Addenda

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 21, Part 1, 1586-1588. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1927.

Citation:

'Addenda', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 21, Part 1, 1586-1588, ed. Sophie Crawford Lomas( London, 1927), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol21/no1/pp673-690 [accessed 6 October 2024].

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	[The following document was found by the Editor amongst the papers of 1590; but the reference to the French King's father and brother show it to belong to the reign of Henry III. The question of its date will be discussed in the Introduction.]
[temp. Henry III.]	"A summary of the charge committed to Sieur de St. Bonnet by the Prince of Valaquie, to be delivered to the Queen of England's most Excellent Majesty."
	"The beginning of his speech sheweth God's providence in establishing the power and authority of princes" and the overthrow of the same by his judgment, for the chastisement of disobedient people or punishment of unworthy princes.
	As Princes fallen into great calamity are always subject to opprobrious speeches by the world, the said Prince thinks it best himself to repair to the courts of sundry great potentates, and inform them by mouth of the true circumstances of his present calamity.
	In which behalf, divers princes have been moved to pity his estate, finding it to have happened by no act of his own; and having remained 17 months in the Court of France, he has a great desire to repair into England, to do his reverence in person to her Majesty, but being prevented by his great business in France, sends the Sieur de St. Bonnet, to offer his humble service and inform her of the estate of his condition, as followeth:—
	The progeny of the Dimetrians (of which this Prince is the sole male living) had sovereign authority over the Vallaques for 400 years and more, until the Emperors of the Turks, stirring up the people to rebellion, little by little intruded themselves into the country, and although these princes in the end prevailed against their subjects, they were compelled to offer certain gifts to the said Emperors, which being first voluntary, "grew afterward into a duty and were by the Turkish Emperors exacted as a tribute."
	The Princes of Valachia, with the aid of other neighbour princes, and especially the King of Hungary, have for many years withstood this claim.
	In 1510 Raoul Bonvi, Vayvode, great grandfather to this Prince, refused to acknowledge duty to the Emperor Bayazet, took the title of King, and so continued for 35 years, fighting in person and winning five battles against the [Turkish] Emperors Selim and Sultan [Solyman], but in the sixth was overthrown and taken prisoner to Constantinople.
	[Details of treaty whereby they returned to the title of Vaivode; accepted Turkish garrisons in the four greatest towns on the Danube, and agreed to pay tribute, and that the eldest son of the Vallachian prince should abide in the Emperor's [i.e. the Sultan's] dominion and service. And the fathers being dead, the sons to be invested in those dominions by the Emperor.]
	The root of all this prince's calamity was the malice conceived by Rustin Bassa, Vizir to the Emperor Soliman, against Petrasco, father to this prince; wherefore he persuaded the Emperor that one Michel, a servant of his chamber, a man of base calling and great naughtiness, was of the family of the Demetrians and reputed for a prince of Vallachia, and contrived to place an Italian physician in Petrasco's service, who promised to kill him. He then told the Emperor that Petrasco was practising an alliance with the house of Austria, and so inflamed Soliman, that he sent demanding Petrasco's son, according to the ancient treaty. The boy was sent, and immediately after came the news of his father's death (procured by the aforesaid physician). The nobles who had brought the prince, now demanded that, as King, he should be sent home again, and be invested in his father's dominions.
	But the Emperor, alleging his youth, resolved that the aforementioned Michel should govern during the King's minority, and ordered the nobles to receive him and accompany him into their country, which they did much against their will, being greatly grieved to leave their King behind them. The boy was sent into Rhodes by Rustan Bassa, who however soon after died and Mehemet became Bassa Visir, whom Michel bribed so highly that so long as Mehemet lived he was lord of Vallachia; yet "according to good policy Mehemet sought evermore to preserve the young King alive" ; mistrusting if he were dead, lest Michel would refuse to pay him his pensions. The Vallachians meanwhile ceased not to complain to the Emperor of Michel's tyranny and unjust government, beseeching him to restore their natural King, but in vain, whereupon the young prince, then at Aleppo, resolved to escape, and put himself into the hands of the Christian princes. Going to Damas[cus?] he there privily departed from his own lodging to a friend's house, where he remained five months, and in 1572 came into Transylvania, where he was courteously received by the Prince Vaivode Lowys, to whom he was allied by his mother, having first acquainted him with his resolution to escape, and received assurance from the said Vaivode before he put the same in execution.
	This Vaivode "had before time been many times greatly beholding to Petrasco, the Prince's father, and therefore was very careful for his safety; insomuch as the Emperor sending a chaous to him . . . to require him to send the prince unto him, either alive or dead," the Vaivode utterly refused. Another chaous came just about the time of this Vaivode's death, after which the Prince dared not remain in Transylvania, and secretly departed into Polonia to the Palatine Laski, "receiving great favour there of the late King Sigismund; by whose advice he went to the Emperor Maximilian, and to divers princes of Germany.
	"In this meanwhile, he was advertised that Michel his enemy was dead, and that the [Turkish] Emperor had refused to invest either the said Michel's young son or any other which pretended claim to those countries; whereupon he resolved to submit himself unto the Emperor; and to that end repaired to the court of France, to crave the King's mediation on his behalf. The French King wrote letters very favourably on the Prince's behalf and gave great charge to his ambassador there [Lanfranchi] to aid the business; which ambassador returned two answers as followeth.
