Elizabeth: December 1582, 21-31

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 16, May-December 1582. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1909.

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Citation:

'Elizabeth: December 1582, 21-31', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 16, May-December 1582, ed. Arthur John Butler( London, 1909), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol16/pp513-535 [accessed 22 November 2024].

'Elizabeth: December 1582, 21-31', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 16, May-December 1582. Edited by Arthur John Butler( London, 1909), British History Online, accessed November 22, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol16/pp513-535.

"Elizabeth: December 1582, 21-31". Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 16, May-December 1582. Ed. Arthur John Butler(London, 1909), , British History Online. Web. 22 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol16/pp513-535.

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December 1582, 21–31

Dec. 21 523. Gilpin to Walsingham
Being since my last writing come to town and having enquired as nearly as I could of all passed here, I understood 'of' news as will appear by the enclosed.
Concerning her Majesty's contentment I have dealt particularly with divers, and find as heretofore fair promises and good words, but the sequel uncertain; inasmuch as their estate grows daily pejorando. Those of this town do their best to procure satisfaction for her, and hope ere the parting of the General States now assembled to effect their purpose; though myself, by what I hear, and have tried, can write nothing certain. I trust within a few days some answer will be had, and then 'may' thereon be considered, and resolved accordingly.
The departure of our Company from this town grieves the lords and people not a little. God grant it may be to our good and their less harm; but my judgement and knowledge I remit to the grave and wisest, thereby to avoid all doubt and danger which by sight of miscarried letters might ensue, and pray for the best, which falling out to my desire and others' expectation shall do good without harm or discommodity to the well-affected of the commonwealths and public benefit of both countries and parties [sic].
It has pleased God since my being in town to call to His mercy, after long sickness, Mr Henry Knollys, a most worthy gentleman. His end was such and so godly as I protest to you deserves immortal report and memory; thereby encouraging others to follow like steps of virtue and godliness. He made a will in the morning certain hours before his death, which was, as he desired, delivered and left in Mr Norris's hands, after his departure to be given to his men, and by them brought over to his wife. His body is 'balmed' and stayed from burial till his friends' pleasure known, who are to give order for the best accomplishment of all things pertaining thereto; 'being died' so godly well and worthy as would give cause to any and all to rejoice therein, though never so strange and unacquainted with his life and demeanour.
M. Rossel still offers his service, and says that in goodwill he was to none inferior; but cannot blame the dislike, if any be, until he hear the cause.—Antwerp, 21 December 1582.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XVII. 84.]
Dec. 22/Jan. 1 524. Pietro Bizarri to Walsingham
This week arrived from Flanders the Duke of Montpensier in company with Marshal Biron and many other French nobles, all of whom were greeted and received with much affection by his Highness, and on the 20th ult. [sic] he made them a most superb and splendid supper, at which many of the nobility of the country were present and many honourable dames and damsels; and the banquet lasted till 12 o'clock at night with dances and other customary festivities.
It is said here that the Prince of Parma is dead, some say of the plague, others of poison. Withal it is not believed by the most part, till it be verified with greater certainty.
At Bonn a Provincial Diet is announced, where they will treat of all things pertaining to the present state of affairs. The nobles of that province will take part, and the commissioners of the magistrates of Cologne.
No more at present, except a million happy New Years to her Majesty.—Antwerp, New Year's Day 1583.
Add. Endd. Ital. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XVII. 85.]
Dec. 23/Jan. 2 525. The Prince of Orange to Walsingham
I have received yours of Dec. 8, pursuant to which I am now writing to Mr Stewart agreeably to your intention, which I judge to be good not only for the two kingdoms, which no doubt have need of concord, amity, and good understanding, but also for the other countries which have the same common enemy, who is the enemy also of all Christendom, and who has assured the greatness of his own state upon nothing else than the divisions of other princes whom he has done all he could to maintain in discord of every kind. Hence I hope this good will ensue, that all others will participate in this good understanding between the realms of England and Scotland, if it may be arrived at by good means. As regards Mr Stewart's charge, all things are at present, as you know, in the hands of his Highness. I will not fail to recommend Mr Stewart's case to him, and excuse his absence the best I can.—Antwerp, 2 January 1583.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XVII. 86.]
Dec. 23 526. Audley Danett to Walsingham
Your last were of Dec. 1, and with them a small packet to Mr Villiers, which I delivered. The rest, directed to Mr Longston, who I understood was departed this life, I caused to be delivered to Mr Gilpin, who was then in this town, because I thought they might contain some matter touching the Merchants' affairs.
I have not of late had any talk with those that solicit the cause for the interest, and therefore cannot write any certainty to you touching it. I understand the States-General shortly break up their assembly; before which it is likely they will do somewhat to content her Majesty, of which I will certify you by the next, if 'happily' I may come to understand anything.
The misery in the camps on both sides is very great: the captains and better sort, much ado [sic] to live upon their credit, and the poor soldiers starve for hunger. This is some cause that the enemy has retired from before Brussels and seeks some apt place to refresh himself and his troops. Since their departure there is a resolution here to call the French troops out of Brussels and to join them with the late arrived army, which lies in the country of Waes, the best part of Flanders; it would appear this has hitherto been reserved for the French, for before no other companies were permitted to enter there on pain of death.
Now the enemy has retired, there is some flourish made to 'dress' an army into the field, and some talk of present service to be taken in hand; but there is no appearance that the show will take any great effect, the common soldier being so sick, and so out of heart for want of necessary sustenance, and the charity of the burghers in all towns so cold that they suffer men to die at their doors without offering one piece of bread. This is daily seen in this town, and the like is written from Brussels.
I am sorry Avery Randolph has done himself so great wrong for want of a little patience. I advised him the best I could, and assured him that I found in the general a disposition to give him contentment; and I know he would not have 'bestowed the place from him' without first acquainting you, and others whose favourable letters he had received on his behalf. True it is that men of greater sufficiency and much longer continuance had reason to look to be preferred: but yet, in respect of his friends, I know he would have been regarded. He has since his apprehension written to me, and alleges his innocency, desiring to be 'brought to his answer'; but I fear the matter will fall out foul against him, and some other dealings which are not yet discovered. Many men now speak hardly of him; but it may be, 'where the hedge is weak, every man will over.'
If it please God upon any good occasion to 'rid' Mr Norris from hence, both his friends in England and many followers here would receive great comfort; for truly the misery in which his companies abide, the small hope of any redress, but rather appearance of worse usage, would discourage any man to hazard himself or any of his, one foot out of doors, especially for an unthankful people, who think we are bound to them in duty, and yet would see us all starve before they will credit us for one stiver. But herein, as in all things else, we must attend the pleasure of God.—Antwerp, 23 December 1582.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Holl and Fl. XVII. 87.]
