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2 Aug. |
434. The Same to the Same.
The earl of Murray went to Scotland on the last day of July, after
having been with the Queen at Windsor. I visited him to try to
discover something of his intention, and having discussed matters
with reference to a discourse of his when he passed here on his way
to France, he began to express sorrow at the action of the lords
against the Queen, and said he could not fail to strive for her liberty
because beside being her brother he was much beholden to her, but
still, as he told me before, Bothwell's business and the King's murder
had much grieved him and had caused him to leave the country.
He returned now to see what could be done in these troubles
although he feared they would be difficult to mend. If he had his
friends collected and harmonious, something could be done, but many
of these who were concerned in the Queen's detention were his
closest adherents, and besides this his lands and those of the other
friends of the Queen were distant, which increased the difficulty, and
if he came in force to liberate her he would have to pass by Stirling,
which was in the hands of the earl of Mar. The passage there was
by a deep and broad river, and boats could not be used if resistance
were offered ; the bridge also being impracticable as it was guarded
by Mar. Edinburgh, the principal fortress in the country, together
with the castle, was in the hands of the lords, and the castle where
the Queen is was strong as it was in the middle of so large a lake
that not a single culverin in the country could even reach it
much less batter it, so that it could be held by 50 soldiers. All these
things he said made the liberation of the Queen difficult, if it were
undertaken against the will of those who held her, and it could only
be attempted with great caution and adroitness, in consequence of
the danger the lords would be in if they let her free in a way that
would enable her to be avenged on them at any time. If in respect
of their own safety the lords would only consent to the Queen's
liberation on such conditions that she should have no power or
authority in her own kingdom she would be ill-able to brook such
terms, she having been a sovereign. It was surrounded with
difficulties, but he would do his best to find some means by which
she should remain Queen, but without sufficient liberty to do them
any harm, nor marry against the will of her Council and Parliament,
whilst punishing at the same time the authors of the King's murder.
I told him that the business might be remedied if Bothwell were put
where the Queen is, and if he were captured it would be easy to
settle things. He thought so too, as he said, because they could kill
him, and the Queen would then be free of 'him, and they would be
safe, and would not suffer the dishonour and shame of seeing their
Queen married to a man who had another wife living.
By his manner of speech, and the difficulties he raised, it seemed
to me that although he always returned to his desire to help the
Queen this is not altogether his intention.
He repeated how displeased he was at the action of the lords in
taking the Queen, which would appear to your Majesty, the king of
France, and other princes a bad precedent, and I replied that nobody
could think it was a good one, much less kings, to see subjects so
insolent to their sovereign, even if grave reasons existed, and still
more so in the present case.
I said that her confessor had told me that as regarded the King's
murder she had no knowledge whatever of it and had been greatly
grieved thereat, and for this reason, as he was a person of high
authority and knew the feelings of the country he could arrange
matters better than anyone else, since the Queen would trust him
as her brother, and the lords would confide in him as a friend. He
could thus do the good work of tranquillising the country, and avoid
its ruin, which could not fail to distress your Majesty in consequence
of your affection for the Queen. I expressed great attachment to
him and told him to take great care of himself and be cautious as he
no doubt had enemies, and with this he opened out somewhat, saying
that my good will towards him prompted him to tell me something that
he had not even told this Queen, although she had given him many
remote hints upon the subject. This was that he considered it very
difficult to arrange matters, as it was certain that the Queen had
been cognisant of the murder of her husband, and he, Murray, was
greatly grieved thereat. This had been proved beyond doubt by
a letter which the Queen had written to Bothwell, containing three
sheets of paper, written with her own hand and signed by her, in
which she says in substance that he is not to delay putting into
execution that which he had arranged, because her husband used
such fair words to deceive her and bring her round that she might
be moved by them if the other thing were not done quickly. She
said that she herself would go and fetch him and would stop at a
house on the road where she would try to give him a draught, but
if this could not be done she would put him in the house where the
explosion was arranged for the night upon which one of her servants
was to be married. He Bothwell, was to try to get rid of his wife
either by putting her away or poisoning her, since he knew that she,
the Queen, had risked all for him, her honour, her kingdom, her
wealth and her God, contenting herself with his person alone.
Besides this she had done an extraordinary and unexampled thing
on the night of the murder in giving her husband a ring, petting
and fondling him after plotting his murder, and this had been the
worst thing in connection with it. Murray said he had heard about
the letter from a man who had read it, and the rest was notorious.