	The first was of October 26 last, signifying that although the [Turkish] Emperor had determined to place one in that government, yet, upon receipt of the King's letters he had openly declared that he would have regard of his request, and not let him think that his letters should not take as good effect as those "of Henry, the French King's father, and of Charles his brother" (fn. 1) had done with the Emperors Sultan and Selim, concerning the restitution of the province of Transylvania and of the realms of Fez and 'Maroc.' He also advertised "that Mehemet Bassa, who before had dissuaded the Ambassador to deal with the Emperor in this suit, had now given him great hope and assurance to despatch the same out of hand.
	"The second letters were of the 28 of November last, and received the 26th of January, signifying that if the Court there had not been troubled by the death of Mehemet Bassa, the said business had ere this time been dispatched, and that the Emperor continued still in his former resolution, so as the Prince would remain his faithful servant, and observe the ancient treaties made with his predecessors; and withal make his personal submission; which he should do with assurance of his person against all danger.
	"The rest containeth an offer of his most humble service to her Majesty, if haply hereafter he may be restored to his dominions and countries; and so leaveth his estate to her Majesty's gracious consideration, assuring himself that her Highness will rather take pity and compassion of so miserable an accident than any way be displeased with the declaration thereof; wherein, if he hath used too great boldness, he trusteth to be excused, presuming upon the great bounty and goodness which her Majesty, during her reign, hath heretofore showed towards other afflicted princes."
	Endd. to the same effect as the headline. 7½ closely written pp. [Turkey I., 5 bis.]
[1585 Sept.?]	Letter without address.
	Is greatly indebted to his worship for the benefits daily received from him, although unmerited; but assures him that in case of need, he will ever be his honour's faithful servant, if he should ever be in France; the Duke of Montpensier having engaged him as his almoner; to the great regret of M. de Mauvisiere, his first master.
	His honour and he have sworn oath together (as he and the grand almoner of the Duke of Guise have done) and he swears and promises, on the faith of an honest man, that he will not fail to write of all that shall be said or done, for the said grand almoner is of his country and his very good friend, and is the cause of his now being with the Duke of Montpensier.
	For news, he advertises him of what he knows by a spy, a little Fleming of Antwerp, named Alexander Dennit, in the same house with him, who has told him that he had many things to say to the Sieur Bernardin de Mendoça, who is in France, and that the said Mendoça has promised to arrange for him to make a journey to the Prince of Parma, which he greatly desired.
	The said Alexander speaks Flemish, Spanish, Italian, German, English and French, and is very crafty. Means to keep a watch upon him in France, for he is a worthless fellow. Can say certainly that M. de Mauvissiere's steward has feathered his nest well, and boasts that the coming of M. de Chasteauneuf is worth to him more than five or six hundred crowns of profit. He is agent for the English papists in France; for he takes their merchandise to London, and sends them the money into France. He now gives himself out to be the steward of M. de Chasteauneuf. His honour must beware of him. There is an Italian priest at M. de Chasteauneuf's lodgings, "qui triumphe de prêche" and has invented a writing which he boasts that they use when they write anything of consequence to the Pope, and what he says is true, "for I will make you a participant of his cipher."
	Prays that God may maintain in prosperity a long and happy life the noble and virtuous princess the Queen of England; and begs his honour, in God's name to hold in remembrance the poor man who will always be [etc.]
	This is the cipher of the Italian priest. B must be taken for a; f for e; k for i; p for o; x for u.
	[Below is set out the scheme of this very elementary cipher, the consonants being all left as usual. The final words, wishing long life to M. le Secretaire, are written in it; also the signature, which, however has probably been purposely mis-spelt. It reads Puual Singang.]
	Undated. French. 2 pp. Covering sheet wanting. [France, XIV., 90 bis.]
	[Found amongst the undated papers at the end of the year 1587; but its approximate date is given by the mention of the coming of M. de Chasteauneuf, who reached England at the end of August or the beginning of September, 1585.]
[1585, Oct.?]	M. de la Noue to Marshal Biron.
	"Oh m'a donné advis de Paris que sa Majesté estoit malcontente de moy, pour les occasions dont mon secretaire, present porteur, discourra avec vous. J'ay esté bien esbahy de cela; car j'ay tasché a luy donner toutes les satisfactions qu'il m'a esté possible; et si j'eusse eu volonté d'entretenir les discordes en ce royaume, je ne me fusse venu presenter à leur Majestes; au contraire, me fusse retiré en tel lieu qu'il m'eust pleu.
	"Mon intention a esté, y venant, de veoir si j'estois propre pour servir a radoucir les choses aigres, à fin de m'y employer. Et pour ce qu' on n'y a point esté disposé, je n'ay peu moins faire que prester obeissance a l'Edict du roy, et me retirer a I'escart pour deplorer la condition de la France; laquelle, a mon opinion, s'en va en nuire; et tout le monde le dit en general; et moy je le croy en particulier, pource que les conjectures y sont apparentes.