Dec. 23—24 527. Stokes to Walsingham
Since my last, of the 18th inst. all things in these parts have been very still on both sides, for which cause few speeches but the following have passed this week.
The Duke of Brabant's French army lies between Eccloo and Ghent. From it those of Ghent fetched the 'Prince Dolfin' and all the chief captains of the army, and brought them very honourably into Ghent, where they have made them sundry great banquets and have presented to the 'Prince Dolfin,' with four others of the chiefest. each a fair horse; so they have been very friendly used at Ghent.
It is said also that the French army will march up to Dermonde, where it will lie 10 or 12 days, and then march to 'Henogo' to trouble the enemy there if it can.
This town and the 'Free' by command from the Court must make ready by the middle of next month, upon their own charge, 300 pioneers; for the speech is here that Monsieur will set his army a-work very shortly.
By letters from Dermonde the enemy has forsaken all the castles and small houses which they kept about Brussels; but they write doubtfully which way the whole force is gone, for some write they are gone towards the land of 'Lewke' [Liege], and some say towards Namur.
They write from Lille, the sudden departing of the Prince of Parma has made some great 'Jollice' [qy. jealousy] among some chief personages on that side, only because they were not made privy 'of' his departing, which was not known but to four or five. So they write, they fear these dealings will make some new quarrel among them; for it is very evil taken by many of the gentlemen.
They also write from Lille that the Duke of Terranova is to be governor of the Malcontents, which greatly mislikes most of the towns and commons of Artois and 'Henogo'; for it seems they had rather have kept the Prince of Parma than have a Spaniard, as they write they are in some fear there that their new governor at his coming will make some alteration in those parts.
Yesterday by proclamation from the Court, and proclaimed here in this town, 'that yesterday' was appointed to be New Year's Day and to be the first of January; so they have lost Christmas Day here for this year.—Bruges, the 23 December 1582, 'stillo anglea'; and here they write the 2 January 1583.
Dec. 24 P.S. Kept till the 24 Dec.—This morning at the gates' opening a peasant came from Cortrick, and says that yesterday news came thither that some blows have passed among the Malcontents, one against another, the Spaniards and Italians against the Walloons and Allmans, and that many are slain on both sides. This was done beside Brussels, as the peasant reports.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Holl and Fl. XVII. 88.]
Dec. 26 528. Thomas Tatam to Walsingham
My captain being slain at the service before Ghent, the charge of the company fell to me, which I hold. Though nothing content with the entertainment, by reason we are fallen into most monstrous misery for want of our pay, the amendment of which we little expect, yet willing to endure till I hear to the contrary from you, which I wish at your pleasure. I should be very 'sentious' (?) to write at large the manner of our miseries; wherefore I refer it to common report.—Antwerp, 26 Dec. 1582.
Add. Endd.p. [Ibid. XVII. 89.]
Dec. 27/Jan. 6 529. Pietro Bizarri to Walsingham
You will already have heard what has happened at Dunkirk, and the capture of Eyndhoven under the leading of M. Beneveto [Bonnivet], a citizen of Antwerp, the first to suggest the enterprise to his Highness and his Excellency, and similarly the first to scale the walls. They say that besides those who were left dead at the first attack, 200 Italians were taken there, and the rest offered their services to his Highness; and that they found within certain pieces of large artillery, and the place very well fortified by the enemy. After the fortunate success of this enterprise they went to Elmont [Helmond], which they say was taken together with its fortress; chiefly through the season being very favourable, and the enemy's forces much beaten down and consumed by divers accidents. Some say for certain that of 40,000 combatants that there were in this country in the name of the King of Spain, the number at present does not reach 10,000. It is understood that the burghers of Namur have lately slain the captain of the castle, which may have serious consequences.
The French who were in Flanders have come to encamp near Antwerp; and in like manner the Swiss are daily expected; as also the arrival of Don Antonio.
His Highness's Court is full of high nobility, and his Excellency comes there almost every day since he has been better. There is much talk of his Highness's marriage with the sister of the 'Most Serene' of Navarre, about which much more will be understood any day.—Antwerp, 6 January 1583.
Add. Endd. Ital. 1 p. [Ibid. XVII. 90.]
Dec. 28 530. Villiers to Walsingham
The bearer of this is one of my friends, and a relative of several good friends of mine. He is undertaking the journey to England to secure the money left by his nephew Paul de la Haic. deceased. Doctor Niphius has married the said Paul's sister, and the relations feel that he will misuse the property left, which is by no means meagre: and therefore pursuant to the wills of the sister's mother and brother, they would like to make sure of the business. It seems to me they have good grounds, by reason both of the wills and of the character of Niphius, who is a vagabond man, and as I saw by the memoranda and copies of letters left by M. Languet, one who has heretofore behaved very badly. I believe, if Mr Sidney will show you Languet's letters since the failure of Niphius, you will recognise this. Thus if the money be placed in sure hands, Niphius and his wife can enjoy the proceeds, and meanwhile the heirs, that is the wife, will be secured, and nothing will go out of the realm of England without her consent; that is if he likes to invest it in land to the wife's benefit, or in any other way. I beg you kindly to favour him in his legal business (en justice). The relations here never liked the marriage, and had not M. Languet recommended him, I would have hindered it. But the good man, among so many perfections, had this infirmity, that he never would refuse anyone in the matter of introductions, which is why I found out Niphius too late, and M. Languet subsequently received too much displeasure from it, both from the consummation of the marriage and other affairs which supervened, of which you have been informed. It has often since made me think of Horace's words, et quem commendes. I do not think an honest man should give introductions lightly.—Antwerp. 28 December 1582.
Add. Endd. Fr.pp. [Ibid. XVII. 91.]
Dec. 30/Jan. 9 531. Stokes to Walsingham
Since my last of Dec. 23 there is nothing to write to you but of great misery that grows every day worse and worse in these parts, only for want of good government, which yet greatly wants; for the French captains and soldiers begin to show themselves stout to command, and will not be commanded by them of this country, for which cause I perceive there is some great fear among 'these country people' that their matters will not go well.
At Dunkirk there has chanced a great discord between the French that lie there in garrison, who are 7 ensigns, and the burghers, 'whose' colonel is M. de Chamois, a great Catholic. So there are divers of the burghers slain and many hurt, and the Frenchmen are masters of the town. This quarrel arose about some victuals that the 'peasant' brought to the town, which the French soldiers took from them, and would pay nothing for it. And besides this M. de Terlong, governor of Dunkirk, would have brought into the town one ensign of Flemings, whom the French would not suffer to enter. So these are the causes of their falling out, and what the end will be of this matter, as yet is not known. But it has raised very evil speeches of the French here in the country.
