the path of duty and adherence to the Imperial cause, and that whatever may be the consequence of the rash measures adopted against him, he is in nowise responsible for them, and that he intends to defend himself as best he can against the oppression and violence of his persecutors, addressing, in the meantime, to the Emperor such a justification of his conduct that his present wrongs cannot fail to obtain immediate redress.
	Should, however, the Imperial generals persist in their persecution, as well as in not revoking the late oppressive measures taken against his person and estate, he (the Duke) protests with all his might against their acts, and places himself from this moment under the protection of His Imperial Majesty, his supreme Lord and master, and the only arbiter in this affair, to whom he has humbly represented his wrongs.—Milan, 13 Nov. 1525.
	Signed: "Franciscus Sforcia, Vicecomes, Dux Mediolani."
	Countersigned: "Riccius."
	Addressed: "To the most Excellent Marquis of Pescara, Commander-in-Chief of the Imperial Army in the Estate of Milan."
	Indorsed: "Il Duca Francesco to Pescara, 13 Nov."
	Italian. Contemporary copy. pp. 3¾.
13 Nov.	260. The Duke of Sessa to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 36, ff. 176–8.	Was about to send the ordinary courier with the enclosed when the Imperial letter of the 28th October last came to hand. Congratulates the Emperor on his marriage, and hopes he will have a numerous succession.
	Immediately on the receipt of such happy intelligence he called at the Palace, and delivered into the Pope's hands the letter addressed to him, calling his attention to the flaws which had been observed in the last brief. (Cipher:) The Pope at first was a little staggered by the announcement, things being here [at Rome] in a worse plight than ever they were. The Pope's fears and suspicions having naturally increased, owing to the old and recent practices, he felt it difficult to answer. He owned that the new brief of dispensation was not so full and detailed as the former one, since the Princess to whom the Emperor wished to be married was not named in it. He had done it on purpose, for fear of offending the Ring of England, with whom he was on good terms just now. It would not do for him to lose all his friends and allies now that the Emperor had withdrawn his confidence from him. Some expedient might be found for his Legate [in Spain] to receive the despatch beforehand, and not put it into the hands of the Emperor until it was known how His Imperial Majesty intended to behave towards him, and whether he was willing or not to grant his requests. He knew well that the first concession was defective, but it was owing merely to the above causes.
	After a good deal of argumentation on either side, which lasted four hours, it was decided that the dispensation brief should be made out in the manner and form demanded by the ambassador, and that the brief itself should be sent [to Spain], enclosed in Sessa's despatch, for the Legate himself to place it in the Emperor's hands.
	(Common writing:) Cardinal Sanctiquatro is of opinion that the brief should be expedited in this form. There are to be two briefs: one literally the same as the one His Imperial Majesty has by him, with the additional clause prepared [in Spain]; the other naming both the contracting parties, and the degrees of consanguinity, so that the Emperor may use either of them, according to circumstances, as one cannot proceed with too much caution [in such matters]. Copies of both go with the present courier, and the duplicate shall be sent to-morrow by way of Genoa.
	(Cipher:) His Imperial Majesty must have seen by Sessa's letters the state of affairs [in Italy]. It is very urgent to come to a determination. For the last two days the confederates are plotting more warmly than ever. The Venetians urge the Pope to decide, assuring him that, if he does, the whole of Italy, with the exception of Genoa, will side with him. If the English pour water on the fire, it is not to extinguish it, but to increase its blaze. The Pope listens to their overtures, but, in the ambassador's opinion, will not decide until he hears from Spain. He was lately somewhat comforted by a paragraph in Chancellor [Gattinara's] letter, which he [Sessa] read to him. The Swiss captains have been paid their arrears from the time of Leo [the Tenth], a very considerable sum, and everything indicates that the Pope wishes to keep them contented.—Rome, 13 Nov. 1525.
	P.S,.—Encloses the brief applied for by the Bishop of Osma, (fn. n7) for the Emperor to gain the jubilee.