He was deeply grieved for the honour of his father's house, and he
could not tell how the matter would end, from all of which I gather
that the lords can depend upon him better than his sister can, although
he says he will do his best for her. I am more inclined to believe
that he will do it for himself if he finds a chance, as he is a Scotchman
and a heretic, and was not without some idea of promotion before
these affairs, much more now. He made me many offers of service
to your Majesty, for which I thanked him, expressing great affection
for him in case it may be necessary at any future time to approach
him.
By the last news from Throgmorton we learn that they had not
let him see the Queen, but delay him by saying that they could not
decide the question until all the lords were met and some were at
their homes. He says this is merely dissimulation, as they were in
constant communication with them, and knew where they were.
It appears they want to crown the Prince, and had asked Throgmorton
to be present, but he had no intention of going.
They tell me this Queen is displeased that Throgmorton has not
been allowed to see the queen of Scots, and has written to the lords
complaining of it, signifying also her disapproval of the Queen's
detention, and the boldness of her subjects. She shows a desire
to help in her liberation, and this is the cause it is believed that she
does no treat Lady Margaret so well as she had begun to do.
Various news are current from Scotland since Murray's departure,
but Cecil sends me word that the lords have sent certain conditions
to their Queen, the principal of which is that that the Prince should
be crowned King, and the government should be placed in the hands
of the earl of Murray, and if he do not accept they might appoint
whomever they please. The Queen accepted this, though no doubt
against her will, and the coronation of the Prince was fixed for the
29th ult.
The French will not like this, because the Queen told me they
wished to delay Murray's coming. The latter visited Margaret, and
showed a desire to help her, but she is very dissatisfied as she thinks
she can never trust heretics. She and her husband and son are
staying five miles from here, and as the Queen has not restored their
estates they are in great need.
Although Throgmorton had not seen the Queen he had secretly
advised her of his arrival.
Ireland is quiet since the death of O'Neil, and this is a great
consolation to the Queen as besides the continual care, her expenses
there were great. The lands of O'Neil have been divided amongst
certain courtiers, on condition that they pacify and civilize the place
and depart thither at once.
I wrote to your Majesty, that the two ships belonging to the
Queen for Hawkins were in this river, fitting for the voyage. They
left here on the 30th ult. for Plymouth, where they are awaited
by the other ships of which there are only four, making six in all
instead of nine. These two take to Plymouth the stores for the rest,
and as they could not take them all they are accompanied by another
ship to Plymouth. The larger of the two is 800 tons, and the other 300.
Each one carries 80 pieces of artillery, 16 fine bronze pieces, and 64
iron guns, large and small. The four ships at Plymouth comprise
two of 150 tons each, one of 100 and one of 80 tons. They still say
they will go in August, and their voyage is without question to the
new mines beyond what is called the Portuguese Mina, where the
king of Portugal has a castle, in the place they call Laras.
The men who prompted this expedition are three Portuguese, who
came hither after the French expedition to Madeira. At first they
said they were subjects to your Majesty, and came from Seville, with
jewels to sell, but I afterwards learnt that they were Portuguese, and
it was suspected that they had been to Madeira with the French.
They came with an introduction to one Gonzalo Jorge, and treated
with him and other Portuguese here, and together introduced the
business to Vice-Admiral Winter, whom they informed that they knew
of a very rich part of the Portuguese Indies, from which great
profits might be drawn, and they would give full particulars of the
same. He asked them how it was they had not been to their own
King or to your Majesty, or even the French who were nearer, to
which they gave some sort of reply, and ultimately they showed
him a letter from your Majesty signed in your name ordering them
to go to Spain to introduce the adventure, and when he saw the letter,
as he thought it seemed an important business, he spoke to the
Queen about it, who, having consulted her Council, refused to have
anything to do with it, and this answer was sent to the Portuguese.
They thereupon entered into arrangements with certain merchants
of this city, who jointly with others have defrayed the expenses of
the expedition, which I am informed altogether amounts to 50,000
crowns. It would seem from this that they will not go to your
Majesty's Indies, and this confirms the Queen's assurance to me, and
Cecil's oath to the same effect.
Hawkins came to see me before his departure and assured me
positively that he would go nowhere to offend your Majesty, whom
he desired to serve above all things, as he previously assured me, and
he had his orders from the Queen also to this effect. I thanked him,
saying that I was sure he would keep his word.
I have since learnt that the Queen sent Winter to tell Hawkins to
take care that he fulfilled her orders to go nowhere in your Majesty's
dominions as she had promised. If he did to the contrary she would
have his head cut off. But still it will be necessary that those who
are in charge of the coasts should be warned not to allow those who
go to do their business.