It seems the enemy has some knowledge of this trouble at Dunkirk, for 10 cornets of horse and 3,000 foot are come between Oudenarde and Cortrick, marching towards Gravelines.
The speech continues still of the blows that have passed between the Walloon soldiers and the Spaniards on the enemy's side. The cause was about some booty that was taken between them, which the Spaniard would have had all to himself; so that there are many slain on both sides. But if M. de Mondragon had not been present it had been a very evil day among them; for he pacified the matter between them.
Monsieur's French army is now beside Dermonde, where, by good report, they die very sore in that camp; which will weaken their number very much.
This week it is written from Lille that corn begins to be very scant and dear in Artois and 'Henogo,' and that some towns have more than they are able to spend, and in some towns very little; and those towns that have little desire the other towns to spare them some for their money, which is refused them. For which cause they write there is a great discord and envy between town and town, which it is greatly feared on that side will grow to some displeasure if it be not foreseen in time. They also write from Lille that the Walloon soldier has refused to lie in camp with the Spaniard; but for all that it is thought they will agree but too well for this side.
The Prince of Épinoy's cornet of horse that lie at Ghent has this week overthrown a cornet of the enemy's horse that lay at Oudenarde. They have taken and brought to Ghent 48 of them prisoners, horse and man, and slew 22 in the skirmish.—Bruges, 9 January 'stillo nora' 1583.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XVII. 92.]
Dec. 30/Jan. 9 532. Stokes to Walsingham
This week I received a letter from Mr Audley Danett, wherein he writes me that he has no means to move the Duke for his letters to her Majesty, whereby he cannot pleasure me more therein: and he writes that he has written you thereof. Notwithstanding, I thought it my duty to write you of it, and desire you most humbly to have me in remembrance.—Bruges, 9 January 'stillo nora' 1583.
Add. Endd. ½ p. [Ibid. XVII. 93.]
Dec. 30/Jan. 9 533. Fremyn to Walsingham
This is to recall me to your good graces, and to tell you that his Highness and all his Court are in good health and well-disposed; so may it be with her Majesty and hers. His Excellency is now well convalescent. He comes daily to Court, where they often meet to try to establish good order in affairs here. That task goes forward very slowly, to the great displeasure of his Highness. I cannot adequately express to you the misery, poverty and necessity of the foreign soldiers who are serving here, especially of those who have been in the country at the gates of this town for some months past, to whom victuals of poor nourishing quality, of the worst indeed that can be found, are given three or four times a week. Likewise it is supplied on credit by dealers who want to make their profit, and then a multitude of commissaries and victualling officers must make theirs. These certainly hinder the soldiers from being paid, they do all they can to delay it; which is a great abuse. It lies with others to see that things are improved shortly, or else much greater confusion.
The army newly arrived in Flanders has for some days been and still is in the country of Waes, refreshing itself at ease, which does much please the Gantois.
There has been a fight at Dunkirk, a week ago today, between the French garrison and the inhabitants. The occasion was, they say, that his Highness had commissioned M. de Trelon the admiral, Governor of Dunkirk, to form a company of infantry. These being levied had a letter from M. de Trelon to come into the town, applying to the magistrates for their consent to enter; which M. de Chamois would not permit unless he saw a letter expressly from his Highness. The matter was thus hung up, and the company sent to a neighbouring village; but not so the suspicions and distrust on either side. That same evening there were some prisoners whom the lieutenant of a company of Italians that are in garrison there [sic] had taken. These were torturing the prisoners to make them agree to a large ransom. Upon this some sailors and burghers collected before the gate, saying it was ill done to torment prisoners like that. Thereupon some soldiers came up, who also entered into the quarrel with the sailors, till they began to beat to arms. This gave great [sic], and soldiers and burghers came to blows, and the cavalry charged into the burghers and dispersed them, whereby 9 or 10 were killed on the spot, and 30 or 40 mortally wounded, as it is said; the soldiers remaining masters of the burghers. There were two Flemish companies in the town, who did not leave their quarters, by command; in short, there was some disorder. The magistrates have written to his Highness, complaining decidedly of M. de Chamois; and M. de Chamois also of them. The matter is being debated [se demaine] at Court; his Highness is infinitely worried by it, and has sent to enquire into the facts, that the guilty may be punished; otherwise no one will henceforward receive a French garrison.
M. de Bonnivet has gone to the war with a good troop of infantry and horse to carry out an enterprise on the town of 'Indavine' [Eyndhoven]; of which news came yesterday evening at 10 o'clock that it was taken. It is a means toward 'bridling' Boisle-duc and Breda, for which they will henceforth work at making the necessary preparations, which are now beginning.
It is rumoured that his Highness will shortly depart for France.
Some troops who came out of Villevorde have arrived in the suburbs of this town, as also the French from Brussels. I am sending you a letter which was sent me from that town. It shows clearly that those of the Religion there do not at all like what has taken place there in regard to the mass. It is to be feared that if his Highness does not take good order, this will disturb affairs, which are not going so well as would be desirable.—Antwerp. 9 January 1583, according to the new calendar.
Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XVII. 94.]
Enclosed in above:
Dec. 25/Jan. 4 534. F. Hochtmans to Fremyn
I trust you received my letter of last Thursday or Friday, by which I hope I have satisfied your enquiry touching your lawsuit.
I doubt not but that you know more certainly than we here, why and to what end the French troops were withdrawn from this town last Saturday and also some from Vilvoorde, and yesterday M. Tymple, with a good number of men of his regiment; yet I will refer to it again. But I cannot conceal from you the great regret and displeasure with which I and all other loyal and true patriots of this town feel that since the French troops have been accommodated with quarters, and the Papists have learnt for certain that their colonel, who is lodged at the Sauvelon (?) with Madame Tysnacque, where Col. Stewart lodged, is a Papist, as are also the most part of his people, and has had mass said at his lodging, these Papists have had the audacity to assemble publicly, not having hitherto done so save in hiding and secretly, in various great houses, to have mass said and hear it; as in the house of the Duke of Aerschot, father of the Prince of Chimay, by permission of the concierge who is a great Papist, and in that of M. de Havrech, where three or four French soldiers have been seen mounting guard before the door with harquebuses while the assembly was being held, a thing truly likely to have very bad consequences and tending to very dangerous disturbance and sedition.
