Elizabeth: April 1584, 16-30 | British History Online

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 18, July 1583-July 1584. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1914.

Citation:

'Elizabeth: April 1584, 16-30', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 18, July 1583-July 1584, ed. Sophie Crawford Lomas( London, 1914), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol18/pp458-474 [accessed 22 November 2024].

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April 1584, 16–30



April 16.	539. Stafford to Walsingham.
	“This accident” being a thing of as great importance as has happened here these many years, I send the bearer with all diligence, that her Majesty may take advice in time what course to take if such a thing happens or has already happened.
	I had news yesterday from Chasteau Thierry “that Monsieur, upon a new accident of a swelling in his throat, is given over of the physicians as no man of this world.”
	This day I am advertised from six sundry places of the court and town that he is certainly dead, one being out of the house of Guise, who has had men waiting at Chasteau Thierry “to bring him from hour to hour the certainty.” And whereas the Duke of Maine and he were going, the one into Burgundy, the other into Champagne, they have now resolved not to stir from hence, which makes me the rather to believe it, and for my part “I take him for certainty to be dead.”
	I have marvelled why the Lord Seton has, these six days been so sad. I knew he had news out of Scotland, but he kept it very secret. Now, by yours of the 6th I see those accidents in Scotland that you write of were the cause.
	He has gone this morning to have audience, but hopes not for any good success of his negotiation. I have “sent to see the manner of his audience and the countenance” of the King, of which you shall be advertised in time.
	You should look who has access to Lord Glaude [Lord Claude Hamilton], for Seton and his complots mean to entice him hither out of England, and he has spoken to the King about a pension for him. The French ambassador's means or any other will be used, for they would fain have him or his brother, thinking their both being in England prejudicial to the Scots Queen. “They assure themselves of Glaude more than the other, and that by his wife's means, Seton's daughter, who either, they say, is come to him out of Scotland, or shall presently come, to serve for a night crow.”
	The Queen Mother desires me to have patience for four or five days, “to give her leave to 'temper' with the King about my speeches with her, afore I ask audience of him.”—Paris, 16 April, 1584.
	Holograph. Add. Endd. 2 pp. [France XI. 78.]
April 16.	540. Stafford to Burghley.
	[The first part of the letter is a copy of the letter to Walsingham of this date, but with Burghley's cipher.]
	So far is the letter I writ to Mr. Secretary, word for word. I write to you, my lord, as the only friend upon whom I repose trust, to know your advice upon a letter Mr. Secretary writ to me yesterday. I stand “somewhat jealous of his meaning toward me by it, because I have been served but very evil touches since I came hither in my service by my good friends at home.” I doubt it the more because he would have me write to him secretly. I know that by his means the Queen has had false advertisements of preparations here from his factors and has been incensed that news of importance should come from others, and some have come from me and he has kept them a day and delivered his first.
	I find from my book that there have been twenty-six packets by ordinary posts, “and such as he hath sent with recommendation to me to have packets,” which I dared not refuse them. If the ordinary posts have been allowed as much for packets as others, the fault is not mine. It is easier for me to write seldomer, but I am loth to have bad offices done me for lack of writing.—Paris, 16 April, 1584.
	Underwritten,
	“Extract of Mr. Secretary's letter to me of the 6th of April, 1584.”
	“There is here great fault found with the charge of often sending, and therefore I cannot but once again advise you not to write but upon causes of very great importance. How this straitness groweth I know not, but as the time falleth out, her Majesty, methinketh, had never more need to be almost daily and hourly advertised how things pass abroad than at this present. You shall do well notwithstanding to write to me, by the ordinary post, of such occurrences as shall daily happen there, wherein, as you shall do me a pleasure, I shall not fail to keep the same to myself, lest her Majesty should think she is still at the charge thereof.”
	Add. Signed by Stafford on the cover. Endd. by Burghley, “by Tupper. Monsieur's danger.” 3 pp. [France XI. 79.]
April 16.	541. Stokes to Walsingham.
	In my last I told you of the friendly usage received by the deputies when they came to Tournay, now thirteen days ago, since when no letters have come from them, whereat all here greatly marvel. It makes great doubts that matters go not well, and the rather because a merchant's letter from Lille says that they cannot agree upon the article of religion, for the deputies' secret desire is to have “religions-frede,” and the Prince of Parma will not grant it, but is contented “by great entreaty to give them the Pacification of Ghent, which is a very hard point.” He sees that these towns are grown very weak in purse, men and victuals and cannot withstand him,"which makes him to deal the straiter with them, so as it is feared they must take such agreement as he shall give them.”