	"Mais je croy bien aussy que nostre mal ne soit irremediable (ainsi que plusieurs disent) si nous voulions a bon escient mettre la main pour la curer. Il ne faut point des drogues des Indes ou de la Romagne pour cest effect (comme je vous ay assez de fois dit), six personnes y suffisent, que je vous ay nommez: a scavoir le Roy, la Reine, le Roy de Navar, Monsieur de Guise, Monsieur le Prince de Condé et Monsieur de Maine. Car comme ceux la ont pouvoir de faire remuer les francois, aussy ont ils pouvoir les faire arrester; et peu de gens doubtent de cela.
	"Au demeurant, j'estime que c'est la grandeur et sureté dessusdit, et principalement le repos de leurs Majestés que de la faire, et a mon advis, qu'il ne seroit malaisé de persuader cela au Roy de Navar et a Monsieur de Guise; qui sont deux excellens Princes qu'on pense qui doivent estre le plus picqués. Et come de la paix s'en ensuit necessairement la conservation de ce royaume, qui par la continuation de la guerre s'en va demembre en plus de dix parties, aussy s'en ensuit il la sureté du clergé, sur la mal duquel plus de sept ou huit mil affamez se jetteront, tant grands que petits; et tous Catholiques, qui auront engagé leurs biens a fin de se recompenser.
	Cela s'est veu autrefois du temps de Charles le Simple, auquel il y eut des grosses guerres civiles, de maniere que les gentilshommes laiz estoient Abbéz et Doiens, ainsi que disent aucunes histoires. Mais si la paix est profitable, c'est a la Noblesse, laquelle s'en va perir dans les assau[t]s, rencontres et batailles, et puis apres un estranger nous viendra donner la loy. Je vous ay bien voulu refreschir la memoire de ce que je vous ay desja dit, pource que je scay qu' aymez la grandeur du roy, de la Roine et du Royaume."
	Copy by Stafford. Undated. Endd. 1 p. [France XIV., 104 bis.]
	[Found amongst the undated papers of 1587, but almost certainly written in the autumn of 1585. The King's Edict was issued in July, and on Oct. 2/12, La Noue signed a promise not to bear arms against the King, and prayed for enjoyment of his goods and assurance of his life, that he might retire out of the Kingdom. See Cal. S.P. Foreign under this date.]
[1585, Nov.]	Advertisements out of France.
	Monsieur de Montmorenci is strong in Languedoc, and so makes wars that those of Toulouse dare not look out.
	The Vicomte de Turenne hath taken of late a town in Limosin called Tulle, (fn. 2) that is strong and rich. He and the King of Navarre are joined, and are about "Brigeracke" [Bergerac]. (fn. 3)
	M. de Matignon had put garrison in the town of Talliburk, upon the river of Sherrant; but Madame de la Tremouille, to whom both the town and castle belong, would not receive them; and since the departure of M. de Matignon, the governor of St. John d'Angely has sent aid, "so that they have driven them out of the town with the loss of some men."
	"M. de Matignon is about Angoulesme, and attendeth the coming of M. du 'Mene' to join with him."
	"The King of Spain stayeth all shipping serviceable, as well French as others, and purposeth to make an army by sea; and it is to be feared that the Messiesers de Lansack, Lusan and St. Luke, being affectioned to the King of Spain, if they could get a fleet of English ships here, would stay them." ½ p. [France XIV., 109 bis.] [Trs. from the end of vol. XVII. (1587).]
1586. Feb. 20./March 2.	[For Grimaldo's letter of this date (wanting) see copy in his letter of March 7–17, below.]
March. 6/16 (fn. 4)	Lazaro Grimaldo to H. Palavicino.
	A week ago I received yours of July 8, after long enough delay, which, finding me at the villa in S. Pier d'Arena, I could not at once answer, as I had first to come hither to confer with the Prince. (fn. 5) Yesterday I received your other, of the 16th, and will now reply to both.
	From Spain the Prince has heard nothing further concerning our design. What may be the cause I know not. The natural tardiness of that court may have something to do with it. His Excellency (I believe) is meaning to write of what has happened and what I have talked of with him upon the letters received from your honour, and I believe firmly that he desires the settlement of a peace between the two crowns, if it be made in fitting terms and with the dignity due to the King his master.
	We have had notice (as you will already have seen) that the King of Denmark has initiated a negotiation both with England and Spain for intervening to make a settlement between the two princes. By whom he was prompted to undertake such an office we know not as yet, but the Prince is very sure that it has not been at the persuasion of the Catholic King, to whom (as I believe I told you) a very long letter was written by the said King of Denmark, the means and methods whereby this so important business is to be conducted, I care not for; but I should think it would necessarily be by means of the confidential ministers of the two princes; and if this be the end, and as for him acting for the King of Spain I should suppose that to him to whom he has confided the charge of his armada [the Duke of Medina Sidonia] confiding his fleet to the Prince, he will also give this negotiation, and if the Queen will do the same to your worship, I hope it might be the way to treat with hope of very good result.
	To the said Prince [Doria] I have communicated as much as has seemed to me [fitting] of your letters; and we have discoursed at length and more than once upon the matter. He says that it does not seem to him that because his Catholic Majesty has so far given no reply to what he has written, and has delayed to appoint any minister with whom he may communicate, there is sufficient cause to break off the matter, or to treat of it in the manner that was lately begun. That as to what concerns the security of the Queen, she giving up what she holds in Holland and Zeeland, and restoring the damage done by the Cavalier Drake in the Indies, he does not know what further security would be desired but the word of his Catholic Majesty to observe the treaty, seeing that from the day of his birth he has always carried out everything most punctually, nor has ever shown himself covetous of what belongs to others, but has procured for many the preservation of their states; yet for all that, if on her Majesty's part there should be proposed some other reasonable form of security, he believes the King would consider it, seeing that a King so great and powerful, who may be said to give laws to the world, will not desire to take what belongs to others.