	No news have yet been received of Busbaca, the courier, who, it is said, was arrested at the first postal station out of Lyons, whereat the Pope and others are greatly annoyed.—Date ut supra.
	Signed: "El Duque de Sessa."
	Addressed: "To the most Sacred and Invincible Emperor, King of Spain and of the two Sicilies, &c., our Sovereign and Lord."
	Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. Rome. From the Duke of Sessa, 13 Nov."
	Spanish. Original partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. pp. 3.
13 Nov.	261. Jacopo de Bannissis to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 36, f. 181.	His affection for the house of Austria, and particularly for the late Emperor Maximilian, to whom he owed many favours, make him so desirous of the prosperity and welfare of the Empire that if God only enabled him to contribute in any way towards its exaltation he should certainly consider himself the happiest of mortals. His love for the Emperor gives him courage to make the following statement, which he begs may be received as the sincere expression of his mind, as well as of his ardent wishes for the Emperor's increase of power:—
	Some time ago the Illustrious Marquis of Pescara in compliance with orders received from Spain, had Hieronymo Morone arrested on the charge of plotting with the French and others against the Imperial service. The said Marquis, moreover, that he might the more effectually preserve the Imperial army against any attack, asked Francesco Sforza to give him possession of all the fortresses and castles in his estate, which the Duke did at once and without resistance, thereby proving his intention and wish to obey the Emperor's orders and live under his protection. True it is that the Duke did reserve for himself the castles of Milan and Cremona, but only to surrender them into the hands of the said Marquis whenever the Emperor's pleasure should be made known to him, as his ambassador at Court and all those who choose to speak the truth in this affair cannot fail to have declared.
	His Majesty has no doubt been informed of the answers made by the Duke Francesco to each of the Marquis' interrogatories, a copy of which was duly forwarded to the Duke's orator at the Imperial court; which interrogatories seem to have been principally made with a view to obtain from the Duke the castles of Milan and Cremona—whereof he has still possession—if his complicity in the present intrigues could be legally proved. But Morone's confession and Sauli's letter, far from establishing the Duke's alleged guilt, prove, on the contrary, that he had nothing to do with the conspiracy of which he is accused. For how is it possible that a man confined to his bed for upwards of six months by a long and dangerous illness can have had leisure to attend to anything save the care of his own health, much less to business of this sort, at a time, too, when his death was daily expected? As a sincere and faithful servant of the Empire, the writer does not hesitate to say that the Duke Francesco, from his earliest youth, has always shown himself in public, as well as in private, the most obedient and devoted servant of His Imperial Majesty, having on all occasions sacrificed his person and property, as well as that of his subjects and vassals to the promotion of the Imperial interests. For, notwithstanding the brilliant offers made to him by King Francis and others at the time the French were besieging Pavia, it is well known to the Imperial generals and ministers in Italy that he (the Duke) never would listen to them, preferring to live as a pauper and without any estate rather than deviate from the path of fidelity. If the Duke, therefore, in the midst of such hardships as he was then reduced to, did still persevere in what he considered to be his duty, how can it be supposed that now that his enemy is disabled and almost completely ruined, to the great satisfaction, and joy of all the Italian people, and that he himself has received at the Emperor's hands the investiture of his Duchy, he should have thought of joining a conspiracy against the Emperor?
	In his (the writer's) opinion, Morone's confession ought not to be relied upon, since it is quite clear that in order to exculpate himself he has thrown all the blame on his master. The Duke being in bad health might, perhaps, in order to avoid further importunities, have tacitly consented in part to the advice of his secretary, or have allowed some sort of answer to be made to the letters of Domenico Sauli; though, on the other hand, it appears from the enclosed copy of a letter which the said Morone wrote in his own hand to Cavalier Landriano, the Duke's agent in this city, and the original of which may be exhibited when required, that Domenico Sauli had, at the time, no commission whatever from the Duke at Rome. This is fully demonstrated by the answer which the Duke gave to the Marquis of Pescara when interrogated upon this particular point, and therefore his innocence cannot but be satisfactorily established.
