Spain: December 1526, 11-31

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 1, 1525-1526. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1873.

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'Spain: December 1526, 11-31', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 1, 1525-1526, ed. Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1873), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol3/no1/pp1038-1060 [accessed 27 November 2024].

'Spain: December 1526, 11-31', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 1, 1525-1526. Edited by Pascual de Gayangos( London, 1873), British History Online, accessed November 27, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol3/no1/pp1038-1060.

"Spain: December 1526, 11-31". Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 3 Part 1, 1525-1526. Ed. Pascual de Gayangos(London, 1873), , British History Online. Web. 27 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol3/no1/pp1038-1060.

December 1526, 11-31

11 Dec.
Simancas, Est. L.
2010, f. 21.
630. The Bishop of Bayeux to Monsignor di Verona, (fn. n1) Datary of Pope Clement VII.
Is very sorry to hear that the Pope is about to make an agreement with the Emperor, without the knowledge of the King of France. This he (the Bishop) gathers from his last letters to the Legate, which have been read to him.
Signed: "Il Vescovo di Bayus."
Addressed: "A Monsignor di Verona."
Italian. Contemporary Copy. p. 1.
12 Dec. 631. Secretary Perez to the Emperor.
Bib. Nac. Mat.
E. 50, f. 147.
On the 12th of Dec. 1526, at the Papal Palace, and "in aula quœ vocatur del Papagayo," in which the Pope and the cardinals were assembled for the purpose of celebrating a sacred consistory, Juan Perez, Imperial Secretary in Rome, and prior of the Church of Osma (Oxomiensis), exhibited two letters from the Emperor, his master, the one written on several sheets of paper, the other on one large sheet with the Imperial seal appended, both of which were addressed to His Holiness, and which the Pope received and retained in his hands. After which the said Secretary Perez exhibited another letter of the Emperor addressed to the College of Cardinals, and to their President Cardinal Franciotto Ursino, of the title of Sancta Maria in Dominica, which the said cardinal also accepted and retained. Which being done, the said Secretary asked the undersigned notary to draw up for him a public instrument of the above proceedings; to which were present as witnesses: Ramiro Nuñez de Aguilera, Knight [Commander] of Calatrava; Pedro Sarmiento, clergyman of Burgos; Lope Sanchez de Ulloa, agent (hacedor) to the Archbishop of Toledo; and Alfonso de la Cueva, clergyman of Burgos and public notary.
Latin. Contemporary copy said to have been made from the original in the Archives at Simancas. (Patronato Real. "Diversos de Italia," Leg. I., f. 4.)
13 Dec. 632. The Emperor to Don Iñigo de Mendoza, Imperial Ambassador in England.
K. u. K. Haus-Hof-
u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. P. C.
Fasc. 224, No. 17.
On the 8th of September last, not knowing that you were detained in France, and imagining that you already might be in London, We wrote to you at great length respecting certain matters to be there negotiated with our brother of England. Our letter, written entirely in the cipher that you took from hence, went by a servant (fn. n2) of the said King, whom this English ambassador (Dr. Edward Lee) was then despatching through France. Inside the said letter enclosed within the King's packet, there was: 1stly, a copy of a Papal brief accusing us of being the cause of the present war, and our own answer to the said brief; 2ndly, a memorandum of what the King of France had negotiated with our Viceroy of Naples (Charles de Lannoy), and the reasons he alleged for not fulfilling the conditions of the Madrid treaty, together with the answers made to his proposals. We also sent you a copy of the memorandum which the aforesaid ambassador (Dr. Lee) gave us in his master's name, and our answer to it. (fn. n3) All this that you, Don Iñigo de Mendoça, might more fully and effectually negotiate the matters committed to your charge. We have since heard that owing to your detention in France and absence from that court [of England] the packet of letters addressed to you was delivered to the Provost of Cassel (Theimseke), whom our aunt of the Low Countries sent to England to represent us until your arrival.
Now, holding it as certain that with the King's and Cardinal's diligence you have been set at liberty before this, and are already residing in London, where you cannot fail to have received from the said Provost of Cassel our said letter and papers, and begun to negotiate according to our instructions, We consider it important to call your attention to the following facts.
We hear that before its being forwarded to the Provost [of Cassel] the packet of our letters to you was opened by order of the King [of England], and the copies of the papers mentioned in our answer to the English ambassador (Dr. Lee) taken out of it. We have no reason to think that our ciphered letter inside has been opened, and hope, if it has, that you have acted with your usual prudence and discretion. Yet as it might be that during your detention in France your deciphering key was taken from you and copied, or for greater security destroyed by yourself, We now send you a fresh one that you may decipher and read whatever despatches have been addressed to you since your departure [from Spain]. To make more sure this present [despatch] is written in an entirely new cipher, the key to which will be delivered by the bearer.
What We now have to add is this: that since our reply to the English ambassador (Lee) a letter has come from the King, to which our Chancellor has made a suitable reply (fn. n3) in our name, as you will see by the appended copy of both papers, and of the powers therein mentioned. But although our answer to the English ambassador contains the substance of the matters under discussion, and points out the manner in which We intend to have the same treated and resolved, yet We deem it important to observe that, although the powers sent to you for concluding peace, and abstaining from war, general and particular, and for devising a remedy against the Turkish invasion, be very full and ample; although on the presentation of the said powers to the King, our brother, and to His Reverence the Cardinal, you are to assure them of our readiness to bring about a general peace between Christians, so that We may all turn our arms against the infidel Turk; although in the negotiation and final settlement of the said general peace, and of all the points relating thereto, you (Don Iñigo) are particularly desired to follow the advice and good counsel of the King and Cardinal, yet our wish is that no use should be made of the said powers, and no conferences held until those of our adversaries be properly examined, and found sufficiently ample and correct. To this end We have directed our good aunt [Margaret] of the Low Countries to appoint a lawyer, to assist you in the inspection of the said powers, and to give his opinion, if required, on all matters relating to the negotiation. The name of the lawyer (fn. n4) to be appointed by our aunt has been purposely omitted in the powers, principally because We wished no one to make use of them except yourself, and in order that, if still detained in France, greater efforts should be made by the King and Cardinal to procure your release and bring the present negotiations to an issue.