Moreover these Papists, even some of the magistrates, have this day, Jan. 4, shown too plainly that they make no account of the orders of his Highness. For they have for the most part kept and celebrated the feast of Christmas, shutting their shops and all wearing their best clothes, and making many more public assemblies and with greater solemnity, nay, without comparison, to hear mass, than they did last Saturday week; which nevertheless had been proclaimed on the previous Friday, by command of his Highness to be kept and celebrated as Christmas Day, as indeed it was solemnly celebrated by those of the Reformed Religion. But the Papists, laughing at it and mocking open-mouthed, kept it only out of feigning and hypocrisy, as today they have, as has been said, clearly shown; whence one may judge what sincere devotion they have to be loyal and obedient to his Highness. May God assist him and all his Council, with His Holy Spirit, that they may be able shortly to re-establish and maintain piety and justice throughout these countries, and by this means repress, subdue and correct the insolences and abuses of the wicked, and defend and maintain the loyal and virtuous, whereby the wrath of God, kindled upon us for our iniquities, will without fail be extinguished and we shall live in peace and concord, to His glory and the salvation of our souls. Meanwhile I should like the Prince of Chimay and his consort to be informed of the meetings which as I have said take place in the houses of his father and uncle, only by the permission of the concierges: for I hope they will take order therein, and see that such meetings be no longer held.—Brussels, 4 January 1583.
P.S.—This morning, before sending my letter. I saw that the Papists are still making festival, and saw them going to their meetings for mass.—5 January.
Add: A Monsr Monsr le Capitaine George Fremyn. en la Rue de l' Empereur, a la Fortune. Par amy a Anvers. Fr. 3 pp. [Ibid. XVII. 84a.]
Dec. 30/Jan. 9 535. Fremyn to Walsingham
After my letter was written arrived the lieutenant of a French company which was at the taking of Eyndhoven, who says that at daybreak the town was surprised at a pretty easy point—they had to cross the water and scale—where by means of a gate or postern which did not open [sic], being only barred with some pieces of wood, without a lock, which was instantly opened, where the cavalry entered, and charging firmly, they cut in pieces some 40 of the enemy, who made little resistance, being surprised. But the greater part kept in the castle which commands a gate, and is surrounded by a ditch more than a pike's length in width, defending themselves bravely, and to get them artillery is needed, which is not so ready, and the roads troublesome. Also Count Charles of Mansfeldt is six leagues off with 1,000 or 1,200 Germans. 5 companies of Walloons and 4 cornets of horse, without counting the nearest garrisons: so that reinforcements must be sent there, inasmuch as the place is important, with munitions and victuals. If the besieged hold good, as they have begun, and their succours arrive, our people will have something to do till they are succoured. There are French, English, Scotch, and Flemings in the place, who will do their best, having good commanders who have done and are doing better service than is recognised.
The enemy's army is only two leagues from Ghent. Three companies of the enemy's Germans have, it is said, come to give themselves up to those of Ghent, and have joined the army. They have received some pay (finances) in the hope that more will come over, notwithstanding the rumour which is current of forces preparing in Italy to come here.
The furtherance or permission of free exercise to Popery (la papaulté) which is now granted in certain places much injures and delays the advance of affairs, inasmuch as by their meetings the Papists reconnoitre their forces, and communicate with each other; and however good a face they put on to his Highness, they desire none but the King of Spain for their lord, while those who have called in his Highness are those of the Religion.
Lastly, the rumour is that his Highness's army which is in Flanders will be made to pass on and sent to Tournehault [Turnhout] in Brabant, 7 leagues from Eyndhoven. It is a good town, and one where there are provisions; and all the forces will be assembled there to blockade Bois-le-Due and Breda, by means of Eyndhoven. The result remains to be seen. I send one of the new almanacks.—9 January 1583.
On a separate slip. Qy. P.S.—When mine was closed, I received your letter dated Dec. 24. To-morrow morning all the troops in the neighbourhood of this town both horse and foot will be marched to Eyndhoven to assist and strengthen those in the town. The castle, which commands one gate, holds out. The army in Flanders will also pass near Termonde, and embark there to come and lodge at Saint-Bernard two leagues from Antwerp, on its way to Turnhout, inasmuch as the enemy will want to come to the aid of Eyndhoven. He is strong in cavalry and the situation of Eyndhoven is the right place for it, being heathy. They will be able to fight at once (a ce coup) if the castle holds out six days more.—9 January 1583.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. andp. [Holl. and Fl. XVII. 95.]
Dec. 30 536. John Norris to Walsingham
I would not fail to advertise you of the late 'accident' between the burghers and the soldiers in garrison in the town of Dunkirk, where, upon some variance falling to blows, 8 or 9 of the burghers were slain and between 20 'to' 30 hurt. The duke seems to be much displeased with M. de Chamois, commander of the garrison; saying he shall be removed thence, and will give order for the punishment of the offenders. M. Treslon, governor of the town, who for a good space has been absent from thence and followed the Court most commonly, will forthwith be sent thither, and very likely some good course will be taken to appease this matter.
Those of Ghent and other places in Flanders are much grieved that the French troops lately arrived are still abiding in the country of Waes, which hitherto has been reserved from all spoiling. The duke's means are so small to bring the rest of his forces into the field, and to 'dress' an army that it is not likely the troops will be removed thence as yet, notwithstanding the country exclaim greatly against their being there.
The duke begins to treat with the English regiments for reformation of their companies, and has appointed commissaries to account with us for our pay due from the month of April last: from which time he is to take order for our satisfaction. By the next I think I shall be able to advertise you what has been resolved.
M. Bonnivet three or four days ago went out upon an enterprise to surprise Eyndhoven, upon the river Domele, 4 leagues from Bois-le-Duc. This morning arrived here a captain from him, who brings news that the town is taken, the garrison within, being Italians, having retired into a strong place within the town, which they keep. For the taking of this M. Bonnivet desires aid from hence, which I think will be sent to him; and if in the mean time the Prince of Parma sends any succour on the other side, of which there is some appearance, Eyndhoven lying so near to Bois-le-Duc, and being so commodious for convoys to their other garrison-towns, it is very likely we shall come to some blows shortly.—Antwerp, 30 Dec. 1582.
Add. Endd. by Walsingham.pp. [Holl. and. Fl. XVII. 96.]
Dec. 31 537. Villiers to Walsingham
In pursuance of your letter, his Excellency immediately after the receipt of it wrote to Mr Stewart as you intended. As regards the excuse for that gentleman's absence, he intends to speak to his Highness about it. Nevertheless I cannot conceal from you that since Aubigny has had credit there, we have seen nothing but treason on the part of the Scotch, and fresh ones are discovered from one day to another: in such wise that one is constrained to suspect that such practices come from elsewhere, although there are several honest men who would be grieved to commit a fault. But most have proceeded from Mr Stewart's regiment. I know well that it is no fault of his, but individual captains can bring a bad reputation to a whole regiment.