	Begs His Majesty to take into consideration the above sentiments, which are dictated solely by his zeal and devotion to the Imperial cause, and not to allow so faithful a vassal as the Duke to be subjected to the ignominious and undeserved penalty of having his estate taken from him. By so doing His Majesty will not only gain immortal glory and the reputation of a magnanimous Prince, but will no doubt reassure the minds of people now in suspense, and prepare them for the benefits of a universal and lasting peace.—Rome, 13 of Nov. 1525.
	Signed: "Jacopo de Bannissis." (fn. n8)
	Addressed: "To the most Sacred, Imperial and Catholic Majesty."
	Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. From Rome. Jacobo de Banissi'o, 13th Nov."
	Italian. Original. pp. 4¾.
13 Nov.	262. Clement VII.'s Brief of Dispensation for the Emperor's Marriage.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 36, f. 176.	Charissimo in Christo filio nostro Carolo Romanorum et Hispaniarum Regi Catholico in Imperatorem electo, etc.
	Cum Sciamus Maiestatem tuam propter celsisimum gradum in quo a Deo es collocatus, propterque illustrissime familie tue amplitudinem quando uxorem ducere voluerit, cuius rei iam tempus addesse videtur, non multas tanto coniugio dignas inventuram, cumque ex eo ipso munere fieri possit ut ilia quam tu delegeris tecum consanguinitate seu affinitate coniuncta sit, quod Illustrissimum genus tuum latissime pateat et omnes fere principes aliqua cognatione complexum sit, ne forte hec res tam pium tam salutare Christianis omnibus consilium impediat, motu propio et ex certa sciencia ac de apostolice pietatis plenitudine, tecum ut quocumque consanguinitatis ac etiam affinitatis gradu, excepto tamen primo, matrimonium libere et licite contrahere possis, etiam si pluries sis in dictis gradibus, aut si illa cum qua contraxeris, coniunctus, seu etiam in unoquoque graduum pluries coniugaris, tenore presentium de spetialis dono gracie dispensamus. Non obstantibus quibusvis constitutionibus et ordinationibus apostolicis ceterisque contrariis quibuscumque, etc.—Datum Rome, die xiii. Novembris 1525. Anno 2^o.
	Contemporary copy in the hand of Secretary Perez. pp. 2.
13 Nov.	263. The Pope's Second Brief.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 36, f. 174.	Charissimo in Christo filio nostro Carolo Romanorum et Hispaniarum Regi Catholico in Imperatorem electo, ac dilecte in Christo filie nobili mulieri Isabelle Charissimi Emmanuelis Portugalie et Algarbiorum Regis nate, etc.
	Exponi nobis nuper fecistis per dilectum filium nobilem virum Ludovicum ducem suejanum (Suessanum) tuum, fili charissime Carole, Rex Romanorum et Hispaniarum in Imperatorem electus, apud nos et sedem apostolicam oratorem, quod vos pro conservandis inter vos vestrosque consanguineos et affines, presertim ex sanguine Regio descendentes, pacis et amicitie federibus, sicut et inter vos et predecessores etiam simili modo pro regnorum suorum conservatione servata fuerunt, desideratis invicem matrimonialiter copulari. Sed quia secundo, ex eo quod duarum sororum filii estis, ac alias tertio et quarto ex eo quod cla[risi] mus Emanuel Portugalie et Algarbiorum Rex, tuus, in Christo filia Elisabella, genitor, et cla[risi] ma Elisabet Hispaniarum Regina tua, fili Carole, avia filii duarum sororum et sic secundo consanguinitatis, tuque in Christo filia Elisabella et charissima in Christo filia Johanna Hispaniarum Regina Catholica et Mater tua, fili Carole, tertio equali sicque, fili Carole et in Christo filia Joanna, tertio et quarto ut prefertur, ac etiam alio 3^o et 4^o, ex eo quod prefatus Emanuel Rex genitor tuus, in Christo filia Elisabella, et clarissime memorie Maximilianus Romanorum Rex in Imperatorem electus genitor clarissime memorie Philippi Hispaniarum Regis genitoris tui, fili Carole in 2^o equali gradu erant.