In the event, however, of the King of England and the most Reverend Legate urging you to communicate your charge before the several ambassadors of the League have received their powers, or before such powers have been found by you and your said colleague to be sufficiently ample, you may begin to negotiate, provided the promise and assurance is obtained that the said powers will be modified or enlarged as may be held necessary, and that whatever agreement is made will be duly ratified by the contracting parties. Meanwhile, and in order not to lose time, you may discourse on the general interests of Christendom, and on the war to be made on the Turk, and so forth, without, however, alluding to our particular views and interests in this projected peace, so as to allow time for the powers of the other ambassadors to arrive. And if you thought that for the remedy of existing circumstances a truce was required, of at least three years, so that the belligerents may conjointly withdraw their armies from Italy, and employ them against the Turk, each power agreeing to pay a proportionate part of the expenses of the war, and His Holiness consenting also to unlock the treasures of the Church and to grant cruzadoes, tithes and such other appropriation of ecclesiastic benefices as may be required on the occasion, you may declare in our name that the better to promote God's service We consent to give His Holiness the management and direction of the whole affair, that he may afterwards settle our private differences, and bring about the said general peace between Christians in such a manner that it may henceforwards be placed on a permament basis. But as it would not be either convenient or prudent for the security of our own affairs, or the successful issue of the negotiations, that before the powers of the other ambassadors had been properly examined and found correct We should reveal our secret intentions and views respecting the conditions of the proposed peace,—as by so doing we might give our adversaries an opportunity of becoming more slack and difficult in that commendable work, as well as create new disturbances and dangers to the public cause, you must beg the King and Legate not to press you to declare our sentiments in the matter, but to take it on trust that your commission and instructions are such that, when peace comes to be made, the World at large will say that We have done our duty, both with respect to the general as well as to the private interests involved in it.
Moreover, as the King has kindly offered his mediation, and We have not made him a categorical answer on that point, but merely informed him that We should be glad to accept his help for the conclusion of this peace; as in his last reply the King thanks us for the acceptance of his offers, and We have not deemed it necessary to be more explicit thereupon, avoiding as much as possible giving him the title of "mediator," for fear he should constitute himself sole arbiter, and pretend that We are bound to put our affairs entirely in his hands; as it might happen that, in consequence of the said offer made and accepted by us in general terms, both the King and the most Reverend Cardinal were to ask you whether you have powers from us to make the King of England mediator and arbiter in all differences existing between us and the confederates, in that case you will tell them, in as courteous and mild words as possible, that your present charge is in conformity with the answer in writing sent to his ambassador (Dr. Lee), and that you cannot imagine either that the King can wish to become sole arbiter in these matters, or that our answer to his ambassador implies the unconditional acceptance of his offer. You may also tell him that by "mediation" we understand such interference in our affairs as will allow him to confer with one or other of the parties, observing complete neutrality, and proposing the means (medios) he may consider most conducive to the purposes of peace.
Such are our instructions with regard to the negotiation in general, for if by the ambassadors of the opposite parties having their powers en règle the conferences should commence, and the particulars of peace be discussed, you are to endeavour that our adversaries speak first, since they are the claimants, and We the defendants; besides which, in our private agreements with each of them our claims are sufficiently defined. We have faithfully observed our stipulations, and think they are bound to do the same, unless they show cause for the contrary. Should they do so, they will always find us disposed to subordinate our own private interest to the public good, so as to bring about the said general peace, and turn the Christian arms against the infidels.
But as it may happen that, in making their respective proposals, the ambassadors of the confederated powers or his Reverence the Legate, or the King himself, as mediators, will try to draw you out, and ascertain from you what our intentions are on each point, your answer must be so shaped as not to be in contradiction with the instructions we have sent you. Should you be questioned about Milan and the Duke Francesco Sforzia (Sforza), and should it be proposed that, upon the restitution of Lodi and Cremona by the Venetians, the whole of the Duchy should be placed in the hands of a neutral power—thereby calming the fears which the Pope and other Italian potentates seem to have of our ultimately taking possession of that estate—you will tell them that the duchy of Milan is a fief of the Empire, and that the Duke, our vassal, being accused of felony and crime of lese Majesty, the cognizance and judgment of which appertain only to us, We cannot think of allowing the said restitution or delivery of the Duchy into neutral hands without a previous judicial inquiry into the Duke's guilt. Such a proceeding would be inconsistent with our honour and authority, and yet such is our wish for peace that We are willing to appoint such judges as shall be beyond suspicion to take cognizance of the crimes imputed to the Duke Francesco Sforza, and to abide by their judgment and sentence. If in the meantime the Pope and the Venetians stipulate that the cities and castles of Lodi and Cremona shall be delivered to the Duke, we will allow him to hold and retain the same until his case be tried, and it be decided whether he is guilty or innocent of the charges brought against him. Respecting the rest of the Duchy, still in possession of our troops, We have no difficulty to place it by way of deposit and sequestration in the hands of the Duke of Bourbon, whom by the advice and nomination of our Holy Father, the Pope, and to the exclusion of our own selves and of the Archduke, our brother We had formerly designated to succeed in case of the death or deposition of the Duke Sforza. This arrangement seems to us equitable and just enough, and one that the confederated powers cannot possibly object to, as it will effectually remove all suspicions that might be entertained of us and of our doings. You will, therefore, insist upon it, and not consent to that portion of the estate of Milan, now in our holding, being restored to the Duke Sforza before his trial, nor the whole of it placed and deposited in any other hands than those of the Duke of Bourbon.
With regard to the King of France and the liberation of his sons, you will see by the enclosed memorandum what offers he made at the time to our Viceroy of Naples. You will show it to the King and Legate, and tell them that if We have not yet answered the French King on this point it has been owing to three very potent reasons. The first, in order that the treaty (asiento) of Madrid as concluded with the said King should remain intact; the second, because no ambassador came sufficiently empowered to treat of the said matter with us; and the third, because the offers, such as they were, seemed to us exceedingly poor (magros) and unsatisfactory, not calculated to produce the desired peace between the French King and ourselves, and above all affording no security that his new promises would be more faithfully fulfilled than the first. Should, however, the French ambassadors now make better offers than those once before made to our Viceroy, a copy of which is herein enclosed, you may say that you dare not, without consulting us first, treat that question separately. Even if the offers were really more advantageous, your charge solely consists in having the conditions more clearly specified, and obtaining better securities; and, therefore, should the King of France repeat his offers, or make fresh ones, you may at once declare that even if sufficient powers be granted to his ambassadors your commission is limited to seeing that the said offers are clearly expressed and defined, so that no occasion can afterwards arise for further controversy or dispute. That being done, you will proceed to make, in our name, five different declarations, as follows:—
Firstly: that the stipulations of this new agreement are in nowise to invalidate those of the treaty of Madrid, except in cases expressly mentioned.
