Elizabeth: May 1586, 16-20 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 20, September 1585-May 1586. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1921.

Citation:

'Elizabeth: May 1586, 16-20', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 20, September 1585-May 1586, ed. Sophie Crawford Lomas( London, 1921), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol20/pp632-649 [accessed 25 November 2024].

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May 1586, 16–20



May 16/26. (fn. 1)	Buzanval to Walsingham.
	I had yesterday such grievous news of what I mentioned to you concerning M. d'Ansay, that I like better to trouble you with this line in order that you should have a care of him, than by silence to allow the evil to approach too nearly which he is said to be hatching or even some which may happen by his approval. He does not stir from France, and hopes that the Queen will employ him in her service.
	I beg that if the messenger who arrived yesterday has any letters addressed to M. Magny, or if these are in your packets, that you will do me the favour to send them to me. And also if anything of importance should be written to you.—London, 26 May.
	Add. Endd. by Walsingham's clerk “16 May.” Fr. ½ p. [France XV. 131.]
May 16.	Stafford to [Walsingham].
	Sending a letter received from the English factors at St. Jehan de Luz, who say that their goods have been arrested by the King's command upon complaint of such as have been suitors in England for losses sustained by English men of war. Cannot yet speak with M. Joyeuse, who is absent with the King, and fears it will be four or five days before he will be able to do so. Prays that order may be taken in England for these things, and will do what he can “that all may be released.” Sends also a note of the Spanish fleet now preparing, which is so great that he supposes it “rather to be a Spanish brag than any likelihood of truth.”—Paris, 16 May, 1586.
	Signed. Add. Endd. ¾ p. [Ibid. XV. 132.]
	Enclosing:
	English merchants at St. Jean de Luz to Stafford.
	In November last they advertised him that by reason of sundry injuries done to these townsmen by English men of war, they were very hardly used in their persons and by arrest of their goods, but by his honour's helping hand, this broil was “remitted”; and they have been without molestation. But now “these” having had no restitution of their losses from her Majesty, have appealed to the French King, who has given order to the governor of Bayonne for the “new arresting” of the Englishmen's goods until justice may be had in England, and all the said goods have been embargoed.
	Pray that order may be taken for setting the goods free and for the more quiet establishing of their trade, as otherwise these will not cease to molest them whenever they are hindered by the English men of war, and the trade will have to be given up.—“St. John de Luce,” 11 May, 1586. Signed by Samuel Saltonstall, Robert Morris, Thomas Bostocke and Richard Stevens.
	Add. Endd. 1 p. [France XV. 133.]
May 16.	Henry Archer to his master, Sir T. Heneage.
	I have written three letters to your worship, but sent them into England. I now write the effect of them, but not in such order as then, as “I cannot name the days of our exploit, and further, being at Brouckhurst house by Nimegen, where I want both paper and ink sufficient.”
	“Talk here was, and by his Excellency I heard it that the Prince of Parma, viewing Grave, the hinder part of his horse was struck off, out of the town, by a great piece of ordnance; further, that those of the town shot fiery bullets . . . into the enemy's great sconce. One lighting amongst the powder blew not only the sconce flat, but also did blow up all in it, most horribly.” The enemy made a breach into the base town and entered, but were repulsed and lost three or four hundred men. Most of this was done about the 10th inst., since which the Prince lies before Grave with a strong power, often battering it. Count Hollock has been and still goes into the town, in great danger. Shincke has made a strong sconce in Cleveland, which greatly hinders the victuals going to Nimegen. “This is thought true, but I saw it not.” As our men marched to besiege Nimegen, they took a strong house which had spoiled some of our men. Coming before Nimegen, Captain Shawe was appointed to set on the enemy, who came out of the great sconce and from a ship of war. The charge being given “marvellous bravely,” the enemy retired and lost their sconce, which ours keep, and have made two sconces so near the enemy that nothing can pass or repass from the town to the sconce. Also they have cut certain ropes, which conveyed many things from one to the other. Shincke has now got an island and intrenched it so strongly that it annoys the enemy wonderfully, and “will keep it in despite of the enemy's whole power.” Seven hoys of Nimegen have revolted to us, and yesterday the Admiral of Thiel (Tylle) by battering gained the castle of Leuon, (fn. 2) which “yielded to his Excellency, himself being present,” whence our gunners have so shot the man of war of the enemy that it will hardly be able to serve further.
	“The Duke of Cleve, grieved at Shincke's sconce, made in his country, sent to his Excellency an ambassador which was marvellous well entertained, and is gone to his lord again. . . . His Excellency putteth himself further in danger than I would wish; as first riding within musket shot of the town, and since next lying within an English mile . . . Knowing the enemy too strong by half for him if he should suddenly return from Grave to Nimegen.” Here is talk that the town seeks a parley. I think before his Excellency leaves the camp, “some great matter shall be procured. . . . I have here let your worship see in gross manner the fashion of the siege.” [Here follows a rough plan of Nimegen, the river, sconces and camp.]
	“The very ruffian soldiers confess that God fighteth for us. . . . Master Fox (?) writ a letter which I esteem for precious, in which he commended himself humbly to your worship, desiring you to mark how God had blessed these countries since your abode here. I am heartily sorry for your sickness.”—16 May.