As for the Elector of Cologne's affairs, up to now they are going pretty well. He has been solemnly married, in the Religion, and the delegates of several princes, counts and great lords assisted thereat. He is behaving prudently, and giving those of Austria and the Bishop of Liege something to think about, who thought to catch that archbishopric by way of paper and ink; but he can have it only by the sword and will find himself, if I mistake not, a good deal impeded in that. At the least those who were undermining us and propping up themselves, have a bone to gnaw for a long time, and meanwhile the Religion, with God's help, will go forward. Therein I fear only the headlong counsels of those who under a mask of ardent zeal seek their own profit, and that with too little prudence. I am expecting fresh details about it every day. In any case be assured that it is not a quarrel to be appeased in a day, and that the fire will go further, that is, if it please God, to the ruin of the Roman priests, who are in as great trouble as ever they were in these countries.—Last of December 1582.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XVII. 97.]
Dec. 31/Jan. 10 538. Cobham to Walsingham
I send you a packet wherein are enclosed five pieces or written papers; they were delivered me by Alard. It seems he would have it thought that he is privy to a practice 'offered' by the Pope and
the King of Spain to the French king to be invented against the Queen for the better estate of the King and Queen of Scots; which action is, as he says, much pressed by their ministers and negotiators.
But to avoid the danger imminent to England he professes to be able to frame an accord between the Queen, the French king and Monsieur in such sort that the evil meaning may be turned on Spain. For bringing this to effect, he confers with the French king, finding him better inclined to join with the Queen than to go forward with the others above named. And he gives me to understand that the king will declare himself upon this agreement made, having got the Swiss to be partakers of his enterprise. He has informed me that Alfonso Corse son to Pietro Corse shall trouble Corsica, and Pietro della Rocca of Messina should enter into Sicily, and the Swiss in Milan, and Monsieur should continue in the Low Countries. Howbeit I have hitherto seen no other proofs of this, nor likelihood, than I send. It has been, he says, propounded by the bastard, the Grand Prior of Provence that those of Malta belonging to France should retire to the Isles beside the coast of Provence, and that there should certain persons go to the Canaries to work some good effect; but he 'names not to me those his particular ways.' Neither can I yet hear him assure me of good caution for the means [qy. money] he requires of the Queen. Now that by these circumstances you may know what his meaning is, I shall await further directions, 'doubting to assure' any matter concerning these purposes till I see better foundation.
I hear that the French king much flatters the Pope and his ministers, 'assuring him to' perform greatly to his contentment; which is thought to be done by him for two causes, the one, to make profit of the ecclesiastical State, and secondly to be separated from his wife, which will in time ensue, as they judge.
They give me to understand the king has assured the Pope's nuncio that before the month of January pass he will cause an order to be published that the clergy of France shall be reformed according to the ordinances of the Council of Trent.
The Prince of Condé has seen the Duke of Montmorency's daughter, but that marriage 'takes no place'; for they say the prince will take to wife the sister of the young Tremoille, which lady was 'meant to' the Viscount of Turenne.
They have 'delivered it forth' in this Court that the [people ?] of Antwerp had mutinied, in such disorder[ly wise?] against the French that neither Monsieur nor [the Prince] of Orange could appease them; and that M[eenen?] was revolted to the Spaniards.
Don Bernardino de Mendoza writes that the [Spanish] king had licensed him to depart from E[ngland]. Of this he has certified the Spanish agent, this nuncio, and Giraldi.
An Irish Dominican friar has departed hence by the way 'of' England, come from Rome. He has a black beard, lean-faced, about the age of 40. He has another in his company, but he left his letters and writings with the Scottish ambassador to be conveyed to Mendoza, so that it is likely he will resort to him.
The nuncio is informed there is a new rebellion in Ireland, and laments they have taken arms so soon, because they cannot have speedy succours sent them. He hears that her Majesty has appointed certain forces, which were placed beside Berwick, to repair into Ireland.
There is a gentleman of Marseilles come from Constantinople, who has had access to the king, and passed as I hear to go to Monsieur. They give out in this Court, since M. Rambouillet's return from Flanders, that his Highness was resolved to repair into England.
They inform me Don Antonio had a desire to pass into Flanders, but the Queen Mother did not like that intention of his.
I have received notice that the Pope's nuncio, being evil at ease, wrote this morning to the king, sending it by his secretary, to certify his Majesty that the Pope had granted his request for the alienation of certain portions of the ecclesiastical livings; wherewith the king is much contented, having stayed here today, otherwise than he had determined.
The great Turk has given the Signiors of Venice to understand that he is very evil satisfied with them for having taken certain Turkish rovers and vessels in Candia; with which the Signiors are startled, and seek that the French king should do some good offices for them towards the Turk.—Paris, 31 December.
Add. Endd. (several names of months on the back). 4 pp. [France VIII. 125.]
539. Decipher of parts of the above.
In hand of R. Beale. Endd.pp. [Ibid. VIII. 125a.]
Dec. 31/Jan. 10 540. COBHAM to WALSINGHAM
52 [qy. Don Antonio] understood by my sending of Captain Ricardo to his lodging that I knew of his being in this town; whereon, on the 27th inst. he sent for me at night. I went to him, finding him accompanied only by Diego di Botelho in a mean lodging not far from the Queen Mother's house. I understood from him that he had been with the king the day before. He informed me that he had heard tell of the Queen's offer to the Queen Mother touching the ships; but he said she misliked the conditions the Queen had propounded. And as I perceived by him, he could be contented to repair to 24 [= Monsieur; but qy. 42, i.e. England] to demand some succour and to cast himself down at her Majesty's feet, to request relief; alleging that in respect he is descended of the Queen's blood, as also in consideration that he is injured and oppressed by the violent force of a mightier person, whose overmuch forces may likewise become noisome to [?] England — [sic]. So that upon the just consideration of these allegations, he said, it might be thought good by her Majesty to yield him assistance for the recovery of his right.
I assured him there was none in the world had more compassion of his state and desired 'greatlier' his comfort than the Queen. But I requested him likewise to enter into judgement by the feeling of his own state, how dangerous it would be to her to 'irrite' so strong an enemy as the King of Spain, considering how he is confederated with the Pope and with many other personages of quality. And moreover she is the rather dissuaded from entering into so great an action, because it is seen the French king forbears to encounter with the King of Spain, though the said king violently intruded himself into 60 [qy. Portugal] and into other great causes, without respect had to the Queen Mother. Likewise that the said king 'having' [in] Saluces, Procence, and in sundry parts wrought divers practices, and maintained many indisposed false persons, yet the French king finds it good to dissemble, and to pass over in silence so many present injuries. Besides this, he did but a little covertly nourish Monsieur, without giving him sufficient maintenance to help himself, being accepted by the consent of those where he is. I wished him to think how he had found the actions of those of [sic] to be disposed in this last voyage of his to the Azores, referring it to his own judgement.