	He has received from the King of Spain 230,000 ducats (each ducat valued at 9s. 6d. Flemish money) for the payment of his soldiers in these parts, whereupon the Marquis of Risbourgh has mustered the camp at Ecloo and in the land of Waes, giving them three or four months'pay, which is a great encouragement to the soldiers of that side. Also he makes preparations to send some thousand soldiers into the Island of Cassant, to make bulwarks along Sluys haven that no ships may enter, “for the speech goes here they will be dealing with Sluys, who this week have taken oath to Holland and Zeeland.”
	It is feared that Ostend will also revolt from this side, for they have sent two of their captains to the Prince of Orange, although this town has paid them 36,000 guilders in ready money, which is as much as they did demand.
	At Ghent all is quiet, but every day they apprehend one or other of those who were of the Council to surprise the town, so that report says they have three or four hundred principal persons in prison. M. de Hembise and Captain Yorke are still there, and know not when they shall be released.—Bruges, 16 April, 1584, stilo Anglie.
	Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Hott. and Fl. XXI. 66.]
April.Before the 18th,o.s.	542. The French King to Queen Elizabeth.
	The assurance which I have that your kindness will wish to gratify me on this occasion, which I have much at heart for the advantage of my brother and sister de Joyeuse and which I esteem as for myself, has made me request you freely to permit this bearer to go to the Queen of Scots, my sister, whom I am sending to pray her to agree to what he will give you more particularly to understand, of a redemption of lands which they owe to that Queen. Believing that it will please you to oblige me therein, I end, praying God to preserve you in good health.—Your very affectionate brother, Henry.
	Holograph. Add. Endd. “April, 1584. From the Fr. King to her Maj. Sent by Maron.” Fr. 1 p. [France XI. 80.]
	(The Queen had received this letter on April 18. See Cal. S.P. Scotland (ed. Thorpe) ii., 943.)
April 18.	543. Stokes to Walsingham.
	I trust you will safely receive my letters of the 10, 16 and 17 of this month. (fn. 1) In the last I told you of the return of some of the deputies from Tournay, and what report they made of the treaty, since which, “by some friendship” I have got a copy of the articles, which I send enclosed, but they are in Dutch, for here are none in French.
	On Monday next there will be a general assembly here of the commons and Free, where the articles will be read, and so to have their consents what answer shall be made and whether they will accept of them or not. It is thought the commons will not refuse them, but “will seek as much as may be to have the article of the religion reformed, that open exercises of religion may be used, for in that article the Prince of Parma deals very strait.” The rest of the articles are, it seems, to their contentment.
	The Admiral of Zeeland is come to Ostend to persuade them to yield, as Sluys has done, “so as that place doth hang in a balance.” At Ecloo the Malcontents gather great forces, all, it is thought, for Sluys.
	On Wednesday next the Duke of Aershot comes to see the Prince his son; will tarry 4 or 5 days, and then return to Tournay.—Bruges, 18 April, 1584, stilo Anglie.
	Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 67.]
April 18/28.	544. Bizarri to Walsingham.
	We hear that Eitel Heinrich (Endel Henrico), the natural brother of the Duke of Brunswick, is dead in consequence of the many and serious wounds he received in defending himself against the enemy before he was taken.
	We also hear that the Elector Truchsess is come into Holland to confer with the States, having left good garrisons in those places which are still at his devotion in Westfalia, where lately the men of the new Elector have besieged a town, and being upon the point of scaling the walls, were repelled, with a loss of three or four hundred.
	The States' commissioners who went into France to his Highness have returned into Holland. M. St. Aldegonde, chief burgomaster of this city, returned from Zeeland two or three days ago. The affairs of Flanders continue in the same state.—Antwerp, 28 April, 1584.
	Add. Endd. Italian. 1 p. [Ibid. XXI. 68.]
April 19/29.	545. The States General to Walsingham.
	Praying him, as one whom they know to be well-affectioned to their cause, to intercede with the Queen that she may deign to listen favourably to the Sieurs Joachim Ortell and de Grise, now sent over to implore her assistance, both by men and money, to enable them to resist the forces of the King of Spain, who makes war against them on every side.—Delft, 29 April, 1584. Signed P. Alostanus, president, and C. Aerssens, greffier.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. XXI. 69.]
April 19.	546. Stephen le Sieur to Walsingham.
	Two days ago, not without great difficulty I reached this town, being compelled on the road coming on foot from Nimeguen hither, to share with some soldiers the little money which I had; counting myself happy to have so cheaply escaped from their hands.
	The principal counsellors of the Duke [of Cleves] have gone to Düsseldorf, where there is a diet (journée) for all his dominions, which are so spoiled and pillaged by the people of the two bishops that one hears no talk save of the tyrannies and cruelties exercised especially by the people of Bavaria.
	Since the capture of Eitel Heinrich, the Bishop of Liége finds few who can resist him and does just what he pleases, especially beyond the Rhine. On this side the Count de Meurs still holds Berck, where his wife is, the garrison maintaining itself by the money received from passes taken on the Rhine, which amount to a large sum.