	Cum essent filii ex fratre et sorore, et prefatus Philippus Rex et tu, in Christo filia Elisabella, in tertio gradu equali sicque vos, fili Carole, et in Christo filia Elisabella, tertio etiam quarto equali, ut prefertur, ac etiam alio quarto consanguinitatis equali, ex eo quod quondam Ferdinandus infans, genitor prefati Emanuelis Regis, et clarissime memorie Ferdinandus Aragonum Rex avus tuus, fili Carole, secundo consanguinitatis, cum essent nati ex fratre et sorore. Insuper Rex ipse Emanuel et prefata Johanna regina genitrix tua, fili Carole, in tertio consanguinitatis gradibus respective erant coniuncti, ex quorum personis, vos fili Carole et in Christo filia Elisabella, in quarto consanguinitatis equali gradibus huiusmodi et forsan aliis provenientibus, de quibus notitiam non habetis, infra tamen secundum consanguinitatis gradum gradibus huiusmodi invicem estis coniuncti, vestrum in hac parte desideriuni adimplere non potestis (dispensatione appostolica super hoc non obtenta).
	Quare idem præfatus dux et orator pro parte vestra nobis humiliter supplicavit ut vobis super hoc de oportune dispensationis gratia providere de benignitate appostolica dignaremur, Nos, igitur, si qua alia impedimenta ratione consanguinitatis vel affinitatis huiusmodi, quorum forsan non recordamini et forsan in notitiam non habetis, dummodo infra 2^um gradum consanguinitatis et affinitatis huiusmodi fuerint, presentibus pro expressis habendis ex premissis ac certis aliis causis nobis expositis huiusmodi supplicantibus inclinati vobiscum, dum modo tu, in Christo filia Elisabet, propter hoc rapta non fueris, ut predictis et aliis forsan pro expressis habitis impedimentis consanguinitatis et affinitatis huiusmodi non obstantem matrimonium inter vos contraere, et in eo postquam contractum fuerit remanere libere et licite valeatis, literis nostris aliis per nos super hoc in contrarium editis ac appostolicis necnon in provincialibus et sinodalibus conciliis editis, generalibus vel specialibus constitutionibus et ordinationibus, ceterisque contrariis, nequaque obstante, auctoritate apostolica, tenore presentium dispensamus, et prolem ex huiusmodi matrimonio suscipiendam legitimam nunciamus.—Datum, etc., Romæ, 13 Nov. 1525.
	Contemporary copy in the hand of Secretary Perez. pp. 3.
14 Nov.	264. Louis de Praet, Imperial Ambassador in France, to the Emperor.
Arch, de Brux. Doc. Hist. III., f. 135.	Has received by Antonio de Taxis his letters of the 2d. Madame the Regent [of France], on whom he had called to inform her of the French King's illness, told him (Praet) that she had since heard from Mme. d'Alençon that the King was better, and she hoped that before the Emperor's departure for Seville (fn. n9) something might be proposed for the final conclusion of peace. She (the Regent) alleged many reasons why His Imperial Majesty ought to secure the French King's friendship; firstly, on account of his intended coronation at Rome, and, secondly, from fear of the English, whose King could not fail to take in bad part the rupture of the marriage with the Princess, his daughter. Many other remarks she made to him of the same nature, showing that she confidently relied on the English alliance. He (De Praet) answered her that the Emperor's intentions were, whilst he recovered the duchy of Burgundy and its dependencies—which by right belonged to him—to remain, nevertheless, the friend of France; and, respecting the anger of the English King at his marrying a Portuguese Princess, that there was not the least occasion for it, since he had been informed in time, and His Imperial Majesty was now on as good terms with him as ever. To this the Regent replied that her son, the King, would rather die in prison than consent to the cession of Burgundy; but she hoped some means might still be found for the accommodation of both parties, such as His Imperial Majesty bestowing his sister Eleonor in marriage to her son, and marrying her (Eleonor's) daughter to the Dauphin, by which double alliance the Emperor and the French King might both transfer their respective rights to the children born of the said marriage.