	As to the pledges which the Queen has in the Low Countries and the Indies, it was seen lately in the conquest (fn. 6) of Grave and on other occasions how much the aid and protection of the English is worth to the security of Holland and Zeeland, if the King should resolve to take that enterprise in hand seriously.
	In the Indies, it is not known that Drake has dared to establish a footing or keep possession of any place, the damage consisting only of goods and money, which would not be sufficient to hinder the treaty. . . . .
	It is confirmed that this Prince will not embark in the gallies, but will join them in Catalonia, where they will careen.
	It is reported that the King was negotiating, and had almost settled that those here and the Borgalesi merchants should provide another 600000 ducats for Flanders.
	The Prince goes to Turin about the beginning of October for the baptism of the son of the Duke of Savoy as proxy for the Prince of Spain, and I am to accompany him, as I have already written. It is thought it may be of some use for this business, which I pray God to aid, for his honour and glory and the repose of Christendom.—Genoa, 16 March, 1586.
	Add. to Pallavicino in London. Italian, 2¼ pp. [Germany, States IV. 20 bis (1).]
Feb. 22/March 2. and March 7/17	Lazaro Grimaldo to H. Palavicino.
	I was sure you would be troubled by the miscarriage of Cassandra, (fn. 7) knowing how fond you are of her and of the Signor Fabritio. I had the news during my journey to Rome. God has chosen to take the first fruits for himself and we must rejoice to have in heaven a little angel who will intercede for his family. [Details concerning Cassandra's illness and her prospect of another child]. I thank you much for the affection you show towards your sister-in-law and my daughter.
	In Rome I heard discussions on the events in Flanders and of the harm done in the lands and seas of Spain by a captain of that Queen; which, in conjunction with other accidents before, and that she had lately sent men into the islands of Zeeland and Holland to aid the rebels there, convinced them that there would be open war between her and the crown of Spain, to which crown aid would not be wanting in case of need, as I learned from a very good source in the said city of Rome—because King Philip, although busy with the war in Flanders, would hardly tolerate so many insults and injuries. Now I have seen what you have written to me at large concerning the matter, and that which you bethought you I might be able to treat of with Prince Doria, one of the chief ministers of the King of Spain, and by his means prevent the many evils to be feared from such a war; and having considered the whole and talked with Signor Fabritio, we have both come to the conclusion that it would be better for me not to give up treating with his Excellency—although with little hope of any material result—as you spoke only very generally, that as the Catholic King holds himself to be offended and provoked in so many ways by the said Queen, (of whom he claims to have been the benefactor), there ought at least to be some sign of the method whereby such a peace might be attained with satisfaction and honour to both sides and credit to the offended party. When however I talked with the said Prince (with whom I have favour both by service and friendship) of what you had written; after discussing it and reasoning together, I was answered to this effect: That he was glad to be esteemed fit for so great and important an affair; that you did not deceive yourself in believing that he desired peace and tranquillity between Christian princes, but—although as a vassal and minister of the Catholic King he would not fail to write to him of what had been put before him, yet I must give you to know on his behalf, that when a small crown contends with a great one, it is to be believed that the smaller must in the end have the worst of it; and with this (though I did not fail to reply to it) he dismissed me. I have today returned from him, and have learnt that he has written to the King and also to one of the chief ministers, sending the letters by an ordinary post.
	We must await the result, but unless you go more into par- ticulars, it will be hard for the business to advance any further, or to come to any good conclusion, though I will do my utmost therein. This Prince has the best possible means for conducting it, although from modesty he called himself a weak subject, having much authority and credit with the King, and with reason, for his Majesty has no minister whom he holds in greater consideration, both for valour, virtue, and affection to his service.
	Now I have told you all that I have done, and if it be but little, I must protest that I know little of it all, or of such important affairs of state as this is, nor have any experience, though, on the other hand, none can have the advantage of me in desiring the good service of both crowns, and your own honour and benefit (if the business comes to a good end) and that of all your house, in whose service I will shun no toil or trouble, especially in so important an affair.
	But again I repeat that you must leave generalities and go into details, and that considering the greatness of the King of Spain, his abundance of money, men of war and all other things, it would be wise to make a good peace with him, that by the moderation of this King, so well known to all, her Majesty wrote, but he had been informed that the Queen's ships had aggression, or engage in matters to his prejudice.—Genoa, 2 March, 1586.
	I have since received the duplicate of yours with letters annexed of the 21st of January, but have little to add to mine of March 2nd, a copy of which I send above.
	I have again seen the Prince, and informed him of what you wrote, but he had been informed that the Queen's ships had taken more vessels, and that she was procuring cavalry or reiters in Germany, all which greatly irritated the mind of the King, to whom he had written, and to ministers as well.
	By this King, a great deal of the ready money here will be taken up to supply the needs of Flanders by seven gallies which are to take it to Barcelona, and besides this, more has been provided of late by way of exchange, and will go on being so provided, there being abundance thereof.