	There has been a diet at Nimeguen, where they have discussed a reconciliation with the Duke of Alençon, the establishment of the Count de Meurs as governor of the Duchy of Gueldres, the increase of the impost upon all meats, and whether, if a man or woman die without children, the first year's income should be enjoyed not by the next heir but the communalty.
	As to his Highness, they have decided to be guided by what the other provinces do. They are doubtful about the Count de Meurs, being threatened by the Bishop of Liége that if they do it he will declare himself their enemy and suffer no merchandise to pass. As to the other two points, some of the commune, having heard speak of them, came to the town-house, protesting that they would murder anyone who opened his mouth to establish such orders, which so frightened the deputies that they withdrew without doing anything. Of such people the town of Nimeguen is full.
	To-morrow, by God's help, I shall make the best of my way towards Düsseldorf, where I shall present her Majesty's letters if I can do so without danger, seeing that they make no mention of me and that I have no safe-conduct from her. What makes me the more doubtful is that I feel sure that the petition presented to the Queen by Mr. Rogers' brother will please neither the Duke or his counsellors; moreover, in the superscription of the letters both to the Duke and his son Juliacensis is omitted, which I have added as well as I could.—Cleves, 19 April, 1584, stilo antiquo.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 1½ pp. [Germany, States, III. 12.]
April 19/29.	547. St. Aldegonde to Walsingham.
	The day before yesterday, on my return from Zeeland, I received your letters and the passport for which I asked, and for which I am greatly obliged. I have offered the Italian gentleman [Bizarri] who brought them any service that I can render him. For the contents of your other letter, truly it is time to open one's eyes, now or never. I see that the prophecy of that German gentleman, written to the Princes of Christendom, will be verified unless order is taken and that soon. I know well the good work that you are doing therein, and all those who are zealous for the glory of God, but the Most High must touch the hearts of the Princes. Our State is troubled, as to Flanders, by this masque of peace with which they are being entertained, and yet I cannot say they are being deceived, unless by themselves, for the enemy promises them neither religion nor withdrawal of the strangers, nor any assurance at all, and yet they please themselves with their own folly and let themselves be led by malicious men to the slaughter. May God of His mercy help them. Although evil spirits abound, our trust is in the Lord of Hosts.—Antwerp, 29 April, 1584. Signed Ph. de Marnix.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 70.]
April.20/30.	548. Clervant to Walsingham.
	Stating that he has been away from the King of Navarre for some months on his own private affairs, but hopes to be with him again in about a month and the rather that Epernon also goes to him then. Hopes of civil peace continue and he believes that the King of Navarre is going into Languedoc, by the King's command, to appease some troubles still remaining there.
	His Highness's sickness keeps many in anxiety both within and without the kingdom-within, because of divers discourses arising from the King of Navarre's nearness to the throne; without, because of affairs in the Low Countries. The Spaniards rejoice, others are in anxiety and doubt as to the issue of things; the wisest leave the event to God. The King makes great show of affection to the King of Navarre.—Paris, last of April.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [France XI.81.]
April 20.	549. The Queen to Nicholas de Ponte, Duke, and the Senate of Venice.
	We have received your letter of Sept. 13, and as you put the fault on us that the ancient amity between this crown and your republic is not restored, with removal of the imposts imposed on both sides, for the maintenance of our honour and innocency, and to show that we have done all we reasonably could, we beseech you to remember that when the first impost was set upon currants and oils, we allowed two Venetian ships which were here to discharge their merchandise without payment of the new impost, because they pretended that they knew nothing of it, which favour was not shown unto us on your behalf, although our subjects bought and paid for currants at Zante in great quantity before they knew of your decree.
	And although by your former letters you promised to revoke your decree, and that you would only take suretyship of our subjects, who, upon this hope, sent their ships to Zante, yet we are informed they were constrained to pay the imposts. Moreover, by an edict afterwards published in Zante by your regent Anthony Veniero, very rigorous against our subjects, it manifestly appears that neither you nor your officers had any mind to favour them; whereas, on the contrary, two other Venetian ships arriving in the meantime in our realm, laden with such merchandise, “we were content only to take suretyship, which hath not yet been demanded and perhaps never shall be paid, because of a second and foul breaking happened to one of your subjects” here.
	Also, when a ship called La Salvaga arrived, we suffered her to unlade her wines without any new impost, and the currants upon suretyship only, until we understood your resolution upon your decree of the year 1582.
	Now it may be seen whether the true cause of the fault hath been in us or in you. And if you “pretend” that we have taken away only the imposts upon currants and oils, “in which case your subjects could not in any tolerable means traffic in this realm as afore,” truly, seeing that your decree and letter only required that the new imposts should be taken away, all that you demanded has been performed.