	Add. Endd. 2¼ pp. [Holland VIII. 22.]
May 16.	Horatio Palavicino to Burghley.
	My last to your lordship was on the 1st of this month, in which I said that I found by letters received from Genoa That Lazaro Grimaldo was more zealous towards the design than he had hitherto appeared to me to be, and that I judged it would go forward from what he discovered daily of Gio. Andrea Doria, of whose disposition I make much account, knowing that he has great knowledge of the state of the affairs of the King of Spain, and great understanding to judge of them, and moreover that he is very well informed of all that passes, since already he knew of the proceedings of Sir Francis Drake and suspected about the reiters. I inferred his warmth also from seeing that Doria showed himself ready to write again to the King of Spain, a solicitude which he would not have used if he had not thought it would be welcome and seasonable. The words which he used of assaulting the Queen in her won house did not trouble me, because I attributed them to his profession and to the trust that he might feel in Lazaro Grimaldo and my brother as listeners, but especially that I hope he will have enough to do to defend his own.
	I said further to your lordship that I had replied to that letter, and that I modestly made use of those things which might give credit to the design, i.e. the news of Sir Francis Drake and of the success of Grave, to show that menaces were not feared. Since then, I have had letters of the 11th, new style, from which I gather the following:—That Doria perseveres in his zeal, and wrote himself into Spain to the King and to the ministers of the business, as it were soliciting and exhorting them, since he has as yet no ground for offers or conditions, which might conduce much to the embracing of the design; that he hoped for a speedy reply to his first letters, since he had notice that they had arrived; that the proceedings of Drake weighed very heavily upon him, and the very great trouble that the King of Spain had begun to feel; wherefore I believe that as soon as he has had the reply from Spain, he will ask me for particulars of the business, and I wish to be instructed by your lordship what I am to say. If, for instance, he shall demand that first of all Drake shall be recalled by the Queen-so that while peace is being treated of, there should be no increase of causes for war-I wish to know her Majesty's mind as to consenting thereto, and what advantage, on the other hand she would wish to obtain from the King of Spain in Holland and Zeeland, viz. suspension of arms or any other thing. Moreover, it is needful to think of the places and of the persons whom it will be necessary should meet, to decide on particulars and to avoid delay from the distance of the places; likewise that I may know what I am to propose and to reply, for if I once know from your lordship what course you think it good to hold, both in the manner and the matter of the business, I will endeavour at the time to bring things about as closely as possible thereto, and will without fail follow your directions.
	So much for the peace; there is hardly need to attach so much importance to it, as all is very resolute for war, for the enemy is preparing for service at sea a Spanish fleet, news having come to me from divers in Genoa that there were being made all sorts of preparations in all those ports of Italy, of which I pray you to assure yourself in your most prudent counsels. I do not conclude that an assault is to be feared in England or Ireland, because I think it certain that the King of Spain will first try to chase away Drake from the Indies; but I believe, if the Queen will support him there stoutly and skilfully, to keep the Spaniards fully occupied, she will live the more quietly and more safely.
	You will see by a letter from Lazaro Grimaldo which comes directly to your side how Prince Doria charges her Majesty with moving the Turk to annoy the King of Spain, which, however, I sincerely believe to be false, and deny it wholly in my reply; yet I shall be glad to have some proof from your lordship, showing that it is a calumny, like so many others in times past have been.—Frankfort, 16 May, 1586.
	Add. Endd. by Burghley as received on June 4. Italian. 2 pp. [Germany, States IV. 44.]
May 16.	Horatio Palavicino to Burghley.
	Since the difficulty of this business that I have in hand was reduced to gratifying the Duke [Casimer] with the whole sum of money, and he declared that he would not otherwise proceed with the agreement, or in the accomplishing of the levy, I set myself very diligently to provide the rest, by which I might remove difficulties, or at least make clear that his irresolution was founded on other things, as I have feared from the first and still fear; and I am now so near to the entire provision of the money that I am sending to-morrow to demand audience, in order personally to offer it, hoping that if it is accepted, and the necessary writings passed, I may satisfy him on my part. Although the work of negotiating here after the fair has succeeded much better than I was given to believe, and that by those of Antwerp and Cologne, my stay here has been so much suspected that they have feared it would fall out to the prejudice of the Prince of Parma; this notwithstanding, I have arrived at the aim of my said hope, from whence I may very shortly write to you of a decision as I will do without loss of time. I pray you therefore, that since it has been needful to make the whole provision here, you will give order that my two men may dispose of all the rest, according to the necessity of the matter.—Frankfort, 16 May, 1586.
	Add. Endd. by Burghley. Italian. 1 p. [Germany, States IV. 45.]
May 17.	Leicester to Davison.