To this he answered that the French king had done very much in helping him as he did, but the mischance proceeded, as he said, through cowardliness and treachery of some. Howbeit, he was not to 'lament himself of those be received favours.' He added that certain people were come secretly to him from Portugal, who brought him word they were evil satisfied with the government, and that those of Portugal desired his coming with good company for their comfort, intending to join him and do all things in his favour. Lastly he concluded that within two or three days he meant to send Botelho to me, after he had again conferred with Queen Mother; wherewith I took my leave. I understand how Joyeuse and la Chastre had been with Don Antonio.
Notwithstanding what is written, I am informed that Don Antonio has offered the king to sell his claim and right in Portugal; and that the king and Queen Mother 'pretend' only to send some small help for the maintenance of the Azores, without dealing any way further. They say in Court the king would buy Portugal for Joyeuse.
The ambassador of Venice seeks to speak with Don Antonio. It seems that he has some extraordinary charge, for he receives dispatches oftener than accustomed.—Paris, last of December 1582.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [France VIII. 126.]
Dec. 31/Jan. 10 541. COBHAM to WALSINGHAM
Having been deferred by their Majesties 'to have' access to them all this week, I was admitted to their presence today, when I first made declaration to the king of those points which M. la Mothe-Fénelon by his command had treated with her Majesty; as first, for his repair into Scotland; secondly, having dealt with her for the difficulties in the deliberation concerning the impeachment of the further proceeding to the marriage: and lastly, how la Mothe had requested to have some redress agreed on in matters of depredations. Which causes I enlarged to him as amply as I was instructed by your letters. He seemed to take in very good part her Majesty's gracious manner of proceeding towards M. la Mothe, wishing me to assure her that he for his own part intended but to entertain the ancient amity which had been between his predecessors and the Kings of Scotland, being willing to join with her Majesty in doing good offices towards the young king and to appease the trouble in Scotland. Further he seemed not to remember that he had sent letters or made any dispatch by others than by M. la Mothe.
But because, he said, these affairs of Scotland and the difficulties of the marriage were of importance, he intended to confer with his mother, and as occasion should be offered, he would let me have further answer herein; wishing me, as he is accustomed, to impart as much to the Queen Mother, and giving me to understand he intended to go 'abroad' and disport himself for fourteen or fifteen days.
Thus I left him, repairing to the Queen Mother, and enlarging to her as much as is aforesaid. Whereon she with many words protested that the king had no other meaning than to give good satisfaction to her Majesty in the affairs of Scotland. I therefore demanded of her how that could be so thought, considering the Queen of Scotland had written touching the hope she had that d'Aubigny would receive relief from France from the Christian king, which appeared plainly by her letters, which her Majesty had shown to la Mothe.
She answered, 'whatsoever' the Scottish queen wrote, she knew not, but she was assured there was no such matter intended, as to send forces or support into Scotland. I further 'inferred' that it has appeared hitherto that d'Aubigny's going to Scotland, his altering and managing of the affairs in that Court, and now his obstinately remaining against the king and nobility's will, promising to those of his faction that he awaits support from France—all this well considered, there can be no less expected than that some extraordinary violent event will happen in that country, which cannot but give discontent to her Majesty. Therefore I besought her to consider well hereon, so that her Majesty might be dealt with by the king according to her desert, having shown such favourable amity to Monsieur as she best understood. Moreover I signified that her Majesty was willing to content her touching the demand la Mothe made in her behalf for ships to serve her, in such manner and sort as was specified in your letter; for which gracious proceedings she wished me to deliver her thanks to my sovereign, meaning to think thereon, and accordingly to signify how far she intended to deal that way.—Paris, last of December 1582.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Ibid. VIII. 127.]
Dec. 542. Pena to Walsingham
Without your protection, authority, and uprightness, my Laestrygon of a legist would have assassinated all equity and shame, with which he is wholly unprovided, having prostituted his vile soul to the disrepute and dishonour of all honest men, who esteem such a monster very disgraceful and prejudicial to the whole English nation, especially to the service of the Queen, who is the only heart and sister (cœur et sœur) of Dame Astraea, whom my doctor has greatly violated, and violates every day, feigning nevertheless and giving himself out to be her defender and servant. That a minister of equity should have tried to deny all that he could or dared, fearing lest his seal or handwriting should be found, and now that he dares not deny it, he makes up a story that he paid to the late Spinola 3 years ago, which I have never dreamt nor anywhere heard that he did, only made a semblance of assigning payment to me; nor did I ever give him [Spinola] charge to receive anything for me. He displays his bad faith all he can, for when you spoke to him he ventured to say that the letters so often repeated on my part had been answered, and that he had paid; but he would never answer me a word, always making up his mind to avail himself, my note of hand being lost, of his false witness, which is to deny. Qui sciens negat debitum, falsum dicit testimonium, says the law, and should be chastised as a false witness. Would to heaven her Majesty knew the truth of the matter, and what a wolf is in her kingdom, which is said to be free from them.
I continue to give you the thanks and deathless gratitude which I owe you for all your kindness displayed on my behalf. Complete it, if you please, for it is for you to take a short cut, since he has been ordered to pay within 20 days or show a good discharge, as M. de la Mothe-Fénelon has caused to be written to me. As therefore he can show no discharge, other than a forged one, he must pay, and out of the profit he has made from my money, must repair the damage he has caused me. Since he has denied the debt, there is a great presumption that he will refuse the interest, but both are justly due to me, especially since he is an energetic man, who gains on all that he handles. The reparation for the injury done me, both in making me look a fool in the eyes of many people for being too obliging and believing him too much, and in the blame which he has made me incur of demanding payment of a debt falsely, the fear, too, in which he has put me, of making me lose all, are matters for arbitration, and I could wish that you were the judge, or somebody like you; but I am sure that your interest (préjugé) and influence is such that I shall receive satisfaction shortly.
Add. Endd. with month. Fr. 1 p. [France VIII. 128.]
1582 ? 543. “A note of all such spoils as have been taken by French pirates from merchants and mariners of the Isle of Wight.”
Mark Jeams and John Blanch an anchor and a cable, £5 10s.
his sails, valued at £6 sterling.
another anchor and cable, £4 10s.
small ropes, valued at 25s.
3 compasses, a running glass, and a lantern, 7s.
3 shovels (? sculls) and 4 oars and all their 'apparel,' £3 6s.
Thomas Jeams, 17 'balletts' of Hampshire kersies.
John Exton, 14 May, 1579 2 'balletts' of sheep's leather, price £515 4s.
Henry Jolliffe 2 'bolts' of friezes, £62.
William Londey anchors, cables, sails, and victuals, amounting to £8 8s. 4d.
Thomas Jeams, 14 Aug. 1581 2 packs of canvas, 263 crowns.
George Marshall, in vinegar, canvas, and proyns (?) 150 crowns.