The principal of these Portuguese, who was hidden here, is named
Anton Luis, but was here called Pedro Vasquez Franco, and it is
also believed that Caldeira will go on this voyage.—London, 2nd
August 1567.
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9 Aug. |
435. The Same to the Same.
I came to Windsor on the 3rd to hear what was said at court,
both as to your Majesty's coming and Scotch affairs.
On the following day letters arrived from Throgmorton which the
Queen tells me brought news that the Assembly they call the lords
had already crowned the Prince, and his mother had signed her
abdication, in which some of the causes of it are related. The
principal of these is that she is tired of the troubles and anxieties of
government, ill and not so fit to continue it as she might be, and she
also wishes during her life to see her son a crowned king, and begged
the earl of Murray, her brother, who had experience in government,
to accept the direction of affairs jointly with six others who are
named as regents, and in case as she feared, that Murray refused
one of the six others should be chosen and his place filled by the
earl of Lennox. The Prince was sworn and crowned with the usual
ceremony there and one of the nobles took the oath in his name to
respect the rights and privileges of the realm. Throgmorton refused
to be present, and he and his train dressed in black on the occasion,
mourning the Queen as if she were dead. The Queen herself was
very ill of ague in her prison. The lords have approached this
Queen with regard to her protection being given to the child and to
them, and they offer if she will extend such protection, to abandon
their close friendship with the French, but if she refuse they say
they cannot avoid the terms now offered to them by the French,
with their pensions and other promises. The Queen told me she did
not know what was best to be done and asked my opinion with
regard to it, pointing out to me the inexpediency of showing favour
to so bad an example, and on the other hand the danger to her of a
new alliance of these people with the French. I answered her that
it was a matter for much consideration, and she ought rather to
dexterously delay the negotiations whilst watching how these people
proceeded, and what was the result of their action. To which she
replied that they were pressing her closely, and said they could not
suffer any delay in order not to incur the danger of finding themselves
isolated, if the French should withdraw their offers, in which
case they would be without any protection. Although I pointed out
to her in conversation the reasons I had for recommending delay
she always pressed upon me the necessity of avoiding the handing
of these people over to France, and I think I see more inclination
on her part to aid them than the necessity of the case at present
demands, as I gave her many sufficient reasons for delay, whilst
she still insisted that it was necessary to act at once. We decided
to discuss the matter next day, as I told her that the matter was a
serious one and bristling with difficulties.
On the next day she again introduced the subject as she wished
to reply to Throgmorton. At last I said that we who did not know
the designs and objects of monarchs could not give an opinion
upon their affairs ; all we could do was to state general principles
in order that they in their wisdom might determine what to do in
accordance with their motives, and I therefore thought well to
confine myself to indicating two points for her consideration : first
that of her honour, and secondly the results that might accrue from
giving or withholding the desired protection, by which I thought
she had not much either to lose or to gain, since she knew the Scotch
would never be true or loyal friends, excepting so far as their interest
demanded, so that she would have to help them in their troubles,
and was more than uncertain what they would do if they were freed
from them, unless indeed she had very good pledges. As regarded
her honour it would look very ill to protect disobedient rebels who
had failed in reverence for their sovereign, and if she decided at once
to join them, peop'e would believe that she had been an accomplice
in their plot. I therefore thought that she should not decide hastily,
but should delay the business ; the danger of their handing themselves
over to the French so soon was not evident to me. If the
Scotch had managed the business without their knowledge the
French would need time to decide, and if they had acted with their
consent they are already assured of their friendship, and were only
entertaining her to avoid molestation until their affairs were settled.
It was quite possible, considering the artfulness of both of these
people, that they had already arranged and only wanted her to
declare herself in order to bring odium upon her, and give the
French some excuse for taking up the cause. They would like to
throw upon her the blame of being first and make out that they had
taken up the business in order not to lose the Scotch alliance. In
this manner her honour would be tarnished, and, as the saying is,
she would make nothing by it. The Queen told me that the Scotch
lords promised to send her their own sons as hostages, and I told
her that they had better give them to their own Queen, who would
then be safer than she is, and would understand that she could punish
them if they did not keep to their conditions. She thought they
would not give them to her. She has since told me that the decision
she has arrived at is to send for Throgmorton, as she thinks it is not
in accordance with her dignity that he should stay there longer, and
tell the lords that they shall have her protection when they have
shown her that she can give it in accordance with honour and duty.