	“It is long now since I heard from you, but it may be my slackness of late to write is the cause. Assuredly the want of good matter, at least such as I desire to write of, hath been my stay, finding myself not a little touched by reason of the many alterations here. . . . I have sought of late by all means possible to be employed in those causes, seeing [sic] not in martial sort yet in peaceable, the rather because it is very necessary her Majesty do send some of quality to treat among them. But I see it will not be my hap, albeit someways I was content both to have 'embased' and overcharged myself to have been employed, that I might in part yet have discharged the good will and care I have of that country and cause. Well, whatsoever want, there shall be no good will want in me, as you shall further understand 'or' long. In the meantime I hope my 'wellwillers' there will think so, albeit I know not neither which way to advise or advertise them of any good direction, but leave you to the ordinary warrant you have.”— 17May.
	Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holland VIII. 23.]
May 17.	Heneage to Walsingham.
	“It is not long since I looked I should have written you no more letters, my extremity was so great. But I find God's will is otherwise, and that in all things is the best; otherwise I could have liked better to have cumbered the world no longer, where I find myself contemned, and which I have no reason to see will be the better in the wearing. And if my impatience were not yet more than my reason, I could tell you truly, no man in the service of her Majesty hath received worse measure than myself, which if I live to come home, I will make better known. The whilst, it were best for her Majesty's service that the directions came from you were not contrarious one to another, and that those you would have serve, might know what is meant, else they cannot but much deceive you, as well as displease you, how wise or honest so ever they be.
	“And let me deal now plainly with you, as a man I love most of all that live in that place (except Mr. Vice Chamberlain). If matters pass not more certain, I fear the world will judge that Champany wrote (and I have lately seen in one of his letters hither, when he was employed in England) to be over true. His words be these: Et de vray, cest le plus fascheux et le plus uncertain negociez de cette court, que je pense soit au monde. I beseech you help me in this business and advise me, for surely I am to seek. God assist me, and ever keep you honourable and more happy than I am.—At Middelburg, now hasting with a weak body and a willing mind, I fear to do no good work.”—17 May, 1586.
	Postscript.—“Sir I pray you rate this bearer's bill but at five pounds, being my servant, for I would husband the Queen's purse, though I cannot mine own, but must assure you in Council I think this journey will undo me, in my poor estate, which is there least cared for I fear. I pray you send John de Vignes straight to me, for I need him.
	“Sir I pray you think (as it is true) where I name you in the matter that most galls me and this cause, I think yourself least guilty of the rest.”
	Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holland VIII. 24.] [Partly quoted by Motley i, 446.]
May 17.	Heneage to Burghley.
	“Being recovered (though yet very weak) of great extremity of the stone, I am this day going towards my lord of Leicester, to perform that which it hath pleased her Majesty by my last directions to appoint me. And now think fit to tell your lordship that though there be but small account made of me, and I find myself cared for thereafter, yet for her Majesty's best service, it were very convenient that such as you would have serve you here might know truly what you mean, and might accordingly have certain direction what to do. And surely hitherto so have not I had, which is the only cause why I can not in this service please you there, which God knoweth I most care for, if I could tell how. And therefore I beseech your lordship, for God's sake and this service sake, help me to that I need and shall be good for the cause, which is a certain course, and your lordship's best advise for the same.”—Middelburg, 17 May, 1586.
	Postscript.—If it please your lordship to write to me, as I much desire you would, I have appointed John de Vignes, my servant, to attend upon you for your letters.
	Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. VIII. 25.] [Partly quoted by Motley i, 447.]
May 17.	Leicester to Walsingham.
	Praying him, if the bearer desires leave to go to Scotland, to show him all the friendship he may. “He is conservator of the Scottish nation, and hath lain here long in very good opinion, very ready to do her Majesty all the dutiful service he can.” Thinks himself beholding to him, and therefore would be very glad that he should be courteously used.—The camp over against “Nemyghen,” 17 May, 1586.
	Signed. Add. Endd. ¾ p. [Holland VIII. 26.]
May 18/28.	Extract out of the Register of the States General.
	The said States-being daily importuned by the creditors of the last government for the payment of their arrears-have found good that the remnants of the contracts in Brabant, fallen in before the 10th of January last, shall be employed for this purpose, together with the revenues of the ecclesiastical and confiscated goods in Brabant of the current year, 1586, and the remnants of the previous year. The Council of State to be prayed to declare their opinion thereupon, if otherwise the foresaid creditors may be satisfied by sending them again to the lords who served in the former government, as they have no other means on hand wherewith to pay the said creditors. And this is committed to the gentlemen who have already been in communication with his Excellency.
	Copy. Dutch. 1¼ pp. [Ibid. VIII. 27.]
May 18/28.	Further extract from the same.
	In order that the resolution concerning the debts assigned upon the third part of the convoys in Gueldres, Utrecht and Overyssel, and of four of five in Holland, Zeeland and Friesland may be duly executed, in conformity with the resolution and acts of Jan. 22, 1585, and of Feb. 10, 1586 [See p. 338 above]:—resolved that they shall beseech his Excellency and the Council of State to ordain that every month the whole fifth and third parts of the revenues of the said convoys in the respective provinces be committed to the Receiver for the States General, to be bestowed upon the creditors, who have hitherto impatiently demanded it, that satisfaction may be given and further inconveniences avoided.
	Copy. Dutch. 1 p. [Ibid. VIII. 27a.]
May 19.	Stafford to Walsingham.