	And it is very important that this should be done by you [sic] if it be considered that that Queen is daring to contend with this King, all his state, and this [Flanders] only a small part, which he might always hope to recover, even if it were lost.—Genoa, 14th of the same.
	Since writing the above, Signor Fabritio has shown me a letter from you, dated the first of February. We have been together to the Prince, informed him of the contents thereof, and discoursed with his Excellency of what we have thought to be most fitting. He listened to us and then said that Drake had done fresh damages at Cape Verda, both by land and sea; also that he has written to his King, and means to write again and also to the ministers, and that he will tell us the answer when he receives it. He accounts the forces of this King to be very great and believes that they can with ease overcome those of the Queen, attacking her in her own house, (fn. 8) by what I have been able to understand, which I did not wish to hide from you, that, being instructed, you may be able to incline her Majesty to peace if you believe it to be expedient for her service. For the rest, I refer you to Signor Fabritio.—17 March [1586.]
	Add. to Pallavicino in London. Endd. by Burghley. Italian. 4 pp. [Germany, States IV. 20 bis (2).]
	[Evidently enclosed in one of Pallavicino's letters.]
[Before April 24, 1586.]	Copy of the bond required of Duke Casimir and granted by him. (fn. 9)
	That Duke Casimir has agreed, in writing, with the ambassadors of the King of Navarre for a levy of 8000 horse reiters and 14000 footmen, partly Swiss and partly German, with sufficiency of arms, ammunition and artillery.
	That for means whereby to make the said levy, he is satisfied with what the said ambassadors shall pay him of the money of the King of Navarre and for the rest, with the fifty thousand crowns to be paid him by the hands of William Shute by order of Horatio Palavicino on behalf of her Majesty; the said Duke Casimir contributing all that may be wanting for the accomplishment and fulfilment of the said levy.
	That he promises that within the term of four months . . . the said levy shall be made and assembled at the place of muster, and muster taken; that there shall be paid by the said Duke Casimir what is needful for the said army; and that it shall march, without demanding any further money, to enter France, in order to succour the King of Navarre and the churches of France.
	That Duke Casimir will be their captain and conductor even as he has resolved and determined, unless he be prevented by sickness or domestic troubles, which God forbid; but that in case he were so prevented from going, he promises to appoint a leader in his place, who shall be a prince of the Empire, of a noble house, virtuous and a good leader, of whom Duke Casimir will be assured as of himself that he will accomplish the business for which the said army is designed.
	That the said army—being thus raised and conducted either by the said Duke Casimir or by the Prince who shall take his place—shall enter into France and not depart from it until the King of Navarre shall be succoured, and the liberty of the churches restored by the establishment of a good peace.
	That of all these things, Duke Casimir gives promise in the abovesaid writing to her Majesty—on the faith of a prince and upon his honour—to accomplish them without fail to her Majesty's satisfaction.
	In Palavicino's hand and endorsed by him.
	French. ¾ p. Words in italics in cipher undeciphered. [Germany, States IV. 35 bis (1).]
[April 24? (fn. 10) ]	Information sent by H. Palavicino, and endorsed by him "Secondi Ravaglie."
	The embassy of these princes to the King of France proceeds with more and more tardiness, so that they have, it appears grown cold in their deliberations, unless the delay is a result of their nature. It has been said during these past days, that the Prince of Anhalt would join himself to the Count of Monbeliart, and that both would be equally chiefs of the legation; but I do not hear now that he is stirring, and as little that the ambassadors of the Duke of Saxony are coming, which is what is chiefly desired.
	The ambassadors of the King of Denmark passed through Metz without waiting for the others, so that by now they should be at Paris, but it is thought that the King will entertain both these and those with mere words when they get there, unless the business of the peace has grown more ripe from the difficulties of the war.
	By the instructions prepared by Duke Casimir for the embassy, it is resolved that if the King of France will not restore in pristinum the peace of his realm; will not keep the promises made to his subjects; and especially will not put the King of Navarre again into the rank which belongs to him, he cannot think it strange if these Princes shall take pity on the state to which the said King of Navarre and his other subjects are reduced by the devices of those of the League, in order to raise up the afflicted and oppressed into real security.
	The Swiss ambassadors are believed to have set out, although so far we have no certain news of it; but the Sieur de Beauvois la Nocle is not going with them, as I wrote, because these ministers of the King of Navarre here have worked to prevent his doing so; perhaps rather by reason of private feelings than anything else.
	Although I said that these ministers were not pleased that the embassy should go into France, fearing that these princes would remain idle till they saw its result, without putting their hands to giving aid in the war, yet experience shows them, that the aid of arms may come too late, seeing how even that of words is delayed, and therefore they would not esteem it a bad thing for their affairs that at least they had gone with those of the King of Denmark, notwithstanding that we learn from Paris that the King does not make much account of their legation.
	The material part of the aid which the King of Navarre needs from these Princes entirely consists in their being willing to contribute towards a good sum of money for raising a brave army, of which Duke Casimir shall be the head, and with this will succour the State of France, and for this purpose there has been drawn up [a list of] contributions from this Duke and ten or twelve other princes, of moderate sums for each of them; viz.: the three Electors rated at 60000 florins apiece; (fn. 11) the two Dukes of Brunswick and Wirtemberg the like sum; the Prince Landgrave 40000 florins. These are the principal, the rest being divided amongst the others in small shares for each; but until it is put into actual execution, there is no certainty about it; nevertheless Casimir seems to have great hope of it, as otherwise he would not, I think, show himself so ready to take up the enterprise; for I venture to say that he grows more hot or cold according as he has hopes of the contributions, of which while he is still uncertain, he holds the business of the agreement in suspense and is very cautious in regard to binding himself.