As regards the punishment of the King's murderers they will always
find her ready to help in a cause so just. She afterwards told me
that she had refused them her aid or protection. She still orders a
nephew of Throgmorton to remain there, and perhaps there is more
in this than she said. The letter she writes to Throgmorton is
very short. I have seen it, although I could not read it. It was in
the hands of Lord Robert, who dictated it, and he took it to the
Queen for signature in my presence, Cecil not being present.
The Queen tells me that the queen of France has used certain
scurvy words throwing the blame upon her for what had happened
in Scotland. She complained greatly of this malice and when I, to
bring her out more upon the matter, said that it was the duty of
everyone to harmonise discords amongst friends, she said it was quite
true that the French Ambassador here did nothing but put before
her the passage of your Majesty and the coming of the duke of Alba,
hinting that it was your Majesty's intention to treat her in a friendly
way at first, and try to get her to change her religion, but if you
could not succeed by this means, you would try what force could do ;
and a great many more things to the same effect to wean her away
from her friendship with your Majesty. She said, however, that she
could see through them, to which I added what was fitting, in order
to reassure her and banish her distrust, which is all founded on her
change of religion. The Queen assured me that she was satisfied
with the earl of Murray as regards his attempts to liberate the
Queen, and Lord Robert tells me the same. Robert shows himself
in favour of the Scotch Queen. When I told the Queen that I
should be glad if Murray's intentions were so good, but was in doubt
about them, she said perhaps I was right in consequence of religious
affairs.
The earl of Leicester tells me that the queen of Scotland's prison
is made closer, and they have taken away the liberty she had of
walking about the castle, placing her in a tower with no companion
but two women. They had changed the guards and placed new
ones, and he thinks that matters will not stop here, seeing the way
in which the lords are proceeding. Amongst other things Murray
told me that there were some Catholics amongst the lords, but they
must be few, and deceived by the rest into the idea that their action
is for the good of the country and the punishment of the murderers,
and no other reason. The real reason is that they should not be
disturbed in their liberty and in the possession of the ecclesiastical
properties which they have usurped, and any help the people here
may have given them is to the same end, as they have always feared
that trouble might come to them from that quarter, the queen of
Scots being a Catholic, and nearly all the people in the North of
England professing the same religion. This queen spoke very
harshly of the Scotch heretical preachers for saying that the people
might criticise the evil done by their superiors, whereupon I
repeated what I have often told her that these people only seek
their own liberty and freedom from authority, and urged upon her
again the need for providing a remedy in time to brook this fury of
the people. She replied in a way that showed she was willing to
consider it, and repeated certain things that the earl of Arundel had
said about it. I spoke to the Earl next day and told him not to
avoid following the matter up, as the Queen was pleased at what he
had said. He was willing, but seeing the laws which have recently
been passed on these matters, he said it was dangerous to put oneself
forward with the Queen in such conversations, which he thinks
might be with profit renewed when your Majesty was near, but not
before The Earl has now gone home, although the Queen did not
wish to give him leave for after Michaelmas. I understand he does
not intend to come back so soon however, as he is not well pleased
with matters at court.—London, 9th August 1567.
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16 Aug. |
436. The Same to the Same.
The Queen expresses great sorrow for the queen of Scotland, and
fears they will bring her to trial as if she were a private person, she
having abjured the crown. She told me on the 9th inst. that after
they had put her in the tower so closely confined with so few
attendants she saw a boy through her window, who being very young
was overlooked by the guards. She was in the habit of giving
messages to this boy and told him to tell her friends to pray to God
for her soul, for the body was worth nothing now. The Queen
assured me on the same day that she was determined not only to
endeavour to obtain her liberation, but to prosecute the lords with
all her power, and was sending a gentleman to the king of
France to announce her intention to him, and to tell him that she
expected the help of other Princes to punish so evil a deed, especially
the aid of one powerful neighbour whom she trusted much, by which
she meant your Majesty, in order that the French should not be
moved to obstruct her, or take the part of the rebels. She also
thought of sending a person to the lords warning them to put their
affairs in order, and liberate their Queen at once, failing which she
must aid her and punish those who had so maltreated her, and of
this message also, although she did not mention your Majesty,
excepting in the words already stated, she thought well to tell me
before she sent it. I answered that her action would be approved
of by all, and I was sure your Majesty's friends would always find
you foremost in just and honest causes. She urged me to keep her
resolution secret, as she had people in her household who were
opposed to it for private reasons of their own, and it was not meet
that they should know of it. She told it to me because she knew
I should not reveal it, and because in all she had told me she
found me exactly like an Englishman, and more attached to her
than anyone. On the following day, speaking again of the queen
of Scotland, she told me she was not quite decided as to what
she should do on the matter. These changes show the diversity of
opinions and counsels amongst her advisers.
I asked the Queen whether she had ordered preparations in the
ports as she had promised, in case the ships the duchess of Parma had
ordered to go to Cape Ushant should enter them, and she told me
and was glad to be reminded of it, in order to tell me that it was
the rule of this country to fit out the ships and send them on a
cruise from time to time, but she had ordered this not to be done
when she heard of your Majesty's voyage, so that it should not be
thought that the preparations were inspired by apprehension on her
part, similar to that of the French, in consequence of your Majesty's
passage, as she was quite tranquil in her own good conscience. She
had now, however ordered the ships to be fitted out because it would
not look well to neighbouring Princes for her to be unprepared when
so large a fleet was passing near her shores. I answered her that as
to her security there was no need to say a word except what I had
many times told her, that she had nothing to fear from any friend of
your Majesty's, but those who wished to provide against eventualities
in similar cases could do so if they liked and spend their money
unnecessarily. That other people should do so concerned me not at
all ; in fact I was rather glad of it, but I was sorry that she should
do it.
They cannot quiet themselves about the coming of the duke of
Alba. The Queen has spoken to me about it several times, and has
again raised the subject, but with moderation. Cecil approached it
even more carefully, and said everyone was surprised at the great
forces your Majesty had and the expense of sustaining them, it being
known that your Majesty was in debt and had none too much money.
He thought it might give rise to troubles and inconvenience, owing
to the preparations which necessarily had to be made by others, and
so many troops being collected, to all of which I replied fittingly.
Winter, the Vice-Admiral, went to Plymouth three days ago to fit
out 10 ships, of which he will be commander. They have also taken
from the Tower corslets, pikes, harquebusses, and munition for the
ports, and have sent to the people on the coast to be ready, as they
usually do on such occasions.
Movements in Ireland have ceased since O'Neil's death, and they
are beginning to set matters in order in the island. Sydney has
been sent for by the Queen, and Leicester tells me he will be here
in a fortnight.
Lord Robert is still on very good terms with the Queen, and is,
as usual, the person who has most influence over her although the
outward show of favour has greatly calmed down. Pembroke acts
as Lord Steward. He is a friend of Leicester, and they have now no
rivals, as the Secretary proceeds respectfully, and the rest who might
support him are absent. He knows well, however, that he is more
diligent than they, and so keeps his footing. The steps against the
Catholics are not now so severe as formerly. Indeed they are
becoming daily milder and Catholics are beginning to show themselves
more. They meet together and are known, and if they can
be entirely reassured it will be seen that the Catholics are more
numerous than the heretics, and this will greatly tend to raise their
spirits.—London, 16th August 1567.
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23 Aug. |
437. The Same to the Same.
The muster of troops on the coast has been made with care and
speed, and they are now ready, as the Queen told me they would be.
She had news three days ago that 50 sail had been sighted off
Plymouth, and it was thought that this was your Majesty's fleet,
although I believe that they will have been fishermen.
The Queen having written to Throgmorton to return from Scotland,
as I wrote to your Majesty, received a despatch from him saying
that the lords were pressing the queen of Scotland so much that he
feared she was in danger for her life, he being unable to pacify them
notwithstanding all his efforts. In sight of this the Queen has
ordered him to remain there for the present.
The earl of Murray remained a week in Berwick before entering
Scotland, and preceded Lignerolles, the gentleman sent by the king
of France.—London, 23rd August 1567.
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30 Aug. |
438. The Same to the Same.
The Queen has been passing some days lately in certain hunting
lodges. She is well and returns to-day to Windsor. She will
approach here, but I think not until the heat subsides. It is
extraordinary during the last eight or nine days. The muster of
troops on the coast is now complete, and they have orders where to
meet when called. All is quiet. Lady Margaret sends me word
that as soon as the earl of Murray arrived in Scotland he spoke with
the Queen, who discussed her liberation with him and confided her
life and affairs to his care. The Queen had confessed that she knew
of the plot to murder her husband. I am told that the cause of this
Queen's hatred of the Scotch lords is that in the abdication that they
made the Queen sign in favour of her son she had to renounce
also her claims to this kingdom, and although this seems like a joke
they assure me that it is true, and that she was very much
displeased.—London, 3rd August 1567.
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