	“I thought fit to advertise your honour of the King's manner of his proceeding since the Duke of Guise's departure, who went from hence upon Saturday last [May. 14, o.s.] the most discontented man that ever anybody saw in show, and truly for my part, I think in deed. But things past make me still to fear some bad thing lurking. He had of the King the best entertainment in the world a great while, and everything granted him he could ask; but when it came to the performance of anything, there is nothing to be had.
	“I am advertised from very good place, and they have it from them that are near about him, that he is gone away with a determination desperate to attempt some new thing if he can; but it is certainly thought he will not be able.
	“That which I sent you the last day of this determination to arm presently to the sea doth still go on, and M. de Joyeuse will himself in person go, and have three score sail of ships or more and three thousand soldiers in them, as he layeth his plot. A great many young gentlemen determine to go with him that are men of account, and will each of them make a company of footmen only; if they do so the companies will be very brave.
	“Certainly the determination of this is to succour Brouage, which St. Luc seeing that he could not keep much longer for want of victual and munitions; upon the land side all hope of succour being taken from him, upon the sea side they of Rochelle having put all they are able to make by sea in the haven mouth to stop anything for coming in that way, knowing how the King hateth him and will not care generally to succour him-hath sent out his wife, to whom the Prince of Condé unwisely, in respect she was a woman and looking to nothing else, gave a passport. She is come hither, and by her he hath offered M. de Joyeuse to sell him that government, and hath agreed with him of [the] price of eighty thousand crowns, so that withal he come to succour him. He hath upon this so earnestly dealt with the King that the King will pay the money, and help him to arm all he can to succour it, and this certainly is now the intent of this preparation; but I cannot see how they can make it so great, and hope afore that which they can make be ready Brouage will be lost, for he hath great want in it of everything.
	“I do not see which way he can get so many ships as he speaketh of in any reasonable time. There is an intent here resolved upon to send one to her Majesty to give her notice of this enterprise, and to put her out of any jealousy that might be conceived of it. Whether that resolution will stand or no (things here change so often) I know not.
	“I have done what I can to seek earnestly what intent this may carry farther; but certainly I can find no other but this arming is to that effect only, to serve M. de Joyeuse's ambition, who to get him any place of importance into his hands may get the King his master to sell his coat, but if they miss of that, and having shipping ready, what they may propose to enterprise else, not to let their cost and labour to be lost, I know not. There hath been speeches cast out in jesting manner among M. Joyeuse's followers how rich Drake will be at his coming home, what riches were to be gotten to take him napping at his return. Other speeches have been used by Joyeuse himself what a man of valour he [is], how much he doth esteem the man-how willingly he would go to join with him in so noble an action. All these things be spoken of here; and what humours may take them here to enterprise any bad thing God knoweth. But God this many years hath not been French [sic], to achieve any great matter. I will look into these things, to sound the depth of their meanings as narrowly as I can; and when I see further readiness, I will send one all along the sea coast from Dieppe to Nantes to see what preparation there is in every place, and what readiness they be in, who shall both advertise you and me from time to time of all things as he goeth.
	“They have been in hand with me to sound me if there were any good ships to be bought in England, and I finding them in that humour, have encouraged them all I could under [hand] to persuade them yes, and have made be promised any furtherance I can unto them to help. I have thought it a good course to put them in hope, to make them lose time, for in sending to her Majesty must ask a time, she must have a time to answer, and to think upon it, and if there were no wiser than I, her Majesty should very graciously grant them leave for to buy them in any place they could find to serve their turns; but a commandment given underhand to no man to sell, so that whilst they are seeking about, a great time may be spent and lost, which will be no small hindrance [to] such an enterprise.”—Paris, 19 May, 1586.
	Holograph. Add. Endd. 2¼ pp. [France XV. 134.]
May 19/29.	The Deputies Of The Four Towns Of The Cantons Of The “Ligues” Zurich, Berne, Basle and Schaffhausen, to the French King.
	They are sent by their lords and superiors to say that the said lords, having heard with great regret of the troubles arisen in his kingdom, are greatly grieved thereat, but hope that his Majesty may pacify them by some other means rather than by arms. They are informed that they have arisen from the revocation of the edict of pacification of 1576, and that his Majesty would permit no religion save his own, for which they are infinitely sorry, fearing that he may endure many vexations, and his realm and subjects suffer much and long, to the great loss of a chief part of his subjects and the great disadvantage of his Majesty and of their own country “de Lygues,” from the great support they hope for in him, which is the cause why their lords have sent them to condole with his Majesty and to pray him to find some good means of preventing the great evils which may ensue. They do not wish to give him advice, but only to acquit themselves of their great obligation to him and their affection to his crown and realm by praying him to restore his country to peace and to permit his subjects of the Protestant Religion to live according to the Edict of Pacification in conformity with the example of other princes who have allowed the exercise of both religions. They know that his Majesty desires nothing more than to see all his subjects in peace and in the profession of the same religion, but pray him to consider that consciences are governed by the hand of God and can only be changed by His holy will. They also beg him to have regard to the great scarcity and famine in many parts of his kingdom, whereby an infinite number of people are dying miserably of hunger, and which will apparently be greater in the coming year, especially if the war continues, by which all that is left may be utterly spoiled and consumed; and to consider the evils of civil wars, whereby the greatest monarchies in the world have been ruined, and which will give opportunity to foreign princes, more desirous of his ruin than to see him in prosperity and friendship with his people and his allies, to do all that they can to fan the flame.