	I hold it to be very difficult, without all, or at least some part of the said contributions to levy an army worthy of him, although the Navarrese ministers say the contrary, and the Duke consents to what they say. My reasons are that I see these ministers quite exhausted of money, and that M. de Montmartin, who arrived on the 13th (fn. 12) brings no hope of more than the 53000 crowns, which, not being certain, that is, being still exposed to the perils of the journey, they must needs find Casimir very well disposed to trust to, and wait for this money, as for the rest all must depend either on the hopes of the enterprise or on the credit of Casimir, that he may interpose his promise and security for the colonels of the reiters; so that the whole weight will remain upon his shoulders, and I do not believe that he would be willing to take it upon him without the aid of these other princes.
	It is certainly true that his counsellor, Beuterick, very warmly urges him to the enterprise,—at least these Navarrese ministers place most of their hopes in him; I hearing him myself say of the Duke, when I was with him, that he desired resolutely to embrace it and to give order for such a levy as the Sieur de Quitri proposed; but on the other hand, seeing great uncertainty as to the money, and that unless Casimir took the charge upon him, I could not venture to proceed to any disbursement, he said it was needful they should treat of it amongst themselves, and that the Duke in particular should give me a writing signed with his own hand promising those principal points which are put down in my instructions, and he showed himself willing to do so, but when his said counsellor came here to put the thing into execution and already they had counted out more than half the money, and it was agreed to make payment of the rest at the next Strasburg Fair; he would not give me the agreement between the Duke and the Navarrese ministers signed by him, as I had demanded, and according as my instructions obliged me to demand, and the Navarrese ministers showed themselves favourable to him and unfavourable to me; nevertheless neither he nor they moved me from my duty, and thus the business remained unfinished and was remitted to Casimir's pleas- ure, to whom I wrote of it, and at once sent William Shute; and he replied to me that he was willing to give it to me, but wished first that the fifty thousand crowns should be received by his ministers, a condition which as it seems to me was cunningly inserted by the said counsellor, not because he doubted that the money would be given him, especially as I offered to bind myself in my own name, but to gain time and to see meanwhile how other matters succeed, on which their resolution depends.
	Upon this condition of Casimir, I replied that since he wishes needlessly to compel me to make the whole payment immediately, I will, upon the strength of his word and promise make all diligence to collect the money and pay him as soon as possible; but that he, on his part, must give order for the matters concerning the levy, and that it be understood that the term of four months taken by him to conduct the reiters to the place of muster shall commence from the day of our agreement; upon which I have not yet his reply, but suspect that he will make some difficulty, as that it is a thing which does not depend on himself, and that he is not sure of the rest.
	To this may be added that some jealousies are not lacking to him, because he is more at variance than ever with the Prince of Petite Pierre, by reason of certain differences arising from the estate of his late brother, and this prince protests and almost threatens to throw himself on to the side of the Duke of Guise; and besides this he is jealous of a Colonel named Boai, to whom it is said Guise has given money to raise a regiment of German footmen, almost threatening to enter his State and to overrun it in hostile manner. It was hoped that Duke Casimir would be with the Duke of Saxony and the Prince Landgrave during this month, but the matter is put off until the feast of Pentecost, and perhaps not certain even then, which cannot but be very harmful to what is desired of them.
	These Navarrese ministers have intelligence in the towns of Ossuna and Diguino [i.e. Auxonne and Dijon] in Burgundy, and hope that shortly they will make themselves masters at any rate of the first, whither Clerevant [sic] is now marching. If successful, it would be no small diversion to the forces of the enemy and aid to those troops who may in time descend upon France from hence.
	A Scot named Menutett [qy. Monteith], who has served the Sieur de Segur here, left him on the 5th with scant permission, to go into France. It is since discovered that he had intelligence with the Count of Salma, (fn. 13) the chief counsellor of the Duke of Lorraine; and when he was leaving, he said that he was sure peace would be made in France before the reiters arrived there.
	These Navarrese ministers are advertised from Paris that the King of France is practising very earnestly to gain Montmorenci, and that between Epernon and Guise there have passed private and secret practises.
	Since in my former advertisements I gave you notice of the conference of the two ministers at Monbeliart, I will now tell you the issue thereof; which was not so fruitful as was hoped, because Giacomo Andrea persisted in interrupting and wandering off into divers other questions besides those of the Cena; from which arose vexations; notwithstanding that these were borne with great patience by the discretion of M. de Beza. In the end, they came to no agreement; nevertheless, the ordinary ministers of that land have consented that the French refugees should communicate together with themselves according to the interpretation of the Gallican church. [April, 1586.]
	Italian. In Palavicino's own hand. 4¼ pp. [German States IV., 35 bis (2).]
	The words in italics in cipher, partly deciphered.
	Another copy, also in Palavicino's hand. 3½ pp. [Ibid, 35 bis (3).]
14/24 July.	The Emperor Rudolf to the Queen.