Secondly: that the condition of suspending the execution of the article concerning Burgundy is to be understood without any detriment of our rights to that Duchy, whatever they may be.
Thirdly: that all articles of the treaty of Madrid, whether general or particular, respecting which no express mention is made or alteration proposed in the King's offers, shall remain in force and be fulfilled and executed as stipulated in the said treaty.
Fourthly: that whatever conditions are accepted by the King of France, whether respecting the two millions (cuentos) offered to us, or the payment of sums owing to the King of England, which King Francis also offers to take upon himself, or the restitution to be made to the Duke of Bourbon, or any such like stipulations, they must be fulfilled and executed before his two sons, now detained as hostages, can be released and set at liberty, since owing to his want of compliance with, and non-fulfilment of, former engagements We cannot trust him unless We have the said security.
Fifthly: that whatever be newly settled and agreed between us is to be duly ratified by the General Estates of France, and approved of by the Parliaments of the Kingdom, according to the treaty of Madrid. In case, however, of the Estates General refusing to ratify the treaty so concluded, every province in the kingdom of France is to give its sanction and approval.
Sixthly: that We shall not be bound to send our sister (Eleonor) to France except in one of two cases—either upon the fulfilment by King Francis of all the conditions of the treaty and subsequent release of the hostages, or upon the ratification by the said King of the new treaty now made, and payment of at least one half of the sum fixed as war indemnity.
Seventhly: that the King of England be warrant and security (conservador y assegurador) for the treaty thus made between us and the French King, issuing his letters patent to that effect, and pledging himself to help and assist the party who observes against the party who violates, and declare for the former against the latter. (fn. n5)
Although We have reason to believe that after the above declarations the offers once made on the part of France will not be increased (esforçados), yet We shall be glad to hear from you what their answer is to each of the above-mentioned points, and you will take no engagement thereupon without consulting us first.
With regard to the Imperial coronation, there is no necessity whatever for you to mention this point unless you are expressly questioned about it. Should, however, the matter be brought under discussion, and should you be asked whether it is our intention to go to Italy for that purpose, or to consent to receive the Imperial crown here [in Spain], you will answer that this is not a matter subject to negotiation, or upon which any stipulations can be made, since it is a mere ceremony affecting only our honour and reputation, and no other interest whatever. It would indeed be derogatory to our dignity to give up a right which our ancestors have always possessed and enjoyed, and respecting which We have, on more than one occasion, fully declared our intentions and wishes. You may assure the King that We should not for the sake of the Imperial crown only, and for our intended visit to Italy, raise such a force and make such military preparations as might tend to increase the fears of our enemies (adversaries) in those parts. Were it not that the said coronation is likely to promote the service of God, and secure peace to the Christian world, We would willingly give up our said journey and coronation, which can in nowise increase our honour and reputation, or add to the power and authority which We at present enjoy.—Granada, 13th Dec. 1526.
Addressed: "To Don Iñigo de Mendoça, our Ambassador at the Court of England."
Spanish. Original draft entirely written in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. Pp. 5.
15 Dec. 633. Secretary Perez to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 39,
f. 153.
Received on the 9th inst. the Imperial warrant (cedula) of the 8th October last, together with two letters for His Holiness, one long, the other short, and a third for the College of Cardinals, which last came through Don Ugo de Moncada. As he (Perez) was enjoined to present the said letters formally to the Pope and cardinals, and have an act of the proceedings drawn up by a notary and proper witnesses, as His Holiness might, if he knew of it, prevent the cardinals from assembling, he (Perez) kept the matter secret until last Wednesday, the 12th inst., which was a day for consistory, when, accompanied by Knight Commander Aguilera, Don Pedro Sarmiento, (cipher:) Lope Sanchez de Ulloa, the agent to the Archbishop of Toledo in this city, and Alonso de Cuevas, who is at the same time notary, chaplain and solicitor (solicitador) to His Imperial Majesty, (common writing:) he (Perez) went to the hall where the Pope and cardinals were assembled, and delivered into the hands of the former the Emperor's letter to him, which he stated to be the answer to his brief [of September last]. The letter addressed to the College of Cardinals he delivered to Cardinal Ursino, who, being first deacon, is in the habit of receiving such despatches, though he (Perez) intended to have given it to Cardinal Monte, who, in the absence of Cardinal Frenesis (Farnese), not present on that day, acted as senior president (decano). This being done, Perez and his attendants left the room, when the enclosed instrument (fn. n5) was drawn up to prove that the letters had been delivered, &c.
Has since tried to ascertain whether the letters were read in consistory. Has been told that they were not, but almost all or the greater part of the cardinals must have taken cognizance of them, or read their contents separately, for it is now publicly stated in Rome that His Imperial Majesty has by his letter summoned His Holiness to a council (convoca á Concilio á su Santidad), a measure which has met with the approbation of all the Emperor's servants here, however unpalatable it may prove to those who are not his friends.
This happened on the 12th. Two days after Perez returned to the Palace with the letter which His Imperial Majesty caused to be written on the 9th of November to his Grand Equerry, Cesare Ferramosca, or to him (Perez) in his absence, with another for His Holiness presenting the Prior of San Geronimo of Granada, Fray Pedro de Alua, to the archiepiscopal see of that city. Found the Pope in a very bad temper; he asked him angrily, "Why have you not brought a notary with you to certify the delivery of this letter, as you did the other day?" He (Perez) began by denying the fact altogether, but finding that the Pope had witnessed the whole transaction, seen the notary whom he knew well by sight, and remarked the witnesses; perceiving that he wished to put him (Perez) on his oath, he was obliged to confess that he had really done so at the express command of the Emperor, who wished for an authentic proof that his letters had been delivered. The Pope then said, "You ought first to have informed me of this; I would not have prevented the letters being read in consistory. Similar ones (otras como estas) have come through my nuncio in Spain, and I answered them twenty days ago." He (Perez) excused himself as well as he could; he had (he said) been influenced by two motives: firstly, by the fear that the Pope would not allow the letters to be presented in consistory, and secondly, by his unwillingness to cause His Holiness unnecessary uneasiness. These and similar excuses, however, did not appease the Pope's anger in the least, for he left the room abruptly.