	But their lords hope that his Majesty will provide against all these troubles, making a firm and irrevocable peace, which will be pleasing to God, and will replace him and his crown in their former splendour and prosperity, ruin his enemies, render him formidable to all those who hate him, encourage his subjects the more liberally to employ their means and lives in his service, and incite his friends to assist him against any who would assail him. Pray that his Majesty will take this in good part and continue his good-will towards them, and if they can be of any use in the matter, they have charge to employ themselves therein, which they offer to do with all their hearts.
	Copy. Endd. with date of delivery. Fr. 3 pp. [France XV. 135.]
May 19/29.	Masino Del Bene to Walsingham.
	This morning the King received with much kindness the ambassadors of the four Protestant cities of Switzerland, whose arrival, and that of the others expected from Germany, gives hope to many that there will be a peace. Others say there will be a suspension of arms for two years, which I believe even less, and shall never hope for peace until I see the Protestants strong and powerful. The King desires it, and it is more than necessary for his people. May God bring it to pass! I am informed that very great designs are in hand for an enterprise against you. Vigilate et orate, and practise to have help from the northern parts if there shall be need.
	Our Lord Admiral [Joyeuse] is preparing to go to succour Brouage, and if he succeed, will keep the government of it. The Sieur de Mauvissière (Movesiere) offers to take the charge of the enterprise, and avers that it being known there that he is at the head of it, very many will join it for love of him.—Paris, 29 May, 1586.
	Add. Endd. Italian. 1 p. [Ibid. XV. 136.]
May 19/29.	Advertisements from Spain.
	The time serves not to treat of merchants' affairs, wherefore I will only give you such news as I have, and if any be worth the writing, I pray you to impart it to the Lord Treasurer or Sir Francis Walsingham. Touching the embargo I need say little, as I make no doubt it is known long since. The armado “making in the Passage,” eight tall ships, are given out to be going to Lisbon to take in munition, “but I will not trust my judgment if they be not meant for Scotland or Ireland. The Duke du Maine and M. de Lansac have at Brouage, Bourg (Bowrke) and Bordeaux certain good shipping . . . and daily here cometh from them unto the general of this fort French gentlemen wonderfully disguised.” They all come to the house where I lie, and I have conference with them all. About six weeks past, one came accompanied with others, and went into the Passage and viewed all the ships, and then returned to St. John de Luze, “where he was very lately in 'hugar mogar' as we say,” and offered money for two tall ships. And by one who passed within these eight days, I hear that the French King would not break off with our Queen, though wonderfully urged thereto; but might permit underhand some shipping to go out of his realm for certain exploits; so I gather that all those and these ships are to join, if not prevented. There is also a ship of St. John de Luze, bound for Bordeaux to serve the French King, but the captain is kept in prison by the general of this place in St. Sebastian, because, being disterrado [banished] for certain years, he came now to serve his King, and should have taken in soldiers at Bordeaux. I think what is done to him “is but to cloak what is convenient among them.”
	They say there is no embargo in Andalusia. The ships at the Passage have as yet but little ordnance, and all they have is cast iron. “What a blessing God hath bestowed upon our native country and how it hath been abused; all Christendom durst not look the navy of England in the face, were they not replenished with English ordnance. God grant it may be treason the transporting of any out of the realm that is for service either by sea or land.” In this country, any passing into France without licence even one jennet is hanged and quartered as a traitor. I wish the like were in England. Men are grown too bold in respect of her Majesty's great clemency. God grant that justice may be executed in England as in other countries.
	This province has offered the King 4,000 soldiers; it is thought he will take but one thousand. He requires 1,500 mariners for these ships and some stores have been provided, but I believe, “do the general what he can, he will not furnish the men these twenty days; they are gone into the country, and departed a broad”; yet he takes the goods out of their houses, and says he will sell them to provide men in place of the others. He takes the “very choice ” of all the country, confessing “that our nation is too hard for them with their ordnance, but they will board them, and then one man is as good as another.” Small store of good gunners in this country; for I know one who had charge to provide a certain number, but said he would not take upon him to provide forty between this and Lisbon. The people do not desire the King to break with England, yet “like proud Spaniards . . . with big words now and then will say that upon London Bridge they will measure out cloth by the pick length; but when I do meet with such fellows, I request them that at any hand they will not forget to carry with them at the least half a dozen barques laden with oranges, to make sauce for our capons in England. The next year, they say, we shall to the pot, and with no less than a thousand sail of great ships they will into England; but threatened folks live long,” and so I hope her Majesty shall do, and entrap them in their own bloody devices. There is no want of devilish instruments, to procure all that money may provoke men unto. They think to corrupt all subjects with it, and term it Monsieur de Santa Crux. They say our men be no soldiers by land, and that all our shot is calivers, and no musketry; “many scarecrow terms they do use, more than I do write of.” Here have been bruits that Flushing was yielded to the King of Spain, which makes me think that Santa Crux is vigilant in those countries, but I doubt not her Majesty's Council foresee all matters.