	And as to the new liberty granted to some of our merchants, it seems to have been ill understood by you, for the imposts upon our subjects have been continued, “and it toucheth our honour that our subjects be not otherwise dealt withal there than yours are in our dominions. Seeing then that by yourselves the way is shut,” you shall not take it in ill part if we, not having found the mutual good will which we deserved and looked for, do proceed with yours in like measure until we shall see your desire to be conformable to ours; for we have and do yet desire the sincere renewal of our old friendship with your republic which may God grant us by His grace.—Our palace at Westminster, 20 April, 1584.
	Endd. Translation. 4½ pp. [Venice I. 9.]
April 22./May 2.	550. Arthur de Champernon to Walsingham.
	Having stayed ten months in Rome, and visited the kingdom of Naples and other places of interest, we left on the 19th of March, and travelled to Loretto and Ancona, whence passing by Sinigaglia, Fano, Pesaro, Rimini and Ravenna, we went up to Ferrara, Mantua and Brescia (Brisseo) and then Peschiera (Pescara), Verona, and Vicenza, finally reaching Padua safely, where I hoped to have found letters from my friends.
	But my hopes were deceived, and I should have been in great difficulties, and perhaps had to disappoint these French gentlemen of their journey, if I had not found these two merchants, named Kelly and Trencal, who were kind enough to furnish me with 100 crowns, so that I hope to carry out our plan of going to the Emperors Court, Vienna and Cracovia, as also to most of the finest cities in Germany. I will leave further account of my travels until my return home.
	I found Mr. Hatton here, who is making good use of his time, both in pursuing his exercises and studying bonnes lettres, by which he has greatly profited. He has shown me much kindness, which I attribute not to any merit of my own, but to his wish to honour you by courtesy even to the least of your servants.—Padua, 2 May, 1584.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [Italy I. 11.]
April 22./May 2.	551. Advertisement from Antwerp.
	The news here is that Grave Edzard of Embden has sold his country to the King of Spain, and that the Malcontents have entered it by a place called Roderland. It is also reported that Grave John is besieged.
	Endd. ¼ p. [Newsletters I. 62.]
April 24./May 4.	552. Angel Angeliny to—.
	On the 2nd of this month I wrote to you at length under cover of Signor Capella's letters; this is to tell you what has happened since, viz. that the brother of Ralegh (Rali) and the [step] son of Walsingham have sailed with five ships for the Indies.
	The King of Scots has defeated his rebels and many are slain. The Earls of Angus, Gowry and Glencairn, the Earl of Argyll (Atgal) and Lord Lindsay, with forty or fifty more, have escaped to Berwick; they [here] are much perplexed and know not what to do; whether to favour the rebels, or to order that they shall leave the kingdom.
	He who was sent by the Duke of Joyeuse and was with the Queen of Scots has returned; his business was to procure a bond for 50,000 crowns which the said Duke declared that that Queen owed (sic), and which he has obtained. They say these were monies which the said Queen had provided for the King her son, to defend himself from his rebels.
	It also appears that some preparations for Scotland have been made in France, and that the Duke of Maine (Menna) and the Marquis d'Elboeuf will go thither, and for this, musters shall be made in all haste, throughout the kingdom.—London, 4 May, 1584.
	Endd. “A Spanish letter deciphered, 1584.” Spanish. ¾ p. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 71.] In the handwriting of Thos. Phelippes.
April 25.	553. Stokes to Walsingham.
	Every day great alterations begin to grow here, especially in matters of religion, and the Gospel, which has been so truly preached here and in all the chief towns in this province, is now in great danger to be clean overthrown, “for those of the Romish Religion begins to prepare their Romish relics for the trimming" up again of their churches when the peace shall be proclaimed. The Lord send it better, for by the reports here Spain has some great “matters of troubles” in hand, and 'tis thought to be upon England.
	On Tuesday last, the 21, the magistrates and commons of this town and the Free kept their general assembly, and fully consented to accept the Prince of Parma's articles. They will make further suit to him to have religions-friede granted, but if it cannot be had, will accept the articles as they are.
	The Gantois have also had a general assembly, but cannot agree upon the articles, especially that of religion, for some of them will have religions-friede or not agree to any peace, but the greater number accept it, “and so with that answer those of Ghent, Bruges and Free have sent their deputies back again to Tournay” to make report. Every day they look for the answer, with a full conclusion of the peace. God send it a good one and well kept!
	The Prince of Chimay takes it very grievously that the Prince of Parma will not grant religions-friede, and that this town and the Free have so lightly passed that matter over, “but the commons here are made so bare with the payment of so many great sums of money and no service for it” and with the evil government here, that they are weary of the troubles, and only desire a peace. It is said that Chimay shall be no more governor of Flanders. If he be put out, it is a small recompense for his great service, for without him this peace had not been made.
	Last Thursday, the Duke of Aerschot came hither with his train and was received with great joy by all. There are many contrary speeches of the purpose of his coming.
	They of Ostend have declared themselves enemies to this side and will join with Holland and Zeeland, wherefore it is said that shortly the Prince of Parma will bend all his forces to that town, which he will find very strong.
	Enclosed I send a discourse of sundry speeches passed in the Prince of Parma's court (wanting) which I got from one of our deputies sent thither.
	The peace begins to be disliked by many of the furtherers thereof, “for it seems for matter of religion they might have been better handled if the Prince of Chimay had not given the commons too much the bridle, who by means thereof are now masters of this town,” but this is now too late.—Bruges, 25 April, 1584, stilo Anglie.
	Add. Endd. 2pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 72.]
March 7/17 and April 25./May 5.	554. Juan Alonzo de Medina to Pedro Çubiaur, (fn. 2) in London.
	Jesus. Seville, 17 March, 1584. Since my last, I have received yours of 21 January and am thankful to hear that you are in good health.
	I am advised that the [English] Council have ordered the ambassador to depart; and that, in default of your having the papers there, the agreement must be finished here. I am taking all the care I can, both with the interested parties and with the prior and consuls [qy. of the Merchants' Company of Seville] that they may come to a conclusion and send your honour the papers, which I desire as much as yourself; and this would be already done if Don Juan de Ydiaques [Spanish Secretary of State] had sent the faculty and licence from his Majesty which he promised me in Lisbon, conformably to the agreement which I made with him there. These papers were not drawn up there because, I say, they had to pass the ministers of the Council of the Hacienda, who were in Madrid. I cannot believe but that it must seem to them little that his Majesty should get only 100,000 ducats in this business, for his share of the plunder is more than that.
	I am using all possible diligence that the business may be pressed forward in Madrid, and when the said licence comes, I will see to it that the necessary despatches are made and sent to you with all speed.
	Those interested have been treating this week with the Signor Cifuentes that he might arrange for one of the Penas to go to help you to discover what might be got thereof, and a negotiation is proceeding that 6,000 ducats should be given to him, half out of the public stock, and the other half paid them on your part from what is received by this collection; and this is why the said Cifuentes said that your honour will be better satisfied that one of the Peñas should go rather than any other, and I think you had better write that what may be got therefrom, is to be put into the hands of the Company in order that you and they may dispose of it here; for in this way the payment would be excused which would have to be made to another and you could negotiate it more at your pleasure.
	You should advise me what you wish in all this, that I may always do what profits you most, and not rest until the papers are sent which you ask for, in which I am much grieved there has been so much delay, but the matter bas not been in my hands.
	I should be glad if you would send me the packet I asked you for in the first ship, that it might arrive for the fleet which is now getting ready; and it is understood that you are to be at no charges.
	We are now in Seville, 5 May, 1584. The copy of the above was [sent] under cover of the letters of Domingo de Barraneva, and I have since received yours of Feb. 8 and March 7 and 17, to which I reply that I am glad to hear of your health and of the salary which the personage has assigned you, which you say is good, in aid of expences, and hope from this beginning there may result a better ending. May our Lord guide all as seems to him best.
	Also we understand that the Secretary is an honest man and will aid you as much as he can. For the good conclusion of the agreement concerning Francis Drake's plunder, it seems to me it would be well for you to keep on good terms both with him and those other personages who may aid you in this business, seeing how important it is.
	I am sorry to see that the despatch and faculty which we are expecting from Madrid have not yet come; the prior and consuls have commission to send you all the necessary papers belonging to and needed for this business, and I am astonished at Ydiaques' long delay, whom I solicit continually by letters, and yet there is no end to it; I cannot tell what is the cause of so much trifling.
	A month ago, I intended to go to the Court on the business of this university, and one of the things which made me glad to go was to take a part in this business, and arrange for the delivery of the papers of the agreement which I made in Lisbon; but this journey did not come off, as the occasion for it ceased, and also by reason of some private affairs of my own which did not allow me time for it, as well as the great heat, which, as I am old, makes it harmful for me to travel at such a time.
	I know well that my going there would do much to bring them to a resolution in the business, seeing that whatever they answer when one writes to them is but trifling and delay, for which I can see no cause. I find the prior and consuls very ready to furnish whatever papers I shall ask from them, bat the trouble is that without a faculty from his Majesty, they cannot do anything in the affair that is of use.
	I intended to take Domingo de Barraneva with me, that he might hasten it on your part; and indeed, provided that I could see this business finished, I would postpone any affair of my own, either for the journey or the negotiation there; but I must inform you that I could not make the journey without much cost, and also the expence of the Court is very great, and the tardiness with which they manage all business there not small. . . .
	At present the arrangement with the Peñas is deferred, in order that you may be the better profited; for what you write to me of the Company of Spain seems to me a good plan, and I have treated with these interested parties and with the prior and consuls, that no power be given to any person save to you; and this is so proclaimed in this city under penalties, by letter of his Majesty; so that you need not fear that I am not on my guard as to what is meet therein and I shall not fail to keep on writing to Madrid to urge on Don Juan de Ydiaques, yet it is very necessary that there should be some one there to spur him on, and pursue him at the heels; for as to the rest, it is only a thing of air.
	We fear that we shall have a very bad harvest of wheat and barley this year, as there has been so great a drought and such heat that the ground is much spoiled, and in many parts of this district they will gather in no corn at all.
	It is to be presumed that those who barter wheat and barley here will sell it well, and since I understand that in that kingdom there is abundance thereof, it seems to me that it would be a good plan for your honour to send some here; but as to this you will do what you think best.
	I pray you to be so kind as to send me, by the first ship that comes from thence, about a hundred bushels of wheat and fifty bushels of barley to help me in what I need for the charges of my house, and I should like it to be of the new [corn] of this year's harvest, and that the wheat may come in pipes or barrels, as it would then arrive in better condition. Your honour will put the cost to my account, advising me to whom the payment should be made, that it may be paid at once to whomsoever you appoint, unless you prefer that it should wait until that reaches me which is to be got from the plunder.
	Postscript.—You do not tell me to find out Ydiaque's opinion about Francis Drake's plunder. I think it would be well for Barraneva to go to him about it, but you will do what seems to you best.
	Add. Endd. “Seville, 1484. From Juan Alonzo de Medina, of 5 May: received 5 June.” Spanish. 3 pp.[Spain II. 17.]
April 26./May 6.	555. Bizarri to Walsingham.
	The States of Holland lately sent Dr. Junius to those of Bruges concerning the public affairs of the United Provinces.
	The Elector Truchsess and Count Adolf Neuenaar are come to Hagar Comitis, vulgarly called la Haye, where the States of Holland now are, and the Prince of Orange is gone thither to confer with them.
	About thirty citizens here have been ordered by the magistrates to leave the city, as ill-favourers of the public good.
	By letters from Paris and Rouen we learn that the Duke of Anjou has passed to a better life, of which I doubt not you have more certain relation.
	The Elector Truchsess, besides the places still in his obedience, has two places on the Rhine, viz. Ordingen (Orden) and Berghen.—Antwerp, 6 May, 1584.
	Add. Endd. Italian. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 73.]
April 27./May 7.	556. The Count de Mongomery to Walsingham.
	My mother and I are writing to the Queen of England, praying her to have pity on the wrongs and calumnies which my sister de Champernon receives from her husband, who perfidiously tries to defame and dishonour her. I know you can do much, and hear that you have already worked to maintain her innocence. I pray you to show yourself the defender of her rights, that our house may not receive so vile a stain or my sister's honour be thus villified and trod under foot by him who has received too much favour from our said house.—Ducé, 7 May.
	Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [France XI. 82.]
April 27./May 7.	557. Babeau de la Touche, Countess de Mongomery, to Walsingham.
	To the same effect as the preceding letter. She and her son the Count of Mongomery are praying the Queen to order those who are to be commissioned to consider the affair to consult very carefully in a matter of such importance. What her daughter is accused of is pure calumny, far from all truth and invented by her husband in his transport of unbridled passion.
	Prays for his help and that of his friends in the abyss of misery into which she has been plunged.—Duce, 7 May, 1584.
	Add. Endd. “From the old Countess of Mongomery.” Fr. 1 p. [France XI. 83.]
April 28./May 8.	558. Bodenham to Burghley.
	By one William Revell, who left for England on Jan. 24, I wrote to your lordship touching the great preparations amaking here, “with the which the King in person was purposed to have gone as a conquexiore” if their plot against England had not been discovered. “Yet there is no doubt but they will seek some other means” (fn. 3) to serve their purpose as soon as they can, therefore nothing should be left undone that might hinder them. I hear “among them in their secret that they will go forwards with their pretence first or last,” for the Pope and all the clergy of Spain and other his dominions give the King yearly great sums for the purpose, and as assuredly as they do this, so assuredly will they force him to take the matter in hand, although he should lose all he has, as he may very well do. He has made solemn vows to destroy all heretics (as they call them) and specially the great enemy England, and to this they will force him, for his person and government is only in the clergy's hands.
	I would your honour had what I promised, for it will be useful to be known ere it be long. The fault is not mine that you had it not long ere this, but it can be delivered to none but yourself, “for this is the only way to bridle them and all their pride.”
	If it please you to employ me in these parts, you shall find me faithful and true, and very desirous to serve you. This bearer, Andro Foins, a merchant of London, can inform you how I can do some good service, “and although I be a man noted both here and there, I do not marvel of it, for that I have many enemies there without any cause given . . . saving that when I was appointed by your honours to be president for the Company of Merchants in these parts, the very same hour (?) Marsh and Willford made all the friends they could to put me from it” and have ever since tried to hinder and discredit me. If all were known, some of them are “scant” good subjects.—Seville. 8 May, 1584.
	Order was given to send all the soldiers gathered in these parts back to Italy, but now they are stayed. It is reported that Ghent and Bruges, with divers other towns, have agreed with the King, and that all the rest will do the like. “And they have a great hope to assure themselves of the friendship of Scotland; the which if money may do, they will have it.”
	Add. Endd. by Burghley. 2¼ pp. [Spain II. 18.]
April 28./May 8.	559. Bodenham to Walsingham.
	In my last I declared the great provision and new leagues amaking here, which, as it appears now, was meant for England, and the King himself meant to have gone on the voyage, but thank God it is discovered.
	I doubt not but such order is taken as the matter requires, yet I earnestly desire that all English Papists may be “rooted out clean,” or at least out of all offices in the realm, for it is impossible they can be good and true subjects. I am sure you long since received letters wherein I wrote that the Spanish ambassador should be given his passport to depart. They are prevented for this time, but they will seek new practices as soon as they can, whatsoever it cost them.
	[Repeats what he said to Burghley about the Pope and clergy.] They will make the attempt while the King lives, because his death may make great alterations.
	“All the Moriscos [i.e. Moors] of Granada newly put forth again, men, women and children.”
	Wheat has failed here this year, whereby there is like to be great misery among the poor. It was the goodliest year ever seen, and for lack of rain in April, all is like to be lost.—Seville, 8 May, 1584.
	Add. Endd. 1½ pp. [Ibid. II. 19.]
April 29.	560. Walsingham to Stafford.
	News is come from Scotland that Gowrie is apprehended and thereby the intended action held as desperate. However, by later letters (as you will see by the enclosed) there is very good hope of better success, as all the nobility there mentioned, having the general consent of the people, are resolved to remove those ill-affected from about the King's person. Her Majesty is despatching a gentleman thither, to mediate between the King and his subjects and also to comfort and encourage the said parties in their good course, “and the rather because it hath been lately discovered that their safety greatly importeth ours.”
	Draft. Endd. with date. 1 p. [France XI. 84.]
April 30.	561. The Queen to [George John, Palatine of the Rhine &c].
	Thanking him for the kind zeal and affection testified by his letters, brought by the Sieur de Malleroy and la Creance, which increase the affection she has ever borne to the Princes of his house and which she will always endeavour, on occasion, to show by deeds also, as M. de Malleroy will show him more at large.
	Copy. Endd. “To the Duke of Petite Pierre. April 30, 1584.” Fr. ¾ p. [Germany, States III. 12 bis.]
April 30.	562. Stokes to Walsingham.
	M. de Champagny is gone to Tournay with the deputies of Ghent. “for he hath promised the Gantois to get them religionsfriede, but it is thought he shall not get it them, nor yet that he will return any more to Ghent.” He went secretly, by consent of the magistrates, who durst not let the commons know of his departure.
	The Duke of Aerschot is here still, and has been highly feasted by the magistrates of the town and the Free; the Prince of Chimay is very sick, “which comes” from his grief that the Religion is no better provided for in this place. “and yet all men says it is 'long of him,” which troubles him very much.
	The Malcontents marvel that Flanders would yield to the peace without open exercise of Religion, or at the least 'religionsfriede,' for many on that side wish that the Religion had been better provided for; “so as the gospel which hath been so worthily preached here must now be put to silence.”
	Those of the Religion depart daily into Holland, Zeeland and England, “for they dare not trust to the courtesy of the Spaniards, whose dealings is much feared will be very cruel here.”
	The Prince of Parma has drawn his garrisons out of West Flanders, Artois and Henego to Ecloo. It is said he will come thither himself so soon as the peace is proclaimed, and from thence to this town.
	The speech goes that the eight ensigns of Scots here (not 400 men in all) will serve the Prince of Parma. There are evil speeches of their Colonel, David Boyd, because he has presented his service to the Prince of Parma, and was a furtherer of this peace. But divers of the captains will not serve on that side.
	They write from Tournay that for certain the Duke d'Alençon died at Chasteau Thierry on April 25, new style.
	The conclusion of the peace is daily looked for. God grant it may be good, but many doubt it.
	There is discord amongst the captains and soldiers at Ostend, some being for the peace, some not, “so as that place hangs still in balance; but in the end it will be for the Prince of Orange.—Bruges, 30 April, 1584, stilo Anglie.
	Add. Endd. 1½ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 74.]
April 30./May 10.	563. Angel Angeliny to—.
	Hopes his honour has received the many letters he has written. Gives him what has occurred since his last. [Here follow some lines of a curious figure cipher, almost entirely confined to numbers in the twenties and thirties, and in which the same numbers incessantly recur.]—Antwerp, 10 May, 1584.
	Spanish. ½ p. [Holl. and Fl. XXI. 75.]
[April.]	564. Edw. Burnham's Relation.
	The beginner of this treaty was Champagny, who brought Embise to yield to it, and the rather through the dislike between him and the Prince of Orange.
	The treaty not taking place, it is like that the Prince of Parma will make forts about Bruges, to cut off their victuals, as he did at Ypres, “thereby to avoid the loss of his men.” The extremity that they of Bruges are driven to by Sluys being “disunited” from them, will make them the sooner listen to the treaty.
	After the mutiny at Sluys, they were given four months' pay by them of Bruges, but having received it they presently revolted from them, and remain at the devotion of the Prince of Orange.
	The garrison of Ostend, seeing that Sluys had got pay by their mutiny, did the like and worse. There are 800 soldiers there, mostly Liégois. They made an “Ellecto,” imprisoned the governor, M. de “Mortangue,” with the captains and other officers and the Ellecto commanded the governor's lieutenant to go with two burgers to Bruges to solicit for their pay.
	By the Prince of Chimay's diligence with the magistrates, 36,000 guilders (four months pay) were sent to pacify them, though the magistrates were loth (loft) to do it, fearing they would do as those of Sluys, and so it is fallen out, that they are altogether affected to the Prince of Orange. But as yet they allow victuals to pass to Bruges, though the quantity is small, for they must go by waggons with a convoy, which is very chargeable.
	Those of Ostend will hold with either of the two that pays them best, but if Bruges concludes with the Prince of Parma, they will stick to the Prince of Orange.
	It is thought that Bruges will do as Ghent does, yet even if Ghent were yielded, Bruges might hold out long if Sluys and Ostend were united with them, for these garrisons could hinder the enemy from building any forts between them and Bruges, and he would be driven to great necessity for victuals if Holland and Zeeland would revoke their licences, which have been the ruin of that province.
	They of Bruges have also paid the Scots there in garrison 30,000 guilders, and are to pay 16 companies of their own townsmen, whom they maintain in wages. They being paid, the whole disbursements made within these two months amount to very near 130,000 guilders.
	The first cause of the Prince of Chimay's entering into these actions is his dislike of his father the Duke of Aerschot, by reason of his last marriage. The Prince was brought from his house to meddle in matters of State by the persuasions of one Dentyeer [Dennetières], who has served him long and is captain of his guard, and who is as ready to persuade him to this treaty as heretofore he was to bring him from his house where he lived quietly. The Princess cannot abide Dentyecr, who it is thought of late has been corrupted by the Prince of Parma, to whom he was sent by his master to get a safe-conduct for the deputies, and who “understanding the credit he had with his master, hath dealt privately with him” in the matter.
	The Princess has written to those of Ghent not to trust her husband, for “what show so-ever he maketh of Religion it is but feigned, and that she doth know that he hath a dispence of the Pope.”
	The Marquis of Richebourg was fallen sick of a burning ague at my departure, and had sent to Bruges for a doctor.
	The Prince of Chimay sent letters to the particular towns of Holland and Zeeland persuading them to the treaty, but they were intercepted by Hautain, the Governor of Zeeland, and sent to the Prince of Orange.
	They of Ghent are much offended that they of Bruges suffer any mass to be said in their town, and rebuked them for it.
	After Sluys was disunited from Bruges, the Governor of Zeeland arrived there with 1,500 soldiers, purposing to surprise Bruges and send Chimay prisoner to Zeeland, but the enterprise was discovered to the Prince by a captain that was privy to it.
	I was credibly informed of great sums of money that go out of the realm “by reason the money goeth so high.” From one barrel of beer 1,800 angels were taken out at Sluys.
	The rose noble goes at	33s.	8d.	Flemish
	The angel	20s.		”
	The French crown	12s.		”
	The pistole	11s.	10d.	”
	The double ducat	27s.		”
	The Hungary ducat single	12s.	6d.	”
	The golden Philip	9s.	2d.	”
	The Spanish ryall of 6d. sterling	1s.		”
	To save being sacked, Ypres pays 100,000 guilders and must deliver two burgers at the King's mercy.
	The Governor, M. de Marquette, to save the spoil of his stuff and for ransom of himself, wife and children, pays 16,000 guilders. The foreign soldiers there (as Scots) are to depart with bag and baggage, the native soldiers with rapier and dagger (rapper and degger) only. All were made to swear not to bear armour against the King for six months. Those who remain in the town to live after the Popish religion, the rest to have six months to depart where they will.
	Endd.”Burnam's Relation.” 3 ½ pp. [Holl. and Fl.XXI. 76.]