On his way back to the palace of the embassy, he (Perez) happened to meet Knight Commander Aguilera, who informed him that the Pope had spoken to him on the subject, and seemed very much offended at what he (Perez) had done in the affair of the letters. Both the Commander and he at once concluded that, had they not been, as they are, under the Emperor's shadow and protection, their lives would not be secure at Rome. Even as it is, should the present negotiations for peace entirely fail, they consider themselves in danger of the Pope's resentment. (Cipher:) So does the agent (hacedor) to the Archbishop of Toledo, Lope Sanchez de Ulloa, who, as before stated, acted as notary, that being one of the reasons why he (Perez) has written in cipher whatever relates to him and his office. For the truth is that he (Perez) did not take Ulloa to the hall of the "Papagayo," but found him already there, and begged he would certify how the letters were delivered, &c. But whatever the danger to his person, he (Perez) is ready to sacrifice his life, and die a martyr for the Emperor.
The Pope saw the Portuguese ambassador (Don Martin de Portugal) the other day, and complained to him of the manner in which he had been treated, saying that in case of a rupture with His Imperial Majesty it was his intention to make use, in his own defence, of the Emperor's letters to him. What there may be in them to justify such an assertion he (Perez) cannot say.—Rome, 15th Dec. 1526.
Signed: "Perez."
Addressed: "Sacratissimæ, Cesareæ, Maiestati."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1526. Rome. Perez, 15th Dec."
Spanish. Holograph partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. pp. 2¼.
15 Dec. 634. The Same to the Same.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 39,
f. 192.
Since his letter of the 4th inst., of which a duplicate is enclosed, the news are that His Holiness sent Peñalosa and the general of the Franciscans with a message to the Viceroy [of Naples], and that both returned here on the 12th. Has not been told what the message was, nor what the Viceroy answered, but the Pope is in hope of an agreement, and has told him (Perez) so. His Holiness was so impatient that, as the messengers stayed away longer than he expected, he despatched thither the Archbishop of Capua (Schomberg), who is still at the Viceroy's. Whether the present negotiations will be successful or not is more than he (Perez) can say, but the Pope goes on arming, and every day that passes sees fresh troops coming into the Roman territory. It is calculated that they will soon muster 20,000 foot, Most of these forces are now 12 or 15 miles from this city, between a village called Tibuli (Tivoli) and the sea, as the land of the Colonnese is so exhausted that troops can no longer subsist there. Indeed with the one exception of Paliano (Pagliano), which still holds out, all the rest of that country is completely wasted. To the command of the above Papal forces the College has appointed a cardinal, named Triurçis (Triulcio), who left Rome on the 10th, and who, it is added, goes for the purpose of settling certain differences which have arisen between the Papal captains.
Cardinal Colonna, Vespasiano, and Ascanio Colonna are said to be very close upon the territory of the Church, at the head of considerable forces, at which people here are greatly frightened.
The Viceroy was at Naples on the 9th. He was to come soon to Gaeta, where the fleet was. One or two of the ships, with about 600 men on board, were driven on shore close to Terrachina (Terracina), but the Lord of Salmonetta, whose estate is close at hand, managed to save the crews and all the soldiers on board, and directed them to the kingdom of Naples, which they reached in safety. Believes that all the rest of the fleet, which met with very bad weather at sea, must by this time be safely anchored off Gaeta.
The people of Rome show a disposition to defend the city if attacked. They have offered to arm themselves, and suggested that the Imperialists should be also compelled to take up arms. The Spaniards (Castellanos) held a meeting separately (solos), and sent an appeal to His Holiness, who answered that they had nothing to fear and would be protected.
A chamberlain of the King of France came here lately with great offers from his master. He has since gone to Florence to encourage the citizens to defend their homes. Pedro Navarro is likewise in that city raising fortifications, &c.
There is a report that Renzo de Cherri (da Ceri) is now at Savona with 12 ships (naos) and four caracks, on board of which are, some say 3,000, others 5,000 Gascons. He is expected (here?) every day, and the Romans fancy that, once in Rome, they have nothing to fear.
The Florentines are fast leaving their city for fear of its being sacked; most of them go to Venice with their valuables.
The Viceroy considering it inconvenient that a nuncio of the Pope should reside at Naples in the present state of affairs, managed to get him out of that kingdom under the plea that he wanted him to take a message to His Holiness, and then wrote to him (Perez) requesting he would tell him not to return [to Naples]. Has delivered the Viceroy's message, at which neither the Nuncio nor the Pope's partisans have shown much satisfaction, as may be imagined.
A report is here afloat that the King of France has sent the Duke of Lorraine (Claude) and another personage to Spain, to offer Provenze instead of Burgundy, or a very large sum of money in compensation.
(Cipher:) On the 28th of November and 2nd inst. he (Perez) intrusted to the care of a Spaniard named Brego (Obregon?) two letters for Secretary Soria. As Brego was going to Spain by sea to bear a message and letter from the Pope to His Imperial Majesty, Perez naturally concluded that the messenger would be a safe channel for his correspondence. He was mistaken, for Brego has since returned, saying that on his arrival at Civittà Vecchia he had been arrested on board one of the galleys in that port, and searched, though he had time to throw away his (Perez's) despatches, where they could not possibly be found again. Cannot say whether the man tells the truth. The messenger has left again, but so suddenly that there has been no time for the Secretary to make a duplicate of his despatches.
(Common writing:) Knows nothing about the negotiations which the Viceroy and Don Ugo are carrying on with the Pope, but has often written to them to take good care that the securities demanded be sufficiently solid. Has been told that the Viceroy asks as security for a truce of three months' duration the cities of Parma and Piacenza, besides the port of Civittâ Vecchia, and offers to give two sons of his as hostages, promising that the Emperor will ratify any agreement that is made. This, however, is merely a report; cannot say whether it is true or not.
Has been told also that all the galleys of the League that were at Civittâ Vecchia have returned to Genoa, there to join Renzo da Ceri, and press the siege of that city. It is added that Renzo brings 40,000 ducats for the expenses of this war; others say double that sum.
Hears from a reliable source that the Pope is about to create a number of cardinals, French, Venetians and Florentines, from whom he expects to receive as much as 500,000 ducats to defray the expenses of the war in case of peace not being made; and since he has sent away all his galleys, it is quite evident that his intention is not to fly to France, as was rumoured, and that he is only gaining time to arm himself and procure money by the above and other means. Has, therefore, written to the Viceroy and to Don Ugo to be on their guard and not allow themselves to be duped.—Rome, 15th Dec. 1526.
Signed: "Perez."
Addressed: "Sacratissimæ, Cesareæ Catholicæ Maiestati."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1526. Perez. Rome, 15th Dec."
Spanish. Holograph partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet. pp. 2½.
15 Dec. 635. The Same to the Same.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 39,
f. 194.
Duplicate of the above letter, the deciphering of which (fs. 196) is indorsed with the following words in the Emperor's hand: "Italia, Febr. 1527."
15 Dec. 636. [Joan de Castro] to Alonso Sanchez, Imperial Ambassador in Venice.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 39,
f. 198.
With regard to the kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary, what I have to say is that the Archduke, my master, is the lawful heir to the late King Louis, as King of Hungary and Bohemia, Marquis of Moravia, and Duke of Slesia (Silesia). This latter kingdom and estates he inherits by right of his wife (Anna), sister of the deceased King; the former (Hungary) in virtue of certain provisions and agreement made between the Emperor Maximilian and Laodislao (Wladislas), his predecessor, confirmed also by the barons of that kingdom, bearing that a double marriage should take place, both the King of Hungary and Archduke marrying each other's sister. In case of the former dying without children his own sister and the Archduke were to inherit his crown. It is, therefore, quite clear that on the death of King Louis without male heirs, the Archduke and his wife (Anna) became legitimate heirs to the crown. Nevertheless, as the Archduke, my master, is so moderate in his aspirations, so wise and prudent, he would not avail himself of his rights until the barons and towns of the said kingdom should have met and elected him of their own free will, as they are wont to do. A Diet was, therefore, held at Prague, whither the Princes named in the enclosed memorandum (fn. n6) sent also their ambassadors, soliciting to be elected, when, though great efforts were made on the part of some of the pretenders, His Highness was unanimously elected. On the 1st inst. 18 ambassadors from Bohemia, six from each of the three estates, all persons of rank and authority arrived in this city (Vienna), followed by 350 retainers on horseback, richly clad. On the ensuing Monday His Highness granted them public audience, when the deputies took the customary oath, and begged the Archduke to go as soon as possible to Prague, there to be crowned as King of Bohemia. Ambassadors have also come from the marquisate of Moravia, and those of Slesia (Silesia) are daily expected.
Respecting Hungary, the Archduke, now King, my master, wishing the election to be open and free, requested his sister Mary, widow of the late King, to convoke a Diet for one of the three principal towns in that kingdom, which was done; but the Vayvod [of Transylvania], an ambitious man, regardless of the common weal, refused to attend, sent thither a number of peasants (villanos), servants of his own household and other adherents, and caused himself to be elected, thus usurping the royal crown, notwithstanding that he had sworn to hold the same as a deposit, and not give it up, except to a Prince duly appointed by a diet convoked either by the Count Palatine of Hungary or by the Queen widow herself, the only two Princes who, according to the laws and constitutions of the kingdom, have a right to make such convocation. Owing to the above and other causes Queen (Mary) has prorogued the diet until the 20th inst., when we have no doubt the election will be duly accomplished, as most of the nobles in that country are very angry with the Vayvod (Zapolsky) for daring to usurp the crown.—Vienna, 15th Dec. 1526.
P.S.—To-day, Monday, the 17th, His Highness has received a letter from the Queen, his sister, informing him that yesterday, Monday, the 16th December, he (the Archduke, King of Bohemia) was duly elected at 2 o'clock in the afternoon by all the barons and nobles present at the Diet.
Indorsed: "Copy of a letter which one of the secretaries (fn. n7) of His most Serene Highness the King of Hungary wrote to me [Alonso Sanchez?] on the 17th of December 1526 from Vienna."
Spanish. Contemporary copy. pp. 4.
15 Dec. 637. Secretary Perez to the Emperor.
M. D. Pasc. d. G.
Pa. r. a. l. Hist.
d' Esp.
Received on the 12th inst. the Imperial letter of the 16th Nov. last. In the enumeration therein made of his dispatches he (Perez) finds that two of the 3rd and 9th July are omitted, besides another of the 12th August, addressed by way of the Portuguese ambassador (Don Martin de Portugal). Is rather anxious for fear some of his letters may have miscarried. Has written since last September, either by Don Ugo or by the said Portuguese ambassador, no less than eight letters, 22nd and 27th Oct., 5th, 16th, 22nd, and 28th Nov., 2nd and 4th inst. Encloses duplicate of all, in case any of them have been lost.
Thanks the Emperor for the favours received, and the acknowledgment of his poor services. Will continue them as long as he lives, being his vassal and servant (criado), besides having been bred and nurtured in King Philip's household.
The letters for the cardinals have not come to hand. That for the Portuguese ambassador was duly received and delivered.
All the Imperial servants at Rome were certain that the Emperor, as the Catholic and pious Prince that he is, would be displeased with what happened to Don Ugo here. He (Perez) has avoided reading to the Pope that paragraph of the Imperial letter alluding to this particular, but has properly informed the Viceroy of his reasons for acting thus. Should he (Lannoy) send him orders to the contrary they shall be complied with.
The Pope asked about Cesare Ferramosca, of whom (he said) he had no news, though he gathered from the contents of the Imperial letter that he was to be the bearer of despatches addressed to him.
The Viceroy's arrival with the fleet has had a very good effect, and the results begin to be apparent.
No more applications for service have been made by Count Petillano (Pitigliano). Should he renew them, he (Perez) will refer him to Don Ugo.
Neither the copy of the bull of indulgence for the bishopric of Urgel, nor the letters for Gironimo Beltran requesting him to waive his right to an ecclesiastical pension from Antonio de Spes, have come to hand. Has done all he could with His Holiness that the bulls of San Isidro in favour of Master Coronel should be speedily despatched; but these are not times to make similar applications, which, however just and equitable, generally meet with a refusal.
With regard to the brief of absolution to the parties concerned in the sentence and execution of the late Bishop of Zamora (Don Antonio de Acuña), and principally to Secretary Cobos and Alcalde (Ronquillo?), he (Perez) has done his utmost. Secretary Cobos is to be absolved on the settlement of a perpetual pension (memoria) to the church of Zamora of 20 ducats per annum; but as to the Alcalde nothing has been done yet. Has written on the subject to Knight Commander Aguilera, who knows that the Pope obstinately refused then, and still refuses absolving him and the rest unless they come to Rome.—Rome, 15th Dec. 1526.
Signed: "Perez."
Addressed: "Sacratissimæ, Cesareæ Catolicæ Majestati."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1526. Perez. Rome."
Spanish. Original. pp. 2.
18 Dec. 638. Antoniotto Adorno, Doge of Genoa.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 39,
f. 200.
His esteemed fellow-citizens Pietro Luca da Fiescho and brothers have represented to him (the Doge) that for many years past they have been molested by one named Mons. de Chyandelle, on account of the Seignorial estate (Signoria) of Messerano, which the Fiesco family have possessed for the last 500 years. The case is being tried at Rome, and the claimant is trying to procure the favour and influence of the Duke of Bourbon, the Emperor's lieutenant-general in Italy. As he (the Doge) is persuaded of the justice and rights of the defendants, begs most humbly for an order to be sent to the Duke not to interfere in favour of Chyandelle, and for the affair to be submitted to the Imperial Council.—Genoa, 18th December 1526.
Signed: "Servitores obsequentissimi: Antoniottus Adurnus Januensis dux, et Consilium Antianorum Comunis Januæ. Io. Baptista."
Addressed: "Sacræ Cesareæ Maiestati."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1526. From Genoa. The Doge, 18th Dec."
Italian. Original. p. 1.
Dec. 639. The Emperor's Instructions to Don Antonio de Mendoça, Knight Commander of Santiago.
S. Pat. Re. Capit.
c. l. c. d. Austria,
Leg. 6, f. 6.
After visiting the Archduke and the Queen widow of Hungary, Don Antonio is to go to Bohemia. Is to tell the Estates, as soon as they are assembled, how deeply he feels for the disaster and death of King Louis. Could not hasten to his assistance, and to the defence of the kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary, owing to the French King and the Pope having perfidiously attacked him, whilst he was preparing to make war on the Turk.
After thanking the Estates for the election of his brother (Archduke Ferdinand), the ambassador must tell them that he (the Emperor) has resolved to spend all his treasure and all his blood in their defence.—Toledo—December 1526. (fn. n8)
Latin. Original draft. pp. 1½.
S. Pat. Re. Capit.
c. l. c. d. Austria,
L. 6, f. 7.
640. Competitors for the Crown of Bohemia, at the Diet of Prague, and election of Archduke Ferdinand.
The said Archduke.
The King of France.
The King of Poland.
The Marquis of Brandemburg.
William and Louis, Dukes of Bavaria.
The Duke Frederic de Lignis (Ligny).
The Palatine Louis.
The Palatine Frederic.
Dominus Leo Rosenthal (Von Rosmithal?)
Dominus de Puestayn.
22. Dec. 641. Alonso Sanchez, Imperial Ambassador in Venice, to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 39,
f. 202.
(Cipher:) His last was of the 4th inst., enclosing duplicate of that which he (Sanchez) wrote to the Viceroy, the moment he heard of his arrival at Santo Stefano. Is waiting to hear what orders the Viceroy will give respecting him and his movements. Wonders why he has not yet answered, for he hears from Secretary Perez that on the 7th inst. he (the Viceroy) had duly received his (Sanchez's) letter, and was about to reply.
The Viceroy has since sailed for Gaeta, and although his arrival at that port must necessarily be of very good effect under present circumstances, many think that had he remained a little longer on this coast, and only sent a herald (araute) to Florence, greater things might have been accomplished. But the Viceroy knew not the state of things in Italy, and had not all his fleet with him, his ships having been dispersed by a storm at sea (el tiempo la despargió). No wonder, therefore, if he went to Gaeta, where some of his galleys had run in for shelter. The Pope had sent the general of the Franciscans (Quiñones) and one of his own chamberlains with a safe-conduct for the Viceroy and Don Ugo, if either or both chose to come to Rome and negotiate with him; but Secretary Perez writes, in date of the 10th, that it was not likely either of them would answer the invitation. On the 9th His Holiness had despatched the Archbishop of Capua (Schomberg) to the Viceroy, when it is reported that great offers were made in the Pope's name. What these may be Sanchez cannot say, but there can be no doubt that the Pope will promise anything rather than push matters to extremity. Hears from a good source that he has lately written to this Signory announcing his determination to come to some sort of agreement with the Viceroy, for (he says) Florence is threatened by the Imperialists, and were that city, some of whose inhabitants are ill disposed towards him, to fall into our hands, he (the Pope) would be at their mercy (quedaria bonito). The Signory has answered encouraging him not to listen to any proposals for peace, and proposing, in case he wants money for the prosecution of the war, to create new cardinals. Two hundred thousand ducats, they tell him, might be procured in this way from Venice alone. An answer from the Pope to this proposition is daily expected.
The Germans [of Fruntsberg] have lately lost much of their military reputation, having accomplished nothing since their arrival [in Italy]. It may be inferred that they are waiting for the Imperial army at Milan to effect a junction with them, and that Mons. de Bourbon does not move for want of money. However this may be, certain it is that the enemy has had time to strengthen their positions and prepare for an attack. The Florentines, nevertheless, are still deserting the city in numbers from fear of its being sacked.
The Papal nuncio (Averoldi?) and the French ambassador (Bishop of Bayeux) have lately tried to persuade this Signory to send their army across the river Pò, and attack the Germans before their junction with the Milanese army. All their persuasions, however, seem to have been vain, for the Venetians allege that if their men were to pass the Pò the Imperialists would immediately attack Bergamo.
Great hopes are held out from Ferrara that the moment the junction of the two armies is effected great things will be achieved.
(Common writing:) The Archduke's ambassador, who resides in this city, has had letters [from Vienna?] informing him how the Vayvod of Transylvania (Zapolsky) had himself elected King of Hungary on the 10th or 11th of November last. He had surprised and sacked a place where the Diet was being held, and the assembly had consequently removed to another quarter to continue their deliberations there. Letters have since been received here of the 11th November, stating that the Vayvod (Zapolsky) had sent the Archduke, now King of Bohemia, an embassy announcing his own election as King of Hungary. Some days ago a bishop of Sena (Sienna?) arrived in this city, sent by the said Vayvod, and the Signory sent forward some nobles and gentlemen to receive him, as they are in the habit of doing with the ambassadors of the greatest Princes. He comes, as is publicly said, to ask the help and assistance of the Signory, who would willingly have given it had they not been engaged in war at present; for they are not at all pleased at the Archduke having obtained the kingdom of Bohemia, much less still at the chance he has of being elected to the crown of Hungary. The Ban of Croatia, who is a sort of Viceroy, sent also the other day to ask for help against the Turks on his frontiers. He told the Austrian resident here, who repeated it to him (Sanchez) that the Vayvod's ambassador was much flattered by his reception. The Signory wanted his master (Zapolsky) to join the [Clementine] League, and advised him to remain on good terms with the Turk, just as they themselves did. They, moreover, call the Vayvod "Il Re moderno d'Ungheria." (fn. n9)
(Cipher:) The French and Venetians are still at work, trying to persuade the Duke of Ferrara to desert the Emperor's cause, which if he will do they promise to give him back Modena, have one of his sons created cardinal, and marry his eldest (Hercole d'Este) to a daughter of Lorenzino de' Medici.—Venice, 22nd December 1526.
Signed: "Alonso Sanchez."
Addressed: "Sacratissimæ Cesareæ et Catholicæ Maiestati."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1526. Venice. Alonso Sanchez, 22nd Dec. By triplicate."
Spanish. Original mostly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on separate sheet (f. 210). pp. 5¼.
24 Dec. 642. Secretary Perez to the Emperor.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 39,
f. 212.
Wrote last on the 15th inst. by way of Ferrara. Encloses duplicate. The general of the Franciscans has returned from Naples and held a conference with His Holiness, entreating him to withdraw from the League, and make his peace with the Emperor. Pressed, as he is, by the lansquenets on one side, and by the Viceroy on the other, the Pope is inclined to come to terms, give securities, and even money. The general has written already twice or thrice to the Viceroy on the subject, but no answer has yet come. Should any arrive before he (Perez) closes the present letter he will not fail to mention it; that is, if the general tells him what the terms of the peace are to be. All he knows is that the Pope flatly refuses to restore Cardinal Colonna to his honours and dignities now, though he promises to do anything in future to please His Imperial Majesty on that particular.
(Cipher:) This refusal of the Pope and the injury which the Colonnese are known to have sustained in their lands are generally considered great obstacles in the way of peace, as it cannot be expected that the Emperor's friends and allies can remain without compensation.
By the Viceroy's order he (Perez) showed to the general of the Franciscans the paragraph of the Imperial letter of the 16th November last, wherein allusion is made to Don Ugo and the late doings at Rome [in September], the Emperor's regret at what had happened, &c. He (the general) approved of his not showing it to the Pope, because had he (Perez) done so, it would have injured the negotiations which, as now ascertained, were by no means improved by what Peñalosa told the Pope; though on the other hand it must be said that the letter which the Emperor caused to be written to Knight Commander Aguilera, informing him of his sentiments in that respect, though duly communicated to the Pope, to the cardinals, and the whole of the Roman Court, had not the desired effect, and no benefit whatever was derived from it.
(Common writing:) The Imperial letter [of the 6th October] was duly read in consistory on the 21st, when a warm dispute arose as to whether His Imperial Majesty had or had not the power of convoking a general council. After much altercation it was decided to draw out an answer with regard to the general peace and other points contained in the said letter, and appoint three cardinals to consider the matters relating to the Council, write to the Emperor thereupon, &c. Some said that it would have been better if a time and place had been fixed for the council, which they say is not alluded to in the letter. The cardinals, moreover, thinking he (Perez) had a copy, and wishing to discuss the matter, asked him for it, as they said the Pope had the original in his possessions and did not allow anyone to see it. Had he (Perez) been allowed to peruse the letter before delivery, or otherwise taken a note of its contents, and especially of the paragraph relating to the general council, he might have satisfied the cardinals' curiosity, and the whole matter would thus have been made public. As it is, it ought to be printed and circulated for the people's information. The Pope has made bitter complaints of him (Perez), both in the College of Cardinals and in private, for having, as he says, the contents of the Emperor's letter divulged; but the fact is that had His Holiness himself kept the matter secret, nobody would have known anything about it. His (Perez) conscience is satisfied; he has done his duty, and is ready to incur the Pope's indignation, and suffer a hundred deaths for the Emperor's service.
(Cipher:) The Duke of Ferrara (Alfonso d' Este) urges the Viceroy to come armed to Rome, and not to allow any agreement to be made with the Pope in which the Colonnese are not included. This, he says, must needs be in the Emperor's name and for the sake of his reputation in Italy, though the Colonnese may by it get proper indemnity and reparation of the injury done to them, &c.
Count Petillano (Pitigliano) sent his powers to Count Nola to treat with Don Ugo at Naples. Has not heard whether his services have been accepted, or on what terms.
(Common writing:) The presentation to the archiepiscopal see of Granada was made on the 9th inst. by Cardinal de la Valle, who is a good servant of the Emperor. There is some slight difficulty about the expediting of the Papal bulls, and as to whether the rate of issue is to be 2,500 or 3,000 ducats in the case of Don Pedro Puertocarrero, &c.
Has been told that a Bohemian or German bishop, who by the Pope's commands left Rome the other day in order to seduce the lansquenets from their duty, remained at Florence, and sent on a servant of his to discharge the commission he had received. One hour after his arrival at the camp Jorge [Fruntsberg] had him arrested and hung.
Renzo da Ceri, who was at Savona, is daily expected in Rome at the head of 4,000 men. He has been sent for by the Pope to defend this city in case of need. Armaments, however, continue to be made on a large scale, and it is confidently asserted that the Papal forces will soon muster 20,000 men, the Colonnese having, as it is reported, lately taken possession of some of the lands of the Church.
There is a report afloat that 300 Spaniards who landed at Monaco had been attacked and almost completely routed and slain on the road from that city to Genoa by a nephew of Andrea Doria (Filippino).
It is rumoured that one of these days there will be 10 or 12 cardinals created that the Pope may raise thereby a considerable sum of money.
In pursuance of orders contained in the Imperial letter of the 29th October last, application was made for the bishopric of Oristan in favour of the Bishop of Grasa, Lord of Monaco. His Holiness answered that it could not be done, as it was not the custom for one ecclesiastic to hold two bishoprics at once.
Has just received a letter from the Viceroy, dated Gaeta, the 22nd inst., announcing his arrival in that port, and that he was expecting considerable artillery by sea, and ammunition by land. Does not say what his plans are, but letters of the same date state that he means to march [upon the estates of the Church]. The Viceroy, however, writes to the general of the Franciscans that Don Ugo had remained behind, at Naples, and that he had sent for him to discuss the conditions of the peace proposed to His Holiness.—Rome, 24th Dec. 1526.
Signed: "Perez."
Addressed: "Sacratissimæ, Cesareæ, Catholicæ Maiestati."
Indorsed: "To the King. 1526. Rome. Perez, 24th Dec."
Spanish. Holograph partly in cipher. Contemporary deciphering on the margins. pp. 3.
Dec. 643. The Emperor to Don Antonio de Mendoça, his Ambassador to Bohemia.
S. Pat. Re. d. Cast.
Rel. c. l. c. d. Aust.
Le. 6, f. 6.
After informing the nobles and grandees now assembled [at Prague] how deeply he has felt the death of King Louis, he (Mendoça) is to tell them that had it not been for the Pope and King Francis, who treacherously attached him whilst he was preparing to make war on the Turk, he would most certainly have come to the assistance of their country. Will in future sacrifice all his substance and his life in their defence if again attacked by the Infidel.
Complains bitterly of the Pope and King, who have forced him to abandon so just and laudable an enterprise.
Is to thank the members of the Diet for the election of his brother the Archduke.
Latin. Original draft.
644. List of Candidates for the Crown of Bohemia.
M. Re. Ac. d. Hist.
Salazar, A. 40,
f. 11.
The same as that printed under No. 640, though omitting the Archduke's name, and giving different readings for the two last, viz., Rosmithal and Pucetain.
28 Dec. 645. The Emperor to Don Iñigo de Mendoça, his Ambassador to England.
K. u. K. Haus- Hof-
u. Staats Arch.
Wien. Rep. C.
Fasc. 224.
Don Iñigo de Mendoça, our councillor, &c. We have received your letters from Arques, in date of the 22nd of November. You may easily conceive our grief when we heard of your detention in France, and of the bad treatment you had experienced there. We have made, as you well know, every possible effort for your speedy liberation, of which we expect every day to hear. We are of opinion that you ought to cross over to England as speedily as you can, and order you at once to do so. You will find there the powers, instructions, and everything else requisite to negotiate in our name, besides two letters to your address which the Provost of Cassel (Theimseke), there residing for us, will give you; one forwarded to him as early as September, and another, of which Chateau, the servant of M. de Beaurain, is to be the bearer. Chateau left this city [Toledo] a few days ago; has orders to deliver our letter into your own hands.
Respecting our first instructions, which you say you have burnt for the reasons declared in your last despatch, we quite approve of what you did on that occasion. Before, however, ordering fresh ones to be made out we should like to know how His most Serene Majesty of England and the most Reverend Legate (Wolsey) take the contents of our two last letters sent by Chateau, and of the message transmitted through Boton (Bouton). You may, in the meantime, negotiate the confirmation of our friendship and alliance with the King of England, and learn the opinion of our aunt [Madame Marguerite] respecting the intercourse of trade between England and Flanders. Touching the debts and all other points contained in our first instructions, you may give as an excuse for not coming now to a definitive settlement your perilous detention in France, and your having been obliged to destroy both instructions and despatches to prevent their falling into the hands of the French, as also the powers we had given you to treat of this and other matters. You will further allege, if necessary, that you have written to us, and will again do so, asking for fresh instructions, and, moreover, that We have issued proper orders that they should be prepared and sent out to you, which will prevent any cause of complaint by the King of England. Should, however, the King and the Legate inquire of you what was the nature and substance of your instructions, you will be justified in saying that the matter being so important, and your detention so long, you dared not answer without having in your hands a copy of the instructions then destroyed, lest you should state anything contrary to what was in them. But you may state confidently that the said instructions were as full and ample as could be wished, for the renewal of the friendship now existing and the increase of the same to our common benefit and interest; and that you had full powers to make such stipulations and agreements in our name as would ensure the prompt payment of the sums which We fully acknowledge owing to the King.
We imagine that addressing them in the above general terms you will be able to find out what the said most Serene Majesty and the most Reverend Legate have at heart; whether they are inclined to peace or intent upon war; and that when you have ascertained their real sentiments you will not fail to inform us, that We may amend and modify our said instructions according to the disposition and present humour of the English and in the manner most befitting to our interests. You have probably heard that Paulo de Rizo (Rezzo), one of the Pope's chamberlains, who lately spent a few days at the court of France, has come to us, bringing full powers from His Holiness, the King of France and the Venetians, to treat of the general peace. As we are, however, on our road to Valladolid, (fn. n10) where we have ordered a general meeting of the Cortes for the purpose of obtaining as large a subsidy as We can for the Turkish war, We have not yet had time to look into this matter. On our arrival at that city we will not fail to hear what the said Paulo de Rizo (Rezzo) has to say, and give him such an answer that everyone may know our intentions, and that it will be no fault of ours if a general peace be not concluded, for We would rather lose the whole of our patrimonial estates than be an obstacle to what We believe to be for God's service and the good of Christianity.
Addressed: "To our Ambassador in England."
Spanish. Original draft entirely in cipher. Contemporary deciphering. pp. 3.

Footnotes

  • n1. Monsignor di Verona is no other than Gianmatheo Giberti, the Pope's Datary, who was bishop of that see. The letter is not among those edited by Porcacchi, as it was probably intercepted.
  • n2. Osborne Echingham?
  • n3. See No. 623.
  • n4. J. Bouton, Sieur de Courtbaron. See above, No. 616.
  • n5. "La septima y postrera que el Serenissimo rey de Inglaterra sea conservador y assegurador del concierto que se hiziere entre Nos y el dicho rey de Francia, y dé sus letras patentes en ampla forma, por las quales el prometa de assistir y ayudar la parte que observare contra la parte que contraviniere, y declararse en favor de la dicha parte observante contra la otra parte."
  • n6. The memorandum here alluded to will be found hereafter under No. 640, enclosed in the Emperor's letter to Don Antonio de Mendoza.
  • n7. There is no certainty that this letter was written by Castro. It might just as well be attributed to Christoval de Castillejo, another of the Archduke's Spanish secretaries.
  • n8. The day of the month in not filled in in the minute, but as the Archduke's election did not take place until the latter end of November, the news could not possibly reach Valladolid before the 20th of December. On the other hand the list of candidates under No. 640 cannot be the same which Joan de Castro, or whoever wrote to Sanchez on the 15th of December, says he enclosed for that ambassador's information. See above, p. 1049.
  • n9. Que aqui Ilaman el moderon rey de Ungria. Moderon is, no doubt, a mistake of the deciphering clerk for moderno.
  • n10. The Emperor left Toledo on the 30th of December and reached Valladolid on the 8th February, passing through Aranjuez, Madrid, El Pardo, &c. The Cortes, which had been convoked for Granada on the 5th of December 1526, began at Valladolid on the 25th of February, and closed on the 13th of April 1527.