William Londye, canvas, sails, cables, and anchors, £15.
Renold Gleven lost the value of 45 crowns.
William Londye, besides, the mariners lost divers implements to the value of £9 10s.
Henry Maiowe lost divers things to the value of £24.
William Stroud lost in household stuff to the value of £200.
Joseph Ellis lost in durance and apparel, £6.
William Burford lost in apparel and other things, £26 8s.
Henry Jolliffe lost his ship and furniture taken by the Bull of Dieppe, appertaining to Nicholas Doen (?) and carried to Trèport by M. Lanouer, captain of the same. This was 16 October 1579.
Endd. 2 pp. [France VIII. 129.]
1582 ? 544. Petition to Walsingham on the part of John Addison, merchant of Southampton, that whereas on the 19th June last, he had so much of his own goods, besides those of other people, taken out of a good bark called the Dolphin of Southampton, coming from Flanders, between Shoreham and 'Brithempton,' by the piracy of one M. de 'Harmanvile' and other gentlemen his coparteners, to the amount of £220, as by certificate under the mayor's hand and the town's seal of those towns may appear, in consideration of this, and seeing that 'your orator' is minded to travel into France for his remedy, Walsingham will procure him the Privy Council's letters to Sir Henry Cobham, by whose means he hopes to have redress.
Endd. 10 ll. [France VIII. 130.]
1582? 545. “Questions”
If her Majesty shall not marry, what inconveniences may probably ensue.
1. The French king says he will not enter into any further league than is already between them.—Consequence: The Queen is to defend herself against all assailants by her own forces.
2. The King of Scots will with the countenance of the King of Spain, by marriage with his daughter, be bold to increase his party in England, whereof the Queen his mother has best intelligence; and to the King of Scots' title will be favourable all our rebels abroad, and their friends at home, whereof the north parts towards Scotland are full; and next them our fugitives, whose friends are in many parts of the realm dispersed; and lastly all persons not contented with the religion now established.—Nota, that all these will be no small company, nor are they poor, and to them all miscontented persons may be added.
3. All persons that hoped to have seen by her Majesty's marriage the fruit of some child to possess this Crown, will be dismayed and discouraged, and many of them for policy will 'make their party' by friendship with such as they think will prevail, and so will be left to her Majesty the less number of fast and confident persons, whom either duty to God, or benefit received of her, or both, shall move to stand firm.
4. The offence that both the French king and Monsieur would take, if she refused after so long treaty, so many embassies, so much charges bestowed by them both, cannot but produce some effects of great unkindness in mind, though 'percase' Monsieur's friends may counsel him to dissemble it for a season and to make to himself some particular profit by obtaining either presently a great sum of money upon colour of his attempts upon the Low Countries, or yearly for some time some great pension for his 'countenance.'
5 and last. It is most likely that Monsieur will marry in some place where the Queen 'will not have cause to like'; and if it be with Spain, then she must look to receive unkindness both from Spain and France, a matter hardly for her to bear, and yet so to be used by either of them that the Crown of England shall take no hurt, but only the person of her Majesty, and her government.
If her Majesty will not marry, the answer may be thus: that considering she was never otherwise inclined to marriage but for the contenting of her people and for the maintenance of her Crown and realm in peace; and that when she did at any time conceive that the marriage with M. d'Anjou should or might content her people, and maintain her Crown and realm in peace, she was both for those respects, and for the worthiness of his person, all manner of ways well inclined to allow of him; but yet upon many accidents that happened to induce her to doubt how this marriage might be agreeable to her realm, she hereupon suspended her resolutions, meaning 'from time to prove' how those accidents and oppositions might be removed.
And now lastly, perceiving how Monsieur [ends.]
In Burghley's hand. 3 pp. [France VIII. 131.]
1582 546. Fragment (cancelled) of a dispatch to Cobham on the subject of the treaty of alliance. Probably about the middle of December.
pp. [Ibid. VIII. 132.]
547. A brief summary of the substance of Sir Henry Cobham's negotiations to May 28, 1582.
In the hand of (?) one of Sir Joseph Williamson's clerks. Endd.pp. [Ibid. VIII. 133.]
1582 548. The Magistrates of Antwerp
Burgomasters: Jonkheer Philips van Schoonhoven, Mr Pieter van Aelst.
Eschevins: Mr Pieter van Aelst, Mr Jan de Dape, Mr Jonkheer Rogier van Leefdael, Mr Nicolaes de Voecht, Mr Matheeus de Lannoy, Cornelis Pruenen, Jan Baseliers, Andries Vandermolen, Mr Cornelis Retius, Jan van Steenwinckel, Mr Jacob Zuerins, Lodowick Bloemaert, Jonkheer Jacob Montens, Pieter Pauhuys.
Greffiers: Mr Adrian Dyck, Mr Willem Martini, Mr Jan van Hoboken, Mr Severin van Uffele.
Secretaries: Mr Henrick de Moy, Mr Dionys Vander Neesen, Mr Joris Kiesfelt, Mr Willem Gillis.
'Le Sieur Maregrave': Jonkheer Symon Van den Werne.
'Le Sieur Amman'; Jonkheer Jan van Straclen.
'Lescontette': Jonkheer Cornelis van Mansdaele.
MM. les colonels: Adrien Bourdoul, Bartolomeus Pels, Steven Ricquet, Jan de Laet, Anthoni Ancelmo, Jacques de la Faille, Adrien Vierendeel.
Which colonels are captains of 10 ensigns apiece of townsmen well appointed. And then there are 4 gilds or fraternities, vis. of the harquebusiers, of the crossbows, of the English longbow, and of the long sword, which have under them 7 ensigns towards the furnishing the round upon the walls, and the standing watches in the street, and 22 ensigns beside, that they have the charge of; which makes in all 109 ensigns, being able to arm within the town 15,000 able men.
With a few notes in Herle's hand, and endd. by him. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XVII. 99.]
1582 549. A PASQUINADE.
Translat du Flamen.
Notre Noblesse est, f * * * * * par un coquin français, qui plante son May dans lu peau de 'Simey', qui par terre jette notre digne Pére Arscot, qui viole notre Cour, notre liberté, et nous prive d'honneur, afin qu' ainsi de toute sorte notre patrie soit privée d'honneur et de liberté. Il nous suscite la haine de France, et rend les Huguenots obstinés. Aydez-nous, Mère de Dieu, chassez Puylaurens de notre pays où il ne fait qu'allumer un jeu.
Endd: bilet semé à Brux. (see No. 534). 10 ll. [Holl. and Fl. XVII. 101.]
? 1852 550. “Petition of the Merchants Adventurers touching the slander of monopoly their traffic is charged withal.”
First, whereas her Majesty heretofore wrote to the Emperor for his favour in justice towards them, concerning a slander of monopoly raised 'of' their traffic, and sent her servant Mr Waad instructed for answering it: Upon delivery of which letter, and instructions uttered, his Majesty seemed in manner satisfied. Nevertheless since the cause had been treated in a general assembly of the Estates and Princes of the Empire, before final order, he meant to inform the Estates and Princes of her Majesty's letter and the effect of the instructions, and then by his letter to return answer to hers, with signification of such resolution as should be had, by himself and the Estates and Princes.
Yet the merchants are advertised that the slander is continued by the Hanses, the first raisers of it, and in some sort still hearkened to by the Emperor and Estates and Princes; and thereupon the Hanses prosecute their suit to expel the merchants from trafficking within the Empire.
Wherefore they humbly pray her Majesty's letters again to the Emperor to the effect following:
That she thought her former letter and message sufficient to have satisfied him and all other indifferent judges for the matter of that slander, since it is generally known among merchants of all parts that they have no manner, show, or likelihood of 'monopolian' traffic, nor is their association for cause of merchandise, but only for order and government; and for 'merchandizing' they have not, nor ever had, one groat of common stock, but all their buyings and sellings, at home and abroad, are particular and private, and each of them therein daily and diligently 'applies' privately for his own use and commodity. And this is so generally and publicly known and understood at Antwerp, at 'Middleborough,' at 'Barrow,' at 'Bridges,' at Hamburgh and at Embden and throughout the Low Countries and the whole Empire, that it is wonderful that either any should be so impudent and malicious as to raise such a slander, or any potentate or man of judgement be induced to give credit to it.
The same manner of trafficking has been continually used by the merchants as they now use it, in the Empire, and in the Low Countries at the places aforesaid, by the great liking, acceptance, and large privileges of the States and Princes of those towns enjoyed continually by the space of 300 years and above, without note or suspicion of monopoly or anything savouring thereof. Therefore her Majesty hitherto has thought that so fond and vain a slander would not have needed half that which has already been answered to it.
Wherefore she expects his Majesty's promised answer, and his, the Estates', and the Princes' resolution touching the merchants, and their lawful traffic to be allowed in the Empire, as of good friends and neighbours; which good neighbourhood she desires a means with all integrity on her behalf to continue; and does and will with like or greater favour entertain within her dominions all good subjects of the Empire, as she does any her best neighbours and friends whatsoever.
Yet if the cunning of the raisers of this slander be so great and their accusations so contrived that they can to his Majesty and so many grave princes and states so overshadow the truth that the slander may receive credit of any of them, she is bent, not only in this cause, but in all other needful, by express messengers to satisfy not only his Majesty but any other Prince or noble State, according to the answerableness of good neighbourhood and friendship. Which in this case she trusts will not be found needful; and thereupon reposes herself till she shall receive his letters in answer and to the effect aforesaid, requiring in the mean time the good 'intreaty' of her merchants in the Empire, with suchlike good favour and friendship 'as' she here in her dominions does and is willing to entertain the subjects of the Empire.
Also it is humbly required that her Majesty's letters may be had in answer to those lately written by the Earl of Embden.
Copy. Endd by L. Tomson. 2 pp. [Hanse Towns I. 71.]
? 1582 551. Notes on negotiations with Denmark.
In anno '77, Dr Rogers and Mr Jenkinson were sent commissioners to treat with the King of Denmark's commissioners about the traffic of her Majesty's subjects into the parts beyond Norway, and about the matter of tolls and new impositions levied by the king upon her subjects' merchandises trading through the Sound.
This treaty had this end: that the matters there treated of were referred to the pleasure of both their Majesties to be further ordered by other treaty when more convenient time served; 'in the mean' the king persists in his demand for the stay of the trade to Muscovy. Which demand he has from time to time yearly ever since renewed, and her Majesty answered in friendly sort, as in honour and equity the cause required.
The words the king 'inforces' for the maintenance of his demand are in the treaty made in 1449 between Henry VI and Christierne, and are these: Versus Islandiam, Helgalandiam, etc. Which treaty was to continue and stand in force but two years, and in all other treaties made after, the word versus was left out and full and free liberty given to the subjects of England per mare, flumina, aquas dulces et salsas quascumque navigare, etc. as appears in the treaties made between Edward IV and Christierne, anno 1465, and Henry VII and John, King of Denmark, anno 1490, and Henry VIII and Christierne.
The clause of her Majesty's letter of 11 April 1577, which the Chancellor so strictly stands on:—Quod quidem officium etc.
Memorandum in hand of L. Tomson. Endd. by R. Beale: Notes how the treaty has been proceeded in with the King of Denmark touching the trade beyond Norway. 1 p. Eng. and Lat. [Denmark I. 25.]
? End of 1582 552. Cobham to Walsingham
I have received of the money due to you from Giraldi, the sum of 683 crowns and 1 franc, which my servant is to pay you there, if you please. And whereas Adams wrote to me to provide you a pair of fair bracelets, I have the means to send you a pair well-wrought in gold, with certain pieces of Jaspes orientales graven in such sort as I send herewith a pattern, with pretty devices which may please the party I suppose you meant to give it to. There is in all seven pieces of Jaspes. The length and breadth is according to the blank paper enclosed. I have seen a looking-glass on the be . . . . es, very fit to hang at the girdle of a lady as now they 'yow' [qy. use]. This glass, of crystal very fairly set in gold, prettily wrought, is set with many small diamonds, rubies, and little agates. On the back side is a fair agate, all of a tawny colour wherein is graven the palace of peace, and the portraiture of 'the' peace, standing in the door of the palace, with trees and other signs of peace. It will not be sold under 200 crowns; the agate is as big as the glass, both being somewhat fashioned in oval form. I would be glad to know speedily, 'by the first,' your pleasure herein, because their Newyearstide is sooner than our accustomed, so that may be otherwise got from me. I am seeking for cloths of gold; I hear that Signor Palavicino has two pieces sent him from Lyons, but that of 6 crowns the ell is the properest wearing.
I beseech you as much as I may to help me out of this case of want, which I cannot well longer endure, and I trust you will remember the time is overdue to have another supply this place who has more 'living' to countenance it, as is indeed convenient. I beseech you, deal honourably by me, seeing I am in your hands, God give you heart and spirit.
Seal. Endd. 1 p. [France VIII. 134.]
Dec. 23/Jan. 2 553. Fray Luis de Granada to the Duchess of Alva
Letter of spiritual consolation on the death of the duke.—Lisbon, 2 January 1583. (? Printed.)
Contemporary copy. Endd. in Spanish: Copy of the second letter which Fray Luys de Granada wrote to the duchess of Alva. Spanish. 3 pp. [Spain I. 110.]