Spain: October 1553, 1-5 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 11, 1553. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1916.

Citation:

'Spain: October 1553, 1-5', in Calendar of State Papers, Spain, Volume 11, 1553, ed. Royall Tyler( London, 1916), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/spain/vol11/pp261-272 [accessed 27 November 2024].

October 1553, 1–5



Oct. 3. Simancas, E. 807.	Simon Renard to Prince Philip.
	His Majesty (the Emperor) has commanded me to remain here as ambassador ordinary at the Court of the Queen of England's Serene Highness, and has recalled the other ambassadors, my colleagues. I will continue to perform my duties and fulfil my obligations to your Highness as I had begun already in former letters, giving you notice from time to time of the occurrences concerning matters of state in the kingdom. Your Highness is well aware, as I presume, that the body of the Christian republic is but the sum of its actual individual members, who both form and represent it. The nearness of this kingdom to the countries, provinces and kingdoms of your Highness, the relations and intercourse between them, will give value, it seems to me, to the information I shall send. It will be well if your Highness will order that the couriers travelling by the western route shall send me notice of their passage, so that no opportunity for communication may be lost. There is all the more reason for doing this because your Highness's own cousin, Queen Mary, now wears the crown of this kingdom. She was crowned on the first day of this month, with the pomp and ceremonies customary here, which are far grander than elsewhere, as I shall briefly show; and according to the rites of the old religion. On the eve of her coronation-day, the Queen was removed from the Tower and castle of London to Westminster Palace, where the sovereigns of England are by custom wont to reside in London. She was accompanied by the earls, lords, gentlemen, ambassadors, and officers, all dressed in rich garments. The Queen was carried in an open litter covered with brocade. Two coaches followed her; the Lady Elizabeth and the Lady (Anne) of Cleves rode in one, some of the ladies of the Court in the other. The streets were hung with tapestries and strewn with grass and flowers; and many triumphal arches were erected along her way. The next day, coronation-day, the Queen went from the Hall of Parliament and Justice to the church, in procession with the bishops and priests in full canonical dress, the streets being again covered with flowers and decked with stuffs. She mounted a scaffolding that was erected at the church for this purpose, and showed herself to the people. The Queen's coronation was proclaimed to them and the question asked of them if they were willing to accept her as their queen. All answered: Yes; and the ordinary ceremonies were then gone through, the Queen making an offering of silver and silken stuffs. The Bishop of Winchester, who officiated, gave her the sceptre and the orb, fastened on the spurs, and girt her with the sword; he received the oath, and she was twice anointed and crowned with three crowns. The ceremonies lasted from ten in the morning till five o'clock in the afternoon. She was carried from the church to the Parliament Hall where a banquet was prepared. The Queen sat on a stone chair covered with brocade, which they say was carried off from Scotland in sign of a victory, and was once used by the Kings of Scotland at their crowning; she rested her feet upon two of her ladies, which is also a part of the prescribed ceremonial, and ate thus. She was served by the earls and lords, Knights of the Order (Garter) and officers, each one performing his own special office. The meats were carried by the Knights of the Bath. These knights are made by the Kings on the eve of their coronation and at no other time; and their rank is inferior to the other Order. The Queen instituted twenty fresh ones. They are called Knights of the Bath because they plunge naked into a bath with the King and kiss his shoulder. The Queen being a woman, the ceremony was performed for her by the Earl of Arundel, her Great Master of the Household. The Earl Marshal (Duke of Norfolk) and the Lord Steward (Earl of Arundel) (fn. 1) directed the ceremonies mounted on horseback in the great hall. When the banquet was over an armed knight rode in upon a Spanish horse and flung down his glove, while one of the Kings-of-arms challenged anyone who opposed the Queen's rights to pick up the glove and fight the Champion in single combat. The Queen gave him a gold cup, as it is usual to do. Meanwhile the earls, vassals, and councillors paid homage to her, kissing her on the shoulder; and the ceremonies came to an end without any of the interruptions or troubles that were feared on the part of the Lutherans, who would rejoice in upsetting the Queen's reign. They were feared especially because of the Lady Elizabeth, who does not feel sincerely the oath she took at the coronation; she has had intelligence with the King of France, which has been discovered. A remedy is to be sought at the convocation of the Estates, which is to take place on the fifth of this month; Elizabeth is to be declared a bastard, having been born during the life-time of Queen Catherine, mother of the Queen. The affairs of the kingdom are unsettled because the vassals and people are prone to scandal, and seekers after novelties; they are strange and troublesome folk. I will inform your Highness of anything that may happen in Parliament.
	The affairs of the Queen have been brought by our Lord to so happy a settlement, that the question of her marriage is beginning to be talked about and discussed. There are various opinions concerning the person who shall be chosen as her husband; whether he shall be an Englishman or a foreigner. The English favour the Earl of Devonshire, whose name is Courtenay; he was taken prisoner to the Tower when he was twelve years old, and remained there until recently when the Queen restored him to liberty, and he is alone of the blood royal; (fn. 2) hence their support of him. The French are doing their utmost to prevent a foreign alliance, and especially a marriage with your Highness. They are devising and publishing many expedients to divert the Councillors from the match. It is generally supposed that a foreign alliance will be difficult to negotiate because foreigners are disliked in England, and also because there seems to be no personage of suitable rank, and such as they would desire, who knows the language, or would care to reside in the country, besides being of an age suited to the Queen's, as they would wish him to be, and whom, on the other hand they could also understand. They are also apprehensive that he may draw money out of the kingdom and spend it elsewhere, or change their form of government and promulgate new laws; give office to foreigners and set them to govern the country, or draw the English into war, through the alliance, and set the land in confusion. These things they greatly abhor. I desire to inform your Highness of these matters, as they can but make the marriage a difficult one to conclude, and for other reasons in plenty, which I shall soon be able to explain more fully; so that you may find means to temporise (contemporiser) with the Portuguese match. This negotiation (the English marriage) is not being carried on frankly as an open negotiation, but only by such ways and means as your Highness shall hear of. If your Highness were to send anyone to visit the Queen, let it be a personage who speaks Latin, French or Italian, and is competent to make himself acquainted with the condition of England.
	Your Highness will understand from the despatches and letters carried by this courier, that the King of France disbanded his camp for lack of money and victuals; and his forces have done some damage only in certain parts of Artois. The French are in such extreme need that they must of necessity desire peace.
	The fleet in charge of Don Juan de Figueroa has reached Flanders.
	John-Baptist de St. Victor, a Spanish merchant resident here, has requested me to beseech your Highness to grant him his petition set forth in the memoir that is to accompany this letter, which may it please you to have examined. I trust you may order that his property be released, which was detained on a misapprehension that the goods were intended for sale; whereas there are but five pieces of tapestry, a certain number of gloves, and other articles set forth in the note, which were ordered by certain gentlemen and members of the Council. I hope your Highness will not consider it presumptuous on my part; my chief object being to show them (the gentlemen and Councillors) a certain amount of goodwill.
	London, 3 October, 1553.
	French. Holograph. A contemporary translation into Spanish, made for Prince Philip's use, exists in the same bundle. In the French original many passages are underlined in which there are trifling inaccuracies in the translation. At the end of the Spanish copy there occurs the following note in Philip's handwriting: The translation of the underlined passages is missing, and perhaps even more than that; let him translate it all word for word without missing out anything, so that I may hear it all to-morrow.
Oct. 3. Simancas, E. 807.	Simon Renard to Juan Vazquez Db Molina.
	My Lord; I will not add a long letter repeating what I have already written to his Highness; but I beseech you, where the question of the marriage is concerned, to believe my assurance that it will prove a very difficult matter to get any foreign match accepted, even were it to be his Highness. May you be guided accordingly in taking suitable steps for the direction of his affairs. I also beseech you to believe, my Lord, that his coining to these parts is so necessary that were it delayed it would not be possible to repair the damage done to his interests, for it would have become irreparable.
	You will also learn, my Lord, from the memoir (fn. 3) enclosed herewith, the request made by John-Baptist de St. Victor. He is a good servant and subject of his Highness, and has on several occasions obliged the ambassadors who serve his Majesty in these parts. I beg you to extend your favour to him, and oblige me still more in so doing.
	London, 3 October, 1553.
	French. Holograph.
Oct, 5. Vienna, Imp. Arch. E. 21.	Simon Renard to the Emperor.
	Sire: I have learned from the private letters it has pleased your Majesty to write to me on the 20th of last month your Majesty's resolve concerning the marriage. I considered that the negotiation could not well be opened or conducted without the knowledge and participation of the Councillors; and having heard from the Queen that Paget was in favour of a foreign alliance, and knowing, moreover, that Paget wished to make good the loss and damage he suffered at the hands of his enemies and those who wished him ill; that he was a man of wit and stood well among those who governed and administered the affairs of the country; and, especially, as he had questioned us all several times as to the respective ages of his Highness (Prince Philip), Don Luis of Portugal, and my Lord the Duke of Savoy (Emmanuel Philibert), I addressed myself to him. I said that I had been informed that the Queen's marriage was being discussed, and that many people were astonished that your Majesty, who was so greatly attached to the Queen, should have made no sign so far, nor addressed any exhortation, communication, admonition or proposal to her on the subject. I had despatched a courier to your Majesty, to let you know what was being said over here, so that I might not be found guilty of neglect in anything where the Queen's desires or those of any of her subjects were concerned, and make myself ready to carry out any wish your Majesty might express, after having ascertained your intentions. Your Majesty had replied to me that you had not considered the question of the Queen's marriage so far, because of the troubled and uncertain state of her affairs; because you did not know if she desired to marry, and whether it was opportune to make any mention of it so soon, or persuade her to it. You commanded me to find out from some of her Councillors the general wish as to what your Majesty should do in the matter; and in particular your Majesty wished me to mention the subject to him, Paget, if the opportunity for speaking to him presented itself, as I knew him better and as he was also a Councillor. I declared that your Majesty had no private designs or intent; no other wish, in fact, than to prove your friendship for the Queen, the country and Council, which it was your wish to increase by all the means in your power. I had addressed myself to him accordingly, especially as he had always professed his devotion to your Majesty, and had questioned us three times about the respective ages of the three personages I mentioned above. I requested him to give me his opinion and tell me in confidence if it would be suitable that your Majesty should make any overtures or proposals to the Queen concerning her marriage, in what terms, by what means; as you did not wish to open the subject unless it would bring satisfaction to the Queen and her kingdom. It was possible to omit some of the requisite offices for the confirmation and increase of friendly relationships, out of ignorance of the habits peculiar to a country; and in extending his assistance to me he would please your Majesty whom he should not find forgetful when the opportunity arose.
	He replied that he thanked your Majesty most humbly for the opinion you entertained of him; he assured me that although he had ever been, was, and would always be a loyal Englishman, he had also always entertained a singular affection and deferent regard for your Majesty, and had proved it quite openly during the last negotiation of affairs he carried through with your Majesty. He would prove his goodwill again whenever the occasion arose, as well as his special devotion in every manner his honour would permit. Before answering my request, he desired to know if your Majesty had named him personally as one to whom I should address myself. I replied, Yes. Then, he said, on that assurance, he would tell me in confidence and all sincerity how matters stood, what he had heard, and what he considered your Majesty might do. Some of the Councillors, he said, had weighed the great burdens resting on the Queen, the trouble it cost her to administer her kingdom; on the other hand they saw the condition to which the country was brought, the lack of a true heir to the throne in the direct line, there being a stain of bastardy on the Lady Elizabeth; and so as to restore the succession and continue the line, they considered it necessary for the good of the kingdom that the Queen should enter into an alliance and marry; and the sooner the better, because of the state of her affairs and her years. Some astonishment had been felt that your Majesty, who had always favoured and protected her and her affairs as if they had been your own, had overlooked this question of her marriage. The Councillors had debated among themselves as to the personage who would appear most suitable. Some opined that one match alone could be found for her within the kingdom; and even so, many qualities were to be desired which in that case were lacking; whereas there were three foreign alliances to be considered: his Highness (Prince Philip) if he were still unengaged, Don Luis (of Portugal) and the Duke of Savoy (Emmanuel-Philibert), honourable princes all of them and worthy of a like or even greater alliance. The Queen had been approached in general terms with the object of discovering her private inclinations, no names being mentioned; nor would it have been meet for any subject to presume to advance so far or take so much upon himself. Her answers seemed to imply that she would accept a marriage for the good of her people and in the hope of begetting heirs, rather than from any private inclination or amorousness of disposition. I was to assure your Majesty that the Queen would not engage herself or her word to anyone without your Majesty's knowledge, and without communicating the matter to you before doing anything. He said this was gospel truth, that if I would give him time till the next day to reflect on the manner in which your Majesty had best broach the subject, he would be able to give me advice of a kind which your Majesty would approve entirely, and that would be taken in good part, moreover, by the Queen and her Council. He desired to inform me, as your Majesty had been so gracious as to wish this matter to be opened to him, that the French ambassador was doing his best by pressure and intrigues to divert the Councillors and some of the subjects of the Queen from giving their support to an alliance with any member of your Majesty's house. He had gone so far as to say that in such an event the King, his master, could not continue in his friendship for England, nor could peace be maintained between the two countries, your Majesty being, as all the world knew, his master's enemy, and because you must remain so on account of your determination to hold the duchy of Milan and the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily which precluded the possibility of a durable peace, although his master's course of action spoke for itself in the eyes of all men; and especially, he averred, as in the event of your Majesty's demise his Highness (Prince Philip) would hold to the same course and precipitate the same quarrels or even embitter them more. It was quite certain that no peace could be hoped for between the two princes unless the territories mentioned were restored. The English must ponder the fact, he said, that if an alliance with his Highness (Prince Philip) were decided upon the good understanding between France and England would be at an end. The Queen and her Council must consider the consequences of such an alliance; and they should realise, too, that his Highness would most certainly have trouble with the King of Bohemia, whom he averred to have his plans all ready for attacking his Highness in the field were he to secure the crown of the Empire after the death of the King of the Romans, father of the said King of Bohemia. The hatred between the two was such, he said, that it could not be quelled or forgotten, and much less hidden; the King would certainly contest his Highness's succession to the Low Countries, and find assistance in Germany and elsewhere. Several princes in Germany would show that they had not forgotten your Majesty's treatment of them, and the French would show their mind where his Highness was concerned in such a way that he would not be able to make use of the passage (i.e. the Channel) which would be closed and defended, while all help from Germany would be withheld or impeded. The very subjects of the Prince in Italy, acting in concert with their banished brethren (the fuorusciti (fn. 4) ) and others, would drive the Spaniards out of Italy. The Duke of Florence, who seemed devoted to your Majesty, had a grudge against his Highness, who had nothing to hope from him except annoyance, harm and enmity, so far was he from being his friend. Several princes would easily be brought to join in making the Spaniards draw in their horns. His master (the King of France) did not propose to rest until he had ascertained fully all there was to be known of the private aims of the various states of Christendom and come to a full knowledge of the plans and intrigues that were afoot to prevent his Highness from attaining to the enjoyment of his fortunes. He (the French ambassador) painted the Spaniards in the darkest colours that he could devise; he impressed it upon them (the English) that if the alliance were to take place the Spaniards would try to dominate in England; said they were hated by the whole world, that they were unbearable, and much more besides in the same strain to decry the Spanish nation. He went as far as to dwell on his Highness's parts, and said that his first progress on this side of the sea proved the nature of the hopes that were to be founded upon him for the future, his own subjects having been dissatisfied. Similarly, he said, the King, his master's, grievances against the Duke of Savoy were as well known as the condition of that Prince's states; the same considerations applied to this match as he had put forward concerning the other, for it would mean the espousal of differences and troubles that it was desired to sustain at England's expense. He had used even stronger language in private conversations with Paget and others of the Council, and he had secret understandings with certain persons in the kingdom, of which the Councillors, however, were very well aware. Paget proceeded from this point to ask me whether it was true that your Majesty and his Highness could not agree with the King of the Romans and the King of Bohemia, and adjured me to answer him the truth.
	I replied that I thanked him for the goodwill he proved to bear towards your Majesty; I would inform you of it, and I trusted you would bear it in mind. He might delay his answer until the next day, or indeed until later if it suited him better. As to the burden of the French ambassador's conversations, it appeared to me that they were rather of a nature to spur the Council to seek a foreign match, as they clearly showed his anxiety that the kingdom of England should not acquire the support of a new alliance, together with the command of greater power and assistance with the object of having a freer hand in the disposal of their friendship and the means to resist those designs which the French had formed some time ago for shaking themselves free of the burden of paying the charges and pensions which they owed to England. The marriage effected by the means he well knew of between the Dauphin and the young Queen of Scots, was a sufficient argument to enlighten one as to their intentions of attacking and usurping the kingdom. As to the effects of the past differences between your two Majesties (i.e. the Emperor and the King of France), I trusted sufficiently in your Majesty's prudence and foresight to believe that you would take effective measures to make your heir safe in his possessions. Your enemies' covetuous threats would stand you in stead of counsel; and matters were so far advanced on the one hand, the strength of France so spent on the other, that I could see no chance for the ambassador's master to make good his boasted threats published by the same ambassador, that he would continue in war and enmity. As for the Duke of Florence, the benefits he had received from your Majesty forbade one to entertain the suspicion of ingratitude against him. Your Majesty would take such measures where the German and Italian potentates were concerned, that the French should feel regret and inconvenience; for you were not pressed for time. I did not know if your Majesty had settled upon any particular candidate for the marriage, and I could not therefore make any answer concerning his Highness's qualifications; but he was a prince whose qualities and virtues proved a galling curb to the designs and ambitions of the French, who showed their displeasure. If matters were to advance further I had no doubt that all due consideration would be given to the welfare and safety of the kingdom, and I would then discuss the matter with him. The ambassador's anxiety to publish impudent and untruthful accounts of the condition of your Majesty's states and affairs, and to decry the Spanish nation, dispensed me from making any reply to those to whom he had addressed himself, because I was certain that the ways of the French were well known to them; and the English had been so often satiated with their lies that they could give them no more credit for telling the truth.
	He (Paget) replied that he was happy to hear there was a good understanding between your Majesty and the King of the Romans, and your sons; he for his part paid no attention to the talk of the French, and he knew very well what they could say and do. He then brought the conversation back again to the marriage, and said he thought the Queen's happiness ought to be taken into consideration, as well as her age and comfort; that a husband should be proposed to her suitable in these respects, with whom she could live in happiness and content, and who would remain at her side. He himself had considered that even if his Highness were not already married to the Infanta of Portugal, he had so many kingdoms and countries, divided from one another, that his marriage, were it to take place, would not keep him in England, and this the people desired above all things. The Prince's age was but 26; he had heard that he was no linguist, and spoke no other language except Spanish. If the marriage were to come off, it would be expedient for him to learn to speak and understand English, otherwise it would prove a dumb marriage, and he could hold no communication with the Council or with the people. Although the marriage could make him no more than governor of the kingdom, yet he should be able to understand various things to save the Queen trouble. The same objections as to age and ignorance of their language might be urged against the Duke of Savoy. Don Luis of Portugal had been proposed before, and the late King Henry VIII's choice had singled him out for this alliance. His age was ripe and suitable to the Queen's, his countenance was not that of a Portuguese; he spoke French, Latin, Italian and Spanish; your Majesty had put him forward before, and spoken to Paget on the subject. This prince had no other kingdoms and might best ensure the repose and satisfaction of the Queen; moreover, he was a relative of your Majesty's. There was no need to fear that the kingdom would ever enter into contention with your Majesty's dominions, because the people knew well enough that necessity and their own advantage compelled and invited them to continue to live in peace and amity. He said he had spoken to no one as yet of this matter, nor had he heard anyone discuss it. But he wished to be frank with me and wished your Majesty to reflect upon it; and he would tell me whatever else he had to say on the morrow. He would listen to no replies; and as a matter of fact the hour was getting late, and he was due at the Council. He asked me if the other ambassadors, my colleagues, knew anything about the matter. I replied that they did not, and requested him to make no sign of it to anyone. He promised he would not, and asked me to do the same on my side, keeping the communication secret.
	The next day I repaired to his house at the appointed hour, early in the morning. He let me in by the back door of his garden to prevent my being noticed by anyone. He said he had no leisure for a lengthy conversation, as the Queen had sent for him to deliberate on the articles concerning religion, to be brought before Parliament, that might give some trouble. His opinion was that your Majesty should write letters to the Queen, exhorting her to marry, giving such reasons as might occur to your Majesty more readily than he could suggest them, making a simple reference to her marriage and in general terms describing your reasons for urging it, and the cause of your delay in doing so, whether the coronation, the establishment of her reign, or any other were given. I was to tell your Majesty that the Queen would consent to marry although personally averse from marriage; and that neither she nor her Council had formed any idea or determination concerning the personage who might be chosen and nominated. He gave me a written list of the men to whom private letters should be addressed; they are the following: the Earl of Arundel, Great Master of the Household; the Earl of Shrewsbury; the Bishop of Winchester, Lord Chancellor of England; Sir Robert Rochester, Knight, Controller of the Queen's Household; the Bishop of Durham; Lord Paget of Beaudesert, Knight of the Order and Councillor of State; and Sir William Petre, Knight, the Queen's First Secretary. Each one had better receive the letter direct, so that they might each be spoken to separately and privately. The names given are those of the men who govern the Council of State and the Privy Council. The name of the Earl of Shrewsbury was added to the rest because his is the oldest house in England. An honourable, agreeable, laudable and acceptable beginning would be made in this way, pleasing to the Queen and her Councillors. When the time came to discuss the personage chosen to be the Queen's husband, he would learn from me your Majesty's intentions, and confer further on the subject. He would do his best on the lines indicated in our conversation of the preceding day, and in his opinion the sooner matters were brought to a head the better. He declared that, the opening being made in the manner he suggested, it would be possible to defer so far to your Majesty that you should be requested and besought to give your advice and assistance, so that the marriage should not lack your participation and good grace. He repeated again that he knew for certain that the Queen would not marry without your Majesty's advice, and this fact encouraged him to speak to me more boldly and with greater confidence. He asked me to tell him if his Highness's (Prince Philip's) marriage (fn. 5) had taken place; to describe his character and parts, for he was already well aware of his exalted rank and descent. I replied that I had no news of any marriage, either from Spain or from your Majesty's Court. He was a prince possessed of natural gifts as great as his acquired qualities, as prudent and discreet in his negotiations as one could wish, and he understood both French and Italian. He replied that he was most happy to hear it, in the belief that I would not speak otherwise than the truth. I thanked him for his advice, and said I would communicate it to your Majesty. This is the account of what has passed between me and Paget, and your Majesty will found such negotiations upon it as you think most suitable.
	Sire: This matter is a weighty one, and other brains than mine were needed to direct it. I feel the burden is onerous, and my capacity so scanty that I am compelled to beseech your Majesty most humbly to set before me the means I am to use to bring the negotiation to a happy end. May your Majesty take in good part the industry, order and rule, the terms, devices and expedients which I shall use, because I foresee difficulties in the way of its achievement: intrigues and contrary efforts, because of the Bishop of Winchester's partiality, of the objections to a foreigner, and the various considerations that will be entertained, such as those Paget indicated, and others too. If your Majesty were to disapprove of the terms of the communication I have held, I will use every means suggested to me to repair my fault, if fault there be.
	I have not found it possible to hold any communication with the Queen, as your Majesty had ordered me, for my colleagues would have become suspicious if I had had access to her; and they must of necessity have known of it, as your Majesty may easily surmise. I have sent my secretary on purpose to carry these letters safely, as there are no couriers here except the merchants'; may it please your Majesty to command that his journey be paid to him, as the Master of the Posts objects to paying for the journey of any but the ordinary couriers.
	Your Majesty will hear of the public occurrences from the letters sent by us all in common. As to my private affairs, I perceive that my duty forbids me to persist in the request I had most humbly made to your Majesty to be allowed to go to Brussels for the reasons set forth in my former letters. I beg your Majesty most humbly to give me the means to equip myself and my servants in a suitable manner, and to maintain an establishment that may advance my reputation in the eyes of the people of this country, and enable me to treat with honour the principal matter, if your Majesty judges my capacity to be equal to the task. Excuse and repair my poverty by giving me an adequate salary; otherwise, Sire, I shall receive little consideration and will be frequented by no one. I remit myself entirely into your Majesty's hands, supposing you to know that no nation in the world is more sociable than the English, none more given to display in the matter of habiliments and numerous servants.
	London, 5 October, 1553.
	French. Holograph.
	Printed from a transcript at Brussels by Gachard, Voyages des Souverains des Pays-Bas, Appendix to Vol. IV.