	Letter in German, of which there is an English translation, which on the whole is good; a few phrases only having had to be altered.
	Signed. Countersigned by Dr. S[igmund] Vieheuser [ViceChancellor] and Dr. A[ndreas] Erstenberger. Add. Endd. German, very clearly written. 3¾ pp. [Germany, Empire, I. 63.]
14/24 July.	Abstract of the translation of the above letter.
	Sending all friendship, love and wishes for good success, to his dear and loving cousin and sister. Doubts not but that she remembers how good neighbourhood and friendly affection hath always been borne and used not only to his predecessors but to himself and the rest of the Princes of the Holy Empire; and likewise their affection to herself, so that her love has never received the least cause to show any want of good will; as he would be loathe, even at this time, to give any occasion thereto.
	But there now come complaints to him out of more than one place, how her soldiers and men of war, sent heretofore into Holland and Zeeland, after invading the Circle of Low Burgundy in hostile fashion and greatly endamageing the country, now purpose to pass into the Holy Empire's territory, and by force to overrun certain towns of the Low Circle of Westphalia, especially of the jurisdiction and archbishopric of Cologne and the Earldom of East Friesland; he being given to understand that of late her said soldiers have taken possession of, and hold by force the cities of Nüys and Berck, in the said jurisdiction of Cologne, and have further violently stormed the town of Kaiserwerth; not ceasing to spoil, rob and ransom the said quarter; wasting and destroying in miserable manner the country with fire and sword, besides that they do altogether impeach and overthrow the free passages, sailing and traffic, as well by water as by land, especially upon the streams of the Rhine and the Embs, in such sort as if her Highness had declared herself an open enemy to himself and the whole Empire.
	Wherefore, seeing that these premises do in no wise agree with her Highness' manifold protestations, and with the good neighbourhood (fn. 14) which of long time has been between the Holy Empire and the crown of England, he could not but advertise and admonish her Highness of these her soldiers' intolerable, wanton and hostile proceedings, earnestly desiring that her Highness would not only without delay stay and revoke all such proceedings and attempts upon his and the Holy Empire's territory, and especially upon the above-mentioned towns of Nuys and Bercke, by withdrawing and staying those who have charge over her said soldiers, that henceforward they commit not the like enormities; but also shall take such order as that the endamaged quarters of the Empire, with their inhabitants, may, for the damage they have sustained, obtain convenient tranquillity, and without complaints be maintained; for if not, he and the Estates will be driven to bethink them of ways and means for avoiding of the like disorder. Which good and friendly meaning he has thought good to communicate to her; to whom otherwise he desires to show all friendly and neighbourly affection.—Royal Castle of Prague, 24 July, 1586.
	With endorsement that the Emperor's letter was "delivered at the Court, then being at Windsor, the 21 of September." 1¾ pp. [Germany, Empire I. 63 bis.]
1587. March 25./April 4.	Juan Batista Pinelo to Thomas Gaspardo, Master of Nostra [Senora] del Rosario.
	Has received the letters from his honour, and from Messrs. Bernardo and Mallea, all of which gave his family much pleasure, both as telling them of the safe arrival of the ship, with the rest of the fleet, and as bringing good news of their honours' health. All the members of his household are well saving Donna Marianna, who still suffers from her old complaint, and has gone to Granada, to see if there God will be pleased to give her health. Sends this by a ship which is going to the port of the Havanna. [Concerning business arrangements.]
	As to military affairs, throughout Spain there are being made provisions for war. From Naples are coming five galleases laden with men and munitions, and from Sicily other great ships, with provisions and munitions. It is thought that all will halt at Lisbon, because it is believed that for England but little is yet ready, and for other parts, no one knows from whence anything shall come. On the contrary, it is known that in England they are arming with all speed; and although it is said that they are treating for peace, whereby to intrigue with Holland and Zeeland, no one gives credit thereto.
	In Lisbon many ships are stayed and under embargo, which are making ready to sail, and [it is said] that in them is to go the Marquis of Santa Cruz; and that his Majesty has called upon all the cities and the great men to hold themselves in readiness, and to be in Madrid without delay.
	It is reported that they have since despatched twenty-seven captains to collect the said men; but it is not known what success they will have.
	The Queen of England, in the month of February ordered the head of the Queen of Scotland to be cut off, who for more than eighteen years she had held prisoner, and whom Our Lord will have taken into heaven, seeing that she died a martyr.
	Expresses his pleasure at the change which they all write it has pleased the Lord to make in Bernardo, hoping that he will persevere in his good resolutions. His honour will be pleased to give greetings to the Señor Theodoro Spino, to whom he has written a letter by the ship which is going presently from Cartagena, but is stayed for enquiry into the disgrace which happened to her at the entrance to that town. Knows not to what to attribute it, as she carried both pilot and master, but fears there must have been great carelessness.
	Sends greetings also to Signor Julio Barnel, Juan Bautista de Mago, and all other gentlemen and friends.—From Seville, 4 April, 1587. Signed Juan Batista Pinelo.
	Add: "A Thoma Gaspardo, Maestre de la nao Nostra signora del Rosario, en La Abana."
	[The letter is in Portuguese, but with many words spelt in Spanish fashion.] 2 pp. [Spain II., 77 bis.] [Found among letters of a later date.]