	It is rumoured that—what from ordinary taxation, which is said to amount for the present year to five millions of florins, and what from other sources, as well as from leaving all Estate pensions unpaid,—the Regent has amassed a large sum of money, which she keeps, according to report, for a great emergency. On the other hand, great reliance is here placed on the convention entered into with the English, and not without reason, if its articles be as they are represented here. An ambassador from England, the Treasurer of Calais, (fn. n10) is every day expected, and he (De Praet) hears from a good source in England that the King is to do his utmost to procure the deliverance of the prisoner [Francis], and that the Pope, at the instigation of the Cardinal, whom he dares not contradict, will do the same. Perhaps, too, the departure of Sir Gregory Casal from this city (Lyons) has some connexion with this affair, since he is gone to the Pope at Rome, most likely to persuade him to join the League. These people imagine, perhaps not without reason, that whatever show of friendship the Pope may make, there never will be a perfect understanding, owing to His Imperial Majesty's forthcoming coronation and other matters which have always brought on difficulties between former Emperors and the Apostolic See, and perchance they are also in hope of some revolution taking place in Italy, especially after Morone's arrest.
	Since he (De Praet) wrote concerning the Duke of Ferrara's business, he has not heard of him; but the other day one of his secretaries residing at this city told him that his master was still in Savoy, waiting for an answer to his letter to the Emperor, asking whether it was the Imperial wish that he (the Duke) should go to Spain by sea, since he had been unable to obtain a safe-conduct to pass through France. The said secretary expatiated at length upon his master's desire to remain in the Emperor's service, and be useful to him, and, when interrogated by Praet about Italian news, answered that he knew nothing in particular, but that his impression was that both the Pope and the Venetians were plotting against His Imperial Majesty. (fn. n11) —Lyons, 14 Nov. 1525.
	Signed: "Loys de Praet."
	French Copy. pp. 3.
15 Nov.	265. Louise of Savoy to Chancellor d'Alençon and M. de Vaulx, her Ambassadors in England.
Brit. Mus. Add. 28,575, f. 20.	According to her last letters has decided to send to the King of England Sieur Dourty (Perot de Warty) bearer of the present, for the object which he himself will explain. Begs credence for him.—Sainct Just, near Lyons, 15 Nov. 1525.
	Signed: "Loyse."
	Countersigned: "Noblet."
	French. Original draft, described by Bergenroth as at Paris, Archives du Royaume. F. 965.
15 Nov.	266. Count Lodrone to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist. Salazar, A. 36, f. 184.	He and all his family have always been the faithful servants of the Empire, and especially of Emperor Maximilian, his grandfather, in consequence of which their lands, towns, and castles were burnt and destroyed by the Venetians. During the siege of Pavia he and his relatives did their duty to the cause, as the Marquis of Pescara and Antonio de Leyva cannot fail to have apprized His Majesty. Indeed, he has had since the pleasure of seeing his services fully acknowledged in the Emperor's letter of the 24th March, written at Madrid and received by him at Pavia. As the said letter conveyed also the promise of a proportionate reward, and the Emperor, by becoming the master of the duchy of Milan, can dispose freely of its many fiefs, he (the Count) humbly beseeches him for the grant of a castle called Rocha de Val Dorba and of certain property besides which once belonged to Aleinsius (sic) de la Porta and Cesare de Birago, both citizens of Milan, who have always shown themselves most hostile to the Sacred Roman Empire.—Milan, 15 Nov. 1525.
	Signed: "Io. Baptista Comes Lodroni."
	Addressed: "To the most Invincible Charles, Emperor of the Romans, &c."
	Indorsed: "To the King. 1525. From Milan. The Comte de Lodi, 15 Nov."
	Latin. Original. p. 1.