	“I do fear that the 'tenient' in London hath too great resort [made] unto him, and by that means doth give part of all that passeth, and by that means the King of Spain is content to let him remain. Pedro de Subiar was acquainted with Duke Humphrey his knights in Pauls, which were accustomed to bring him all the news; I pray God this 'tenient' be not acquainted with them. The King before Easter had granted Ville Reale our delivery, which now it should appear is revoked. God his will be done. I fear we shall all to the pot by one device or other. There is not one merchant of London in all this province out of prison but myself. God doth sent curst cows short horns.
	I wish that as many Spaniards as there be English in the “holy house” here should be used in like manner; it might haply procure the liberty of Mr. Alday and divers others. The King is going a progress, and it is thought will not settle himself at “Madrell” this next month. He grieves greatly at the dealings of Sir Francis Drake, and “will spend frankly but he will have him if it be possible.” The fleet from Seville departed about six weeks past for the Indies, some twenty-three sail well appointed, and the best gunners and all sorts of men to be gotten. It is reported that they carry six thousand soldiers, but I think it not possible, for in his last army to the Terceiras, he had not above fourteen thousand men, soldiers and mariners. Some say they are gone to Cartagena, where all the fleet is, and shall bring home the treasure; others that they are gone to Santa Dominga against Sir Francis Drake.
	I have seen a letter from Madrell to one of the best of this town saying that the King had ordered all the money appointed for paying his debts to be brought into the Treasury, as he had great need of money for these wars, and will pay no debts these three years. From this letter I gather that both the merchant fleet and that from Seville will jointly go from Cartagena to Santa Dominga, with all the power they can make from the main. “God send the two knights good success, and if it please God that they may give the proud Spaniards the overthrow now at the first,” I think the King will have somewhat to do.
	It seems that there is another fleet at Seville for the Indies. No ships go to sea from this province but by the General's licence, and none are gone to the New found land. The King has prohibited all commodities coming out of England. If her Majesty do the like for iron, this province will be destroyed. The boys who were here to learn the language are most of them imprisoned. It is said that the Genoese (Jenovoys) are furnishing the King with 160 cargoes of treasure and fourteen cart loads for the preparation of the League.
	The clergy expect the Pope to declare our Queen a schismatic, “but I think the proud prelate will not be so saucy.”—Fontarabia, 29 May, 1586.
	Endd. 3½ pp. [Newsletters XC. 29.]
May 20.	Buzanval to Walsingham.
	I have just received a dispatch from the King of Navarre, who is in Poitou, near la Rochelle. He wishes me at once to present to her Majesty the letter he has written to her, and to give her news of him, which I am sure will not be disagreeable to her. The letters are of the 15th by our style. If I might have the honour of kissing her hands to-day I should be glad, as I know that the French ambassador expects to see her to-morrow, and I should like her before then to know the state of our affairs.
	Add. Endd. “20 May, from Buzenval,” by Walsingham. Fr. ¾ p. [France XV. 137.]
May 20.	Stafford to Walsingham.
	“This morning is come out a countermand of the King for the gendarmerie (which I have sent you) contrary to the commandment that was made to them last. Some doth much annoy at it, for he promised M. de Guise the contrary. Some thinks it is for the extremity of want, that is that nobody can live abroad, and that which maketh that to be the more easily persuaded is that the King hath been fain for the relief of the common people to let in Champagne and in Brie the magazines of corn that was laid up for the provision of [the] army to be sold. Some think that it is upon these ambassadors coming, that he would make all the show that he can that he looketh for no wars, to have them to advertise that in Germany; that forces there might be lingered, which opinion truly I am of. . . .
	“I think he doth greatly desire a peace, and hateth them of the League; but truly I think he hath so good a colour to stand upon the point of religion, and of his own nature is so bent against it, if by any means he could bring it to pass, that he will hardly stand upon that point,” and the Queen Mother told a friend of mine yesterday (perhaps that I might know it) that whatever was said she was mother of the King and his realm, and would always show it in seeking for its peace, quietness and good; “but that seeing the King was so resolute in the point of religion to have but one-and save the harm that came by it, that everybody that would rebel took that for a colour, she was most glad of it, and would strengthen him in that mind to the uttermost of her power-that the King of Navarre were best to come to obey the King; it was his best for his own good; if not, time would not be long given him, and as for reiters, he was to look for none.”—20 May, 1586.
	“I have sent your honour a letter of Monsieur la Noue's to me. I beseech your honour to write to my lord of Leicester and to pleasure him all that may be. I need not to write I know in the furtherance of the matter, both because I know how well you love him, and how much he deserveth and his.”
	Holograph. Add. Endd. 1 p. [France XV. 138.]
May 20/30.	William Lewckner to Edward Lewckner.
	Since my last of the 17, M. de la Valette, who keeps at Grenoble, was like to have been slain with a pistol, but it missed him and slew a colonel of the Swisses who was talking with him. The malefactor confessed that his intention was to kill M. de la Valette, but by whose procurement is not known. There is certain news from Spain that twenty-two galliasses went from Lisbon to meet with Drake on the 17th. Ships are preparing in Spain, and M. “St. Crosse” is general, but it is forbidden on pain of death to write of the preparations. “It was my hap to overhear the 'Counsel' of the Florentines to dispute of this Spanish army; being said the King purposed to fall with Ireland and thereby so to occupy our nation there as her Majesty might have the less forces abroad.”
	I think you know M. “Joyes” departure long since for Normandy, to give order to arrest all Zeelanders and Hollanders, by reason of their piracies of the Frenchmen, and for the like reason order is given to stay our English ships. One is already stayed at Rouen, and “if remedy be not, some unkindness may grow between us.” If it be so, I pray you to advertise my cousin, that we may withdraw our “negoces.”
	Mr. “Syssell” is to-day arrived from Geneva.—Lyons, 30 May, 1586, stilo novo.
	Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. XV. 139.]
May 20.	Samuel Daniel to Walsingham.
	Being uncertain whether my last letters were delivered, or if delivered were accepted sereno fronto, as coming from a raw traveller, I yet make bold to present you again somewhat of the affairs of this afflicted country. The League see that “they cannot now let fall their arms but with their ruin . . . but the alienation of the minds of the people, which was thought the buckler of their enterprise, together with the late disaster of 'Duke de Mayne' doth not a little vex them; who is said to have abandoned the siege of Mont Segur after a whole month's travail, with the loss of both all his masters of the camp, and also many captains in an assault he attempted; the chief of whom were these: 'Sacromona,' de Birague, Cadillac [Cardaillac], Montcanisi, Pralins, Bayondan, Montesqui, with others to the number of thirty. (fn. 3) Whereupon the General is fallen sick or else feigns it, to cover his dishonour in levying the siege and retiring to Bordeaux; or nipped with nipped with grief to see a simple advocate named Melon, who commanded the place, to give him so shameful a repulse.”
	M. d'Escars is gone to the King of Navarre to motion a peace, with express charge from the Queen Mother to know whether he think good for her to take her journey thither, and if he seem to make difficulty, to offer to make to Duke “de Mayne” to retire with his forces on this side the Loire, for they dread that upon this discomfiture, the Viscomte de Turenne, who is at Salvetat, two leagues from Montsegur, “will afresh set upon the disbanded troops of M. de Mayne. Contrariwis, those of the Religion . . . seeing the empoisoning of the Prince of Condé (which fact is found manifest) say that the King of Navarre ought not to make peace, crying out trahimur sub nomine pacis, and that all these trains are but artificial, to defer the coming of the reiters until after harvest, their corn had on, and their cities and fortresses furnished; and therefore he ought to accelerate his designs.
	The Marshal Montmorenci sent to the Queen Mother by Verac and the Abbot “Jully,” counselling her to go to the King of Navarre to make a peace, seeing she had so diligently travailed with the Duke of Guise to like effect, and advertising her of the marriage between his daughter and M. de Montpensier, which alliance of two great houses much increases the fear of the Leaguers. The wisdom and good fortune of the King of Navarre increases his reputation in France; “witness the heavy departure of M. de Guise the 15 [sic] of this month, out of this city, poor and with a small train,” which made his enemies laugh and his followers grieve.
	I meant to send you the answer to the excommunication of the King of Navarre, “done by a Catholic, and greatly commended of men of judgment and learning, but it is not yet printed. M. d'Alferan, a French gentleman of “feu Monsieur” humbly kisses your honour's hands. His honesty and virtue have triumphed over the scandalous reports of his adversaries, and he is again in favour with the King.—From my chamber in my Lord Ambassador's house in Paris, 20 May. “Written in great haste.”
	Add. Endd. 2 pp. [France XV. 140.]
May 20/30.	Countess Of Aremberg to Leicester.
	Believes that her former letter of March 19 will have come to his hands, and that he has forwarded to the Queen the letters therein enclosed; but as she has had no answer and the matter is of great consequence to her, she has written again to her Majesty and begs him to use his influence to obtain for her what she desires. [See letter to the Queen, below.] Prays him to send her a safe-conduct and passport to go to Breda.—Brussels, 30 May, 1586.
	Signed “Margarite de la Marck.” Add. Endd. Fr. 1½ pp. [Holland VIII. 28.]
May 20/30.	Countess Of Aremberg to the Queen.
	I hope your Majesty has received my last, written on March 19, humbly praying you to grant me main-levee and enjoyment of the fruits of my property in Holland and Zeeland, and of those due to my sister, the Landgravine of Leuchtembergh, princess of the Empire. And to this end [to grant me] your safe-conduct to go to Breda, to call together my officers, learn the state of my affairs and give order therein. Not yet having had an answer from your Majesty or the Earl of Leicester (to whom I also wrote) and as the matter touches me and my sister very nearly, I make bold to remind you of it and to pray that (seeing that these revenues are the sole means remaining to me by the calamities of war, whereby to maintain myself in my widowhood) you will be pleased to grant the afore-said main-levee both to me and to my officers. Brussels, penultimate May, 1586. Signed Margaret de la Marck.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 1¾ pp. [Ibid. VIII. 29.]
	Duplicate of the above, with postscript stating that she sends it for fear the other should not reach her (as apparently her former letters to herself and the Earl have not done), and again urging her request.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [Ibid. VIII. 30.]
	Copy of the above letter, without the postscript.
	Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. VIII. 31.]
May 20/30.	Leicester to the States General.
	Answer of his Excellency to the request and resolution of the States General for the taking of the 5th part of the convoys in Holland and Zeeland, and the 3rd part of the same convoys in Gueldres, Utrecht and Overyssel.
	On the request of the States General that orders should be given by his Excellency that in Holland, Zeeland and Friesland the increase on the receipts of the convoys from four to five, and the third of the whole receipts thereof in Gueldres, Utrecht and Overyssel should be left at the disposal of the said States General for the satisfying of the old debts remaining on the said States, according to the resolution by them taken:—
	It is resolved to give for answer that his Excellency finding himself in the highest degree burdened by the great charge for the fleet and otherwise, of late much increased in order to hinder the supplies of the enemy, and the need and safety of the land demanding that yet more should be done for the fleet at sea, that the whole land may not be put in the uttermost danger; the whole revenues of the aforesaid convoys which were originally destined for the said charges are so meagre that they will not now be possibly enough for the said fleet unless some further means (than the said convoys) is to be had; so that his Excellency cannot consent to allow the payment of the aforesaid debts out of the said revenues, and in case the States should persist in their resolution, and inconvenience should follow in default of money and means, his Excellency must be held guiltless and not responsible for the same, it being understood that the service and provision of the crews and all other charges arising from the fleet ought to be paid from the respective convoys before any other debts.
	It is moreover resolved to say to the said States General that his Excellency cannot conceal from them that he observes much disorder to have arisen in the collection of the said convoys from the multiplication of lijsten and other particular acts, causing great confusion and inequality in the receipts, wherefore it would be well to reduce them into one lijste, following that of the year '81, with increase of a fifth [and certain exceptions]. His Excellency hopes that the lords of the States General will take all in good part and that by their unanimous vote all may be put in train in due time; desiring that the present deputies will inform their principals hereof, and will lend a helping hand that the said lijste may not only be approved but also increased as the great need of the country presently demands, and that by this means the abovementioned old debts may be satisfied.—Utrecht, 30 May, 1586.
	Copy. Dutch. 3 pp. [Holland VIII. 32.]
May 20/30.	Extract out of the Register of the States General. On the objection raised concerning the address of placards which are to be published in the provinces:—Resolved that his Excellency and the Council of State be requested that the placards which from this time forward they desire to be published in the provinces may be directed in their letters and in the clause executoir of the said placards to the Stadtholder and States of the provinces or their deputies, and not to the provincial Councils, as aforetime has been done.
May 20/30.	Copy. Dutch. ½ p. [Ibid. VIII. 33.]
May 20/30.	Declaration by the States General of the intentions of the respective provinces concerning his Excellency's demands for further contributions.
May 20/30.	Copy. Dutch. 8½ pp. [Ibid. VIII. 34.]
[May 20/30.]	Translation of the above paper.
	The States General, having deliberated upon his Excellency's demands concerning the cession of the three moyens of salt, soap and two patars on each ton of beer, for the ordinary needs of the war; and for 400,000 florins to be provided in the months March-June, for putting an army in the field; and not having been able to agree, declare the intentions of the respective provinces as follows:—
	Gueldres agrees as to salt and soap; is doubtful in regard to the beer, but will agree to it if the rest do. Cannot contribute to the money, owing to the great charges and depredations of their country, not being able to do more than what they have arranged with the States General.
	Flanders agrees to all the means, so far as anything can be drawn from their province; save that the Sieur de Schoonewalle must be reimbursed for the 1,500 florins expended in the embassies of France and England.
	Holland regrets that the state of their province does not permit them to give him the three extraordinary means, the revenue from them being comprehended in the ordinary contributions. Agrees to the money contribution for this year on condition that there may be no further extraordinary charges; proposes that 100,000 florins should be raised by an impost on cloths, and for the rest, will pay their quota (with certain conditions), if Gueldres, Zeeland, Utrecht and Frise will do the same.
	Zeeland agrees to the three means for a year, in order to put an army in the field, provided that the others do the same; that the money is not diverted until the charges of the fleet and others arising from the war be paid and that the impost on salt may be levied without exemption or repayment of those of the Fish-market; also that with this, the demand for the 400,000 florins may be given up, and that they be not troubled with any further extraordinary charges.
	Utrecht agrees with Holland as to the three means, and begs his Excellency to be satisfied with the reply of the States General of 15 February last, having regard to the charges and depredations of their province, so that they can only with difficulty furnish their ordinary quota. But considering the need of a camp, they agree as to the money, in the same way that Holland does, save that they would modify more than Holland the impost on cloths, and hope to treat with his Excellency concerning the manner and terms of payment.
	Friesland is content to grant the means of salt and soap for a year if the rest do so; but the two patars on beer are included in the general means already granted. They consent to the demand of money for the camp, and will bear their quota at the rate of double that of Utrecht, on condition that there may be defalked to them two ordinances upon the collection of the convoys, of about 27,000 florins.
	Fr. 3 pp. [Holland VIII. 35.]