Aug. 4/14.	John Bogdanowich, Prince of Moldavia, to Walsingham.
	We have been detained in France by the treason and treachery of certain Frenchmen who, from here, communicated to him who wickedly and fraudulently possesses our seat, all the business that we were transacting with the King of France in regard to our restoration, and thus put him on his guard. (This was about the time when we sent our son on a mission to her Majesty to obtain help for us). Our supplanter—being thus apprised of everything by these traitors; whom however he did not receive so kindly as they had expected, for, in point of fact, he rewarded them by throwing them into close imprisonment, on account of their breach of a promise they had formerly given us, and keeping their hopes of life at his discretion until he should receive more certain news—sent ambassadors at once to the King of Poland, now recently deceased, who had once before helped him, asking him to invade our country on his side. Thus the crime committed in Moldavia was accomplished.
	He also sent messages to some Pashas and friends of his in the court of the Emperor of the Turks, with a very great sum of money, desiring them to protect and defend him if anything should be done there, to his hurt, in our behalf. All this he did for his own advantage, as seemed good to him.
	Now by chance a certain gentleman, the Sieur de Fontaine Milon, who was travelling through many lands for the sake of observing them, came from Constantinople into Moldavia, as far as the city of Jassy, where the residence of the princes is. There he found one of those who brought intelligences to our adversary. This man revealed to him the whole matter, namely what had been done, how and why they came from France, and what the reports in Moldavia were.
	When the Sieur de Fontaine found how suspected Frenchmen were in that country on our account, and what reports there were about himself—although he was quite innocent of the whole business–he managed with very great trouble to escape by night, by way of Poland. Afterwards returning to France, he related the whole story to the King and to ourselves, telling us what was happening in Moldavia, and in what peril the country was.
	Thereupon, the King seeing the great and imminent danger into which we should be thrown, detained us here (although he had already given us a full and sufficient equipment, by his royal letters) until this business of ours should be looked into by the Sieur de Lancombe, his ambassador at Constantinople; to whom he sent letters, ordering him to take the matter in hand, and report what could be done by the King for our restoration.
	On receiving those letters, the Sieur de Lancome made diligent enquiry, and gave the King his answer and conclusion; which was to the effect that he found it both just and feasible that we should be restored to our ancient dignity. All he asked was that the King would give him time in which to complete the negotiations and bring the matter to a head; which he promised to do shortly. It is now the eighth month since he undertook charge of the business, and there are four letters from him to the King in which he has expressed a hope of bringing it to a head. Now at last, in his latest letter, he has declared to the King and to us that he will by the first courier make our satisfaction into a fact.
	So do not be angry, or take it in ill part, that we have not written to you and her Majesty before, or given proofs of my gratitude for the great benefits which, by your means and at your intercession, she has deigned to bestow on us. Our unsettled state has been the cause; for until now, we have had nothing certain to write to you or her.
	But now since such a prospect is opened for us, we hope that in future neither we ourselves nor our good offices and innermost desires (which are dedicated to carrying out her Majesty's smallest wishes) will be rejected by her. Nor do we think that our affection towards yourself, for your kindness to our son, will be without advantage to you. To show that we are not ungrateful, we hereby render the greatest possible thanks to her and you for all the benefits conferred upon us; and promise to prove our good faith and integrity, as we wrote in our former letters.
	And now, since after many and various trials and changes of fortune, we have at last reached the point of actually planning our expedition, and hope to receive directions for the same in a few days (as you will learn from the Sieur de Lancôme's letters, which we are sending you) we must needs give thought to our journey. And since in these (to us) foreign parts, we have not only lost all the goods we had, but also to a great extent spent our life, we have no alternative but to apply to the princes of Christendom. And moreover, as we have not found any of them to be our friends in our extreme need save only the King of France and her Majesty, we can only once more have recourse to those two.
	Now the King of France has already paid what appeared to be the chief or principal sum towards our restoration, and moreover has hitherto deigned to support us, we must therefore betake ourselves to her Majesty of England for the assistance we now need, and accordingly we have sent our noble servant, Albert Swiderski, a Pole, with letters to her, and have given him full powers, so that as much credit may be given to what he says or (if necessary) decides in our name, as would be given to ourselves.
	We must appeal to you, as a friend, to give us your help by interceding with her Majesty to provide us, of her innate liberality and clemency, with money for the prosecution and completion of our business, and the settlement of the manner of our return to our country. The journey is so arduous and difficult that great expense will be necessary to secure our safety. Moreover, we are to be accompanied by a large number of persons whom this King is sending for our support.
	We also earnestly beg you (for everything depends on your support and is in your power) personally to plead our cause with her Majesty, and with yourself; for we hope, by God's help to set forth from here in less than a month. We shall eagerly wait for the return of our servant; and again and again we most humbly beseech you to expedite his mission.
	For all the good things which her Majesty has already granted me, and must needs of her liberality yet grant us, it will be our part to thank her night and day, and to beseech Almighty God to preserve and keep her unharmed for many years. And so soon as we shall have reached our own country, we shall take care to render her our undying and grateful thanks by our ambassadors, and more especially by our son, whom we are now leaving here with the King of France.—Paris, 14 August, 1587.
	Signed Joan Bogdanowich, Moldavisæ Princeps. Endd. Latin. 2¼ pp. [Turkey I. 46.]