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Dec. 11.
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423. COBHAM to [WALSINGHAM].
I have dispatched three or four hence with packets this last
month, but how safely they are arrived, I have not yet understood,
because no English messenger has come hither since your letters
dated Nov. 16 were delivered to me. Yet I have heard that his
Majesty has been 'signified' by advertisements from his ambassador
of several particulars touching the assurance and the further
proceeding in some points towards the accomplishment of the
marriage. Now lastly the other day, M. Mauvissière certified to
their Majesties that his Highness had commanded him expressly
not to write anything touching the marriage or otherwise concerning
his private affairs. He added that he durst not write so much as
he knew appertaining to the good outward shows which might give
hope the marriage should proceed. But yet it seems, as I hear, that
the Queen Mother does not so far 'exteme' of what has by sundry
lately been written as to be able thoroughly to assure herself
that the marriage will be accomplished as soon as she desires,
marvelling that his Highness has not directly written to her of it.
She waits daily the coming of her secretary 'la Sauge' [le Sauger].
The king having for the present broken off his journey to Anet
and Gaillon, went from hence very early on Saturday the 9th,
accompanied only by M. de Guise and Joyeuse. He took with him
six of each [sic] of his guard, commanding no others to follow than
such as he had named. The first night he appointed to lie at
Bourget ; thence to Liancourt, the house of his premier escuyer ;
and so to Fontenoy, and Lavalette's house. He means, it is said,
to visit sundry other private gentlemen's houses in the Isle of
France ; having left behind him M. de Lavalette, Duke of Epernon,
to take his 'diet' for the better curing of his thigh and knee, which
was bruised by a fall in those last triumphs. He has chosen for
his lodging the Hotel de Boysi, next house to Marshal Cossé's.
The day of the Conception of Our Lady the king accompanied by
the Nuntio and the queens went in the afternoon from the Louvre
in solemn procession to Bourbon chapel, where they prayed that
their Majesties might have issue. This kind of devotion was
'accompanied' in all the parish churches of Paris, and so thought
to be performed through all the realm according to the injunctions
his Majesty has published, which I specified in my former letter.
After the procession, towards evening, the Marquis of Conti, second
brother to the Prince of Condé, was 'made assured' to Mme de
Luce, Countess of 'Montaphia,' in the Cardinal of Bourbon's
chamber in the Court, where they supped. There were present
the Dukes of Guise, Nevers, aud Joyeuse, with their ladies. After
the banquet the Duke of Epernon came, and led Mme de Luce to
their Majesties, where she had her place as a princess of the
Blood. The feast of their marriage is to be about the 17th, before
which time it is thought the king will return, and within five days
after perform his so often-appointed journey to Anet. The Marquis
of Conti has the rather consented to this marriage, though the lady
be much above his years, because she has in the contract of
marriage given him so much of her 'living' as she lawfully could ;
and having but daughters by her first husband, the Count of
Montafié, will leave all her inheritance to the son of the Marquis,
if God bless them with such issue. Moreover the Marquis was
glad through this marriage to redeem himself from the government
of his uncle, the cardinal purposing after the marriage to repair to
Monsieur.
I am informed that the Turkish ambassador Aliaga had audience
on the 7th inst. of the king in his cabinet, where there was present
only the Bishop [sic : qy. Abbot] of 'Lyle,' serving as interpreter ;
who was some time ambassador ligier at Constantinople, and
can speak their language. So it is conjectured his Majesty treats
with that ambassador on affairs of importance. He alleged to the
king that he deferred to utter his negotiations until Assanaga
Chizinier was gone from hence, because he understands that matters
in France are treated with little secrecy ; so that if Assanaga
had discovered his affairs, he were like to lose his head on his
return to the Grand Signior's Court. I beseech you that during
this Turkish ambassador's abode in this place, her Majesty may be
reminded to consider the English merchants trading in the Turk's
dominions ; for through Monsieur's mediation some good may be
done for her subjects merchandising that way, of whose causes I
have heard nothing since you were here.
They have given me to understand that the king has appointed
new garrisons to be sent to Havre de Grâce ; upon what motion I
have not yet learned, but I will inform myself further.
I wrote to you yesterday by Captain 'Maningvil' who is
confidently employed by M. Strozzi for the advancement of Don
Antonio's enterprises, as he will inform her Majesty 'largely' at
his coming, which will be shortly, as he 'pretends.' His good
services at the siege of Rochelle and elsewhere may be well
remembered and sufficiently known to you.
For the affairs of Guyenne and Gascony, it is signified to me that
Matignon and Bellièvre carry themselves very well to the liking of
the King of Navarre and those of the Religion. Moreover the
marshal has written to the king that there is assured hope the
peace will be embraced and continued iu Languedoc, Guyenne, and
Gascony, so that no urgent cause grows from these parts to provoke
the contrary. M. Bellièvre 'shows himself' to deal sincerely and
'affectionately' for the peace of both religious and other factions.
Marshal Biron desires before leaving Guyenne to 'clear himself' to
the King of Navarre, and to be restored to his good grace.
Marshal Montmorency has, at the request of the King of Navarre,
Marshal Matignon, and Bellièvre, consented to hold the three
Estates of Languedoc at Castelnau d'Arri, for the establishing of the
public peace and accommodating of other particular dissensions.
For the better assisting of this marshal, the King of Navarre repairs
to Mazeres in his county of Foix, not far from Castelnau d'Arri.
But of those causes in those parts her Majesty may be more
perfectly informed by the late repair into England of Chartier,
Monsieur's secretary, despatched from the King of Navarre.
M. de Clervant has lately written to his friends in this Court that
the Queen of Navarre supposes herself to be with child ; deferring
her departure from those parts till she be resolved of that doubt. I
have been otherwise informed that she thinks she has conceived
four months past. The Queen Mother on this has written to her
to come when she has gone seven months, to be delivered in this
Court, because she would take her daughter's child into her charge.
So the former advertisements of that Queen's dangerous sickness
are now turned to a disease for her further comfort.
The Duke of Lorraine departed hence in post on the 6th,
accompanied by the Dukes of Guise and Joyeuse, and the Count
Montlivre. They were lodged the first night at Nanteuil, the Count
of 'Shamberg's' house, where after their carousing there passed some
homely merriments between them. Next day the French dukes
took their leave of the Duke of Lorraine and returned to Paris.
They have given out in this Court that the king has bestowed on
the Duke of Lorraine 100,000 francs in money, and some estate in
a forest towards the frontier of Lorraine ; but I am otherwise
assured the king has only given him an assignation for the sale of
certain woods to the value of 100,000 francs which the duke
disbursed to the reiters for the king's service at the time of the civil
wars.
The Princess of Lorraine has had some indisposition of health
through a rheum fallen into her arm.
The queens do not remove from hence unless the king stays
'forth' longer, or goes to the Duke of Aumale's.
Sundry reports of Tournay have been brought to this Court ; but
it is now at last advertised that it is taken by the Prince of Parma,
and the townsmen put to ransom.
I enclose advertisements from sundry parts.—Paris, 11 Dec. 1581.
Add. and most of endt. gone. 5½ pp. [France VI. 72.]
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Dec. 12.
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424. COBHAM to [WALSINGHAM].
I have 'thought it very long to' hear some certainty from you
of those causes, whereon so many uncertain reports are delivered ;
but since there grows no occasion from her Majesty, I shall think
it best that I hear the least, and so I rest awaiting her commands
and the will of God.
It seems that this king goes about to provide money with very
hard means of his subjects, either, as it is to be judged, to have
coin in store for the maintenance of some great enterprises which
he is bent to undertake in time ; or else he levies these sums by
way of taxation for the satisfying his own mind in continuing such
liberalities towards those private persons that he bears particular
affection to. Howbeit, by some men of experience it cannot be
esteemed that he has spent those huge extraordinary sums which
have been received, besides the revenne of the Crown of France.
Now lastly, before his departure, he has commanded his three chief
Courts, those of the Parliament, of Aids, and of Accounts, to agree
fully on those Edicts which he has sent to them to be confirmed ;
amongst which there is an Edict to pass, for the collectors of the
impositions in every parish to be erected and established officers,
so that each of them shall buy their offices of his Majesty, 'in
respect' those collectors shall be allowed by the people three sols
for the collection of every twenty sols. This 'comes to augment' on
every particular imposition, taxation, and talliage the sixth part
more than it was before. And in every parish of the realm there
shall be a collector, which will amount to a great sum. Moreover,
the king causes another Edict to pass for creating an officer in
every Court judicatory throughout the realm, to be the receiver of
the money for the 'espices' due to the judges at the finishing of
every process ; who shall have 'fee' allowed them from every
pleader that gains his process, and shall likewise purchase their
offices of the king.
Whereas the king, some months past, set an imposition of 10 sols
more than accustomed on every piece of wine, most of the provinces
have refused payment of this. The king is highly displeased, as
he 'pretends' rather to compel them by force, than that his Edict
should not take place. If he should enterprise it, it would be a
great cause of a new trouble in his dominions.
Thus you may see the king's present humour, and the causes in
hand.
My hope is that though your journey did not take that good
effect that was wished, your endeavours will bring forth some good
revolution [sic] through the conjunction of higher planets, which
I wish for the better continuance of her Majesty's contented life and
the establishing of her reposed estate. Though I have but a small
portion therein, yet methinks I have interest in respect of her
service which moves me to be careful and pray.
It had been given me to understand that the Bishop of Ross has
of late had secret conference with sundry gentlemen of Normandy,
such as M. 'Angevil,' Pont-Saint-Pierre, Pierrecourte, Bréaulté,
Vergennes ; meeting sometimes at Rouen, other times at Pont-Saint-Pierre.
So those gentlemen being known to be of troublesome
disposition and enterprisers of actions, I have thought it
necessary to send you this advertisement ; the rather because this
bishop continues to take hold of every occasion wherein he may
show his factious mind. Of late, upon the publishing of the king's
injunctions for common prayers to be said for the obtaining of issue,
the bishop persuaded those in his diocese that they should therewith
pray for the deliverance of all Catholic princes and others who
are imprisoned and troubled for the Roman faith, that they might
be set at liberty.
I have heard that the Duke of Guise has lately uttered some
sour 'languages' to his entire friends, lamenting that Monsieur's
going into England has 'impeached' the execution of his practices
for the deliverance of his cousin the Queen of Scots.
It seems the Duke of Lenox forgets his wife and children very
much, for it is known she is in 'bare estate' ; which has moved
her kinsfolk d'Entragues to speak 'brawdely' and badly of him.
I wrote you the other day by Stevenson, one of the Scottish
guard who is gone by way of Dieppe, in company with others of
his countrymen.
It is written from Spain that the Duke of Alva's lodging in
Lisbon was blown up with gunpowder, but his hap was to be lodged
elsewhere that night. The Spanish King causes to be levied 60
ensigns of Italians, and prepares by all means to augment his navy
by sea.—Paris, 12 Dec. 1581.
P.S.—Since writing thus much, a Fleming has come to speak
with me, who was in Lisbon on Nov. 17, at which time King Philip
was there in good health, and the Duke of Alva ; having ordered
Cascaes, Porto and other ports to be fortified, but has not appointed
any other castle or citadel in Lisbon, where there appear but few
soldiers. The King of Fez had sent ambassadors to demand aid
against the Turk, which is promised. But the bands of foot which
were levied in Castile are by a later command discharged, so that
there is no present action in hand. The Portuguese continue discontented
with the Government of the Spaniards. Don Pietro de
Medicis was in Lisbon.
Add. and endt. gone. 4 pp. [France VI. 73.]
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Dec. 12.
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425. CAPTAIN HENRY RICHARDS to WALSINGHAM.
The 27th of November, myself and some of my men went aboard
a carvell going for Lisbon, by the governor's command, in a ship
of Mr. Allen's who has letters of 'marte' and has served here all
this year, and took it, and with foul weather lost it, and some of
my men therein. Whether it be come to England or drowned, God
knows ; but I hear nothing. But because the king has not his part
delivered here, the governor means to stay my pay until he hears
of the carvell. The truth is, I have received no pay since my first
coming, 'more than' borrowed 200 ducats, and laid out among my
soldiers more than that.
I crave your favour thus far, that as you have been my good
patron in the beginning of this enterprise, so you will continue ;
and that if I be 'put beside' my pay here, you will give order or
provide that I may be paid in England, either by the carvell or
elsehow, at your discretion.
I can write no more, but that it is most likely that Spain has
provided a great force for this place, and means to assault us
shortly ; which is 'let us to wit' by a carvell that came to the
nether Island.—Terceiras, 12 Dec. (Signed) Henry Ricarde[s].
Add. Endd. : From Capt. Richardes. 1 p. [Portugal I. 66.]
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Dec. 14.
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426. JOHN III, KING OF SWEDEN, to the QUEEN.
When those who two years ago intercepted one of your ships
have returned, it shall be done as equity demands, as our amity
requires, and as agrees with our promise. But as to the other ship
which fell in with our fleet last summer, we were sorry to learn
that it had been sent out by a merchant of yours, since in a former
letter we warned you of our preparations for war, and cautioned
your subjects not to run into manifest danger by sailing towards
Narva, where open war is going on. But as that has befallen
which was in the circumstances justly to be feared by them and
others, and their goods have been, against our will, taken by our
soldiers and distributed, so that it is impossible to get them all
together again, nor, if our wish to that effect were expressed to the
men, could they be kept in their duty, where every man acts on his
own impulse, as all those who have had experience in war know to
be usual, we are persuaded that you will have us excused. And
whereas we understand that your subjects have for some years been
in the habit of sailing to the other side of Norway, although the
ports where they call are within our dominions, yet as the
inhabitants cannot yet rid themselves of suspicion, we beg you to
order your subjects, so long as this war lasts, to abstain from
sailing thither ; and if they want Muscovite goods, to go to Narva,
which is now subject to us, or to other safe places, since that
navigation is long and very dangerous.—Stockholm, 14 Dec. 1581.
Add. Endd. by L. Tomson : Restitution of the ship before the
war declared shall be made ; of the other since cannot. Subjects
not to trade on the other side of Norway during the war against
the Muscovite. Lat. ½ p. [Sweden I. 1.]
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Dec. 14.
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427. STOKES to WALSINGHAM.
I wrote on the 10th, and though at this instant I have little to
write, yet having so good 'convey' I thought it my duty to write
these few lines to let you know that the greatest part of the enemy's
forces that lay beside Tournay have crossed the river on this side
Corttricke, so that it is greatly feared they will be dealing with
Meenen or some other town in these parts. There are in Meenen
1,200 Scots and 400 burgher-soldiers.
The enemy also 'vaunt themselves very much upon' this town,
to have it with all the other towns under the government of the
States here in Flanders within these two months ; so that I perceive
the magistrates and people are in great fear of the matter, for it is
surely in great danger. I see all their hope is to receive some
comfort from England ; if not they will hardly withstand their
enemies.
The Prince has sent to this town five companies of English ; 'to
say,' Captain Cromwell, Captain Pigott, Captain Welshe, Captain
Morris, and Captain Edwards. Besides these there are 800
Flemings ; tomorrow will come in 3 cornets of horse ; so this
town will be indifferently well guarded.
The troubles at Oudenarde are now all pacified and quiet, and
they have taken soldiers into the town.—Bruges, 14 Dec. 1581.
Add. Endd. 1¼ pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIV. 131.]
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Dec. 16.
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428. M. DE PENA to WALSINGHAM.
I am as sure that you will complete the kindness already begun
towards me in respect of the parties due to me, as if I saw it
effected, such is your goodness, disposed to aid those who have
deserved it as little as I, save in good will. This being too feeble
thanks, I await the opportunity for some good effect ; in place
whereof these few words will render you infinite thanks for what
you wrote me last. But inasmuch as I was then in Poitou, I was
not fortunate enough to receive it. The rarity I had then was some
papers which since have been published and in part printed and, as
I think, sent to your regions, before I got here and received yours
which was kept for me here. It was for this reason I did not answer
sooner. Nevertheless though I have put off so much, I have not
omitted to send you part of what I had got ready ; then in MS. but
the printing of it has since been completed.
The heart enclosed in the wooden box was sent me as a great
curiosity, and as one of the most certain antidotes, whether for
preservation or cure, that could be mentioned. I have begun to
test it with great success. It is not the common Lemnian or
stamped (sigillée) earth, although it is just like it, but handsomer
when it is stamped. Waiting till opportunity may favour me to
honour you with more worthy presents, believe in my perpetual
devotion to you.—Paris, 15 Dec.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [France VI. 74.]
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Dec. 17.
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429. [COBHAM] to [WALSINGHAM].
17 Dec. 1581.—Sunday morning, between six and seven o'clock,
the Marquis of Conti was married to Mademoiselle de Luce,
Countess of Montafié. The Cardinal of Bourbon, his uncle, said
Mass and married them. There were present the Queen Mother,
the Duchess of Nevers, and M. de Guise also. They were married
in a little chapel in the Louvre, adjoining the cardinal's chamber.
Between twelve and one in the afternoon the Dukes of Guise,
Nevers, and Mercœur, and the Prince of 'Jenaveuse' [qy. Genevois]
departed from the Louvre, to bring the marquis there, to the king's
chamber, where the Cardinal his uncle and the Cardinal of Guise
received him, and brought him to the king's cabinet, being welcomed
by his Majesty ; from whence, by way of the privy stairs, the marquis
with the cardinals and the aforesaid princes followed the king,
descending into the Queen's chamber, where the bride was standing
beside the Queen Mother, beneath the Princess of Lorraine, above the
Duchesses of Guise, Mercœur, and Joyeuse. When they had stayed
there half-an-hour, 'devising' and entertaining one another, the
king took the bride by the hand and led her into the lower hall
where the table was covered, accompanied by the Queen Mother,
the queen his wife, with the aforesaid princesses, and great ladies ;
the king being first set, and the Queen Mother placed on his right
hand, and the young queen on his left. Then at the end of the
table, by the young queen, the bride was made to sit ; the Princess
of Lorraine sat by the Queen Mother, and the other princesses
according to their estates. The king at this banquet was served in
state, in this order. The Duke of Nevers served as carver, the
Duke of Mercœur as cup-bearer, the Duke of Guise came before
the king's meat, which is his state as Great Master.
The banquet being ended, the king went with the queens,
together with the bride, and followed by the rest of the princesses,
lords and ladies, into the upper hall, where they danced, after the
king had taken his place ; his mother on his right, his wife on his
left, on the Queen Mother's right the Princess of Lorraine, and
below her the bride. On the other side, by the king's wife, sat
the Princess of Condé, and then the ladies in their degree, one
over against the other.
Having thus rested half an hour, the Marquis of Conti came up,
following the two cardinals, together with his two younger brothers,
with M. de Joyeuse, who brought the marquis to the king. He
being come, the king took the bride by the hand and began the
dance. The Duke of Mercœur took the queen his sister, the
Marquis of Conti the Princess of Lorraine, the Duke of Guise the
Duchess of Nevers, and so the rest according to their degree. The
king having danced three dances with the bride, sat down 'devising'
with the Queen Mother, and the bride also returned to her place.
The Queen Mother then retired to her chamber, accompanied by
the two cardinals, leaving the rest of the lords and ladies every one
in their place. After the old queen's departure, the king began
to dance rounds and brawls with the maids of honour, followed by
the marquis and other lords, and by the marquis's brethren.
Having danced thus till four o'clock, the king departed. So they
went to Bourbon chapel for evensong.
Endd. 1¼ pp. [France VI. 75.]
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Dec. 17.
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430. COBHAM to WALSINGHAM.
Those of the Religion in Languedoc have been practised with to
take arms against the king, in behalf of the Three Estates, in
respect of the tax and talliage imposed on the people of the realm ;
which having been discovered to the King of Navarre, he has
informed the king.
Fragment. Add. Endd. with date. 4 ll. [Ibid. VI. 76.]
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Dec. 17.
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431. STOKES to WALSINGHAM.
My last was the 14th, since which these speeches have passed
here.
The Prince of Parma has planted his Court at Tournay, where
they say he will rest for this winter.
There is great strife in his Court who shall be governor of the
town and castle of Tournay, for the Count 'de Layng' says it
belongs to him of right, and the Marquis of Risbourg he says he
has the best right to it of any man, and M. de Montigny he desires
to have it in part recompense of his service, and besides these
others are suing for it, so that it is thought it will make some
trouble among them.
M. de 'Swevingham,' Governor of Corttricke, was sent to the
Prince of Parma to Tournay, and in returning he broke one of his
legs by falling off his horse.
M. de Bours is dead of his hurt in his leg that was broken at the
last assault given by the enemy at Tournay.
The Bishop of Ypres that lay so long prisoner at Ghent the
Prince of Parma has made Bishop of Tournay.
All the enemy's forces lie now at 'Harlebeckque,' which is one
small mile on this side Corttricke ; where they await the Prince of
Parma's order, whither they shall march. But it is said the
soldiers will not march any further till they are paid, for as yet
they have received no pay.
Today or tomorrow the Prince of Parma comes to Corttricke
where there is appointed a general council 'which way' to find
money to pay the soldiers, and where to send them ; and the speech
is they will begin first with Meenen, which place for want of victuals
cannot hold out long. If the Prince suffer that town to be lost, the
enemy has all the country at command, 'hard' to this town.
Captain Edwards with his company is sent from this town to
Damme, where he will remain. It is a pretty strong town of
importance, and stands between this town and Sluys.
It is now greatly feared among the commons here that
Monsieur will not come into these parts to their aid, for which
cause they say that their state is in danger to be overthrown.
As I wrote in my 'formers' of the great fear that the
magistrates and commons here are in since the loss of Tournay, so
it grows more and more amongst them ; wherein they are not to be
blamed, for they have no man of 'countenance' to command them
that is a man of war, and therefore if they have not such 'a one'
speedily sent among them, it is feared their state will not continue
longer, for in none of their good towns have they one man that is
of countenance governor. So there is great lamenting to see
what danger their state is put to ; wherefore they say if England
help them not, they are all undone, and so no doubt they are, and
then it will cause 100,000 of them to fly into England, where
already is no want of them.—Bruges, 17 Dec. 1581.
P.S.—I just now received yours of the 7th inst. As you
commanded me and also according to my duty, I will not fail in
continually writing to you, 'God to friend.'
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIV. 132.]
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Dec. 17.
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432. FREMYN to WALSINGHAM.
I received your letter dated the 6th, and wrote to you last on the
10th. As to what has passed here, the enemy purposes to come
and carry on the war in Brabant, inasmuch as the country is drier ;
Flanders being full of water and mud. A good number of their
forces are arrived about Mons and Guines. His Excellency has
heard that they are coming to besiege Bergen-op-Zoom, where
M. la Garde is with his regiment, who are determined to defend
themselves if they come. It is also intended to make two little
forts on the canal between the town and the sea (la grande eau),
that the canal may be clear for entering the town—an easy matter
enough. If the enemy comes there with all his forces, M. Villeneuve's
regiment of French will be sent, which is in Flanders. For the
security of Brussels, M. de Rochepot has been caused to march with
all his forces, to enter Villevorde, which is the key of it. Stewart's
regiment at Ninove will also be sent to Brussels, with the 3 companies
which are at Villevorde and Temple's regiment in the place,
this will be 23 companies of foot and 2 of horse. Meanwhile no one
rightly knows what the enemy will do ; it is all presumption,
because he is facing in that direction. It was thought that he would
come and winter in the district of Waes and devastate Flanders.
The Grand Council which was at Ghent arrived in this town
yesterday evening. It seems that his Excellency will have absolute
command at this juncture to remedy the faults in the past, pending
the arrival of his Highness, which is much desired. 'Messieurs'
of this town have begged M. du Plessis to remain here. They have
given him a lodging and furnished it for him, in addition to 6,000
florins of yearly pension which they wish to give him.
It is said that a Diet is to be held at Nuremberg next Lent.—
Antwerp, 17 Dec. 1581.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XIV. 133.]
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Dec. 18.
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433. COBHAM to the QUEEN.
At the receipt of your Majesty's last letter, the king was not in
this town, but returned on the 16th somewhat late. So my
audience being demanded for the next day, the king deferred it, by
reason of the Marquis of Conti's marriage, wherewith he entertained
himself and the Court all that day ; assigning me to have
access to him this afternoon at one o'clock. I found him after
dinner at the Duke of Guise's house, in a chamber with both the
queens. The occasion of their being there was because the Cardinal
of Bourbon feasted their Majesties and the Court in honour of his
nephew's marriage.
On coming to the king, I delivered at large the principal points
set down in your letters ; as that you had sundry times made it
known to him, by his commissioners that were in England and your
ministers sent hither, how the greatest difficulty in 'not' proceeding
in the marriage was that no conclusion of consent was had for the
contribution of the charges to be employed in the enterprise of the
Low Countries for the advancement of Monsieur.
I declared to him likewise that this last coming of M. Pinart, with
instructions only to promise that after you had tied yourself with
an indissoluble knot, then he would contribute an equal portion
with you, with promise to join in league as heretofore it has been
set down to you [sic], wherein I inferred so much as is contained
in your letter touching that he sought to have you drawn to a
perpetual assurance and himself remain free, without binding himself
straitly in further amity, or otherwise enlarging his certain
sufficient liberal aid towards his brother's enterprise. And therefore
your Majesty had been persuaded to think deeply before
passing a promise so important, which might bind you to the
consummation of the marriage, whereby you would be 'induced'
to extreme charges, to the great burden and discontent of your
people through the present war, which was 'incident' with the
marriage.
To which the king replied that he had lately received advertisements
from England, to his comfort and joy, whereby he understood
you had been pleased to esteem so well of his brother that
you had given him a ring in token of assurance of marriage ; but
he perceived that since that act you had been somewhat dissuaded
of your intention. Notwithstanding, he hoped you would not go
back from so good a purpose, to his brother's discomfort and perpetual
grief. He had sent Pinart to declare his meaning, that in
case the marriage were consummated, he would consent to bear
half the charges of his brother's enterprise in Flanders, and would
enter into the league offensive and defensive as heretofore it has
been conferred on. Therefore he trusted you to be so wise and
gracious as to account of his brother's love and 'aventures,' and of
his own offered friendship.
I told him that though I had not particular charge from you
touching what he said as to the delivering of the ring in token of
promise of marriage, I had been advertised only that at his first
coming Monsieur did with many earnest persuasions importune
you to have some such further demonstration and words as might
give him better satisfaction, to the comfort of those who depended
upon him in his actions ; so that you, moved on his suit, and on the
abundance of your good zeal towards him, did deliver some kind of
satisfaction, but not in such sort or to such purpose as I could comprehend
he had been informed. I assured him that when God put
you in mind to pass such an absolute promise as they had given him
to understand, he might certainly trust your deeds will be as resolute.
On this the king interrupted me, saying he hoped you would well
consider in your wisdom what had been done. Howbeit, he said, he
did not say this meaning that anything should be challenged, other
than so much as might be to your own liking. To which I replied
you would not but very advisedly 'pass your speeches,' as he should
at all times clearly understand you had ever done ; especially when
your words were spoken in a matter of so great moment, and to a
person whom you esteemed so highly as Monsieur. I further
besought him to have in consideration how he continually made
show of the desire he had that the marriage should take place ;
nevertheless 'it liked him' not to take away those weighty impediments
which hindered its progress, as appears in that he will not
assent to supply such necessary sums as may maintain his only
brother and heir in those actions which may bring perpetual glory
to him, renown to his brother, the enlargement of his dominions,
to the 'only' benefit of the Crown of France ; as also that he does
not yet think good to deliver that clear show of disposition to join
in amity by way of a league, but with condition that you should
first accomplish the marriage ; whereby before any act might be
passed from him to aid his brother with sufficient maintenance, and
that he would declare himself your more certain assured friend and
ally [sic]. Wherefore I besought him to think how upon this his
doubtful proceeding, and his seeking to entangle you in an irrevocable
assurance, you had great cause to abstain from accomplishing
the marriage until he has more evidently declared himself towards
you and Monsieur in those important points of contribution and
league of amity ; wherewith likewise there appears just occasion to
move you to stay before you make absolute resolution in the matter
of marriage, the rather because you found by proof there were
persons of great quality in this realm who had ever since the
beginning of your reign contrived practices against you and
your state. Their 'indisposition' to the prejudice of your peaceable
government was continued, and those same parties are in singular
favour about him, and much esteemed ; and their greatness might
also in time grow prejudicial to him, a peril which has been
foreseen and thought of by some of his predecessors. Therefore
having resolved to unite yourself in amity, and to run the course of
fortune with the Crown of France, you could not but show yourself
jealous, by way of affection, in requesting him to 'have feeling' of
those persons' greatness, enjoying besides their own estates the
government of the best provinces and places in France ; and likewise
enter into the knowledge of their malevolence towards you. And
perhaps, if he pleased to hear the truth, it might be discovered how
they have framed many 'overthwarts' in Monsieur's enterprises,
showing that they both envy his success in contriving the public
peace within the realm and compassing covertly means to hinder his
foreign enterprises by persuading and slacking his Majesty's
devotion and assistance towards him.
The king then said that when it should be 'particularly
delivered' to him from your Majesty that any such in his realm
had done you offence, he would deal with them by the way of
justice to your satisfaction. As concerning the honours and
governments they enjoyed, they held them of him as rewards for
services done to the Crown and to himself, but otherwise they had
no authority with him to dissuade him from doing anything for his
brother, and continuing all the offices of amity he could in your
behalf, the marriage taking place ; which purpose he said he had
always held, and meant to continue, intending to treat of no further
aid for his brother, or any other entrance into league or amity
without the marriage shall first be accomplished.
I 'left' not to 'infer' also to him it was to be thought he could
judge that although the marriage had never been spoken of, and
should never be effectuated between you and his brother, yet he
might think good that his brother's beginnings for compassing the
dominion of the Low Countries, were to be embraced and
maintained. Wherefore it was to be hoped he would not 'leave for
charges' to encourage his brother to bring to good point these
princely enterprises.
To this he said that Monsieur was dear to him as a brother, but
when he should be your husband, it would be a straiter knot of
more entire love, whereby you would receive greater comfort from
his conquests, and better part of the profit. Otherwise he was as
loth to be embarked in a war as yourself ; returning to his former
ground, how in case the marriage proceeded he would do as is
before rehearsed by contribution towards the charges and in the
league ; otherwise he could not proceed in conference of any other
or further treaty.
After I had dealt thus much, and more at large, with the king,
finding him settled in opinion not to answer or deal any way, but
with condition the marriage should take place, I delivered him your
letter, telling him that I had likewise letters to the queen his
mother, whom I would, if he pleased, make partaker of what I had
treated with him. Therewith I turned to the Queen Mother, who
was not far off, to whom I delivered your letter, 'enlarging' to her
your intentions, and also discovered to her amply and more plainly
the evil disposition you had found in them of the House of Guise.
I received from her the like 'sense and effect' as I had before heard
from the king ; whereon I was moved to 'infer' to her earnestly
how you found it strange Monsieur had not received more comfort,
and yourself greater encouragement at M. Pinart's last repair into
England, which might otherwise have been felt, in case they had
sent some better assurance of their desires to embrace with a league
your perpetual amity ; which demonstration having been delivered
before the accomplishment of the marriage would have brought to
your people a more certain hope of enjoying the fruit of that amity
after the marriage. Meantime further doubts daily arise. Therefore
I besought her to have Monsieur's causes in due consideration,
and to weigh these your allegations and reasons.
Wherewith she took me, and went to the king, and moved him
on this last point, that is, that he would before the finishing of the
marriage send some better means of assurance of a perpetual
amity, and 'ascertain' his brother of his means thoroughly to aid
him in his foreign actions. But the king seemed more 'sourer'
than before, answering his mother roundly, how if he gave any
assurance, either for the contribution or the league, it would but
hinder the marriage which they most desired. I said it would
rather procure it, and persuade your good will to be better bent
thereon. The king said he could hold no other purpose than he
had delivered. Then I put him in mind how necessary he thought
it, after the death of the Cardinal King of Portugal, to join with
you to oppose the rising greatness of the Spanish king. Whereto
he answered he thought I had heard what he had done for the
advancement of Don Antonio's affairs, as also of the late preparations.
Howbeit he repeated that he was as loth to enter into wars
as yourself, meaning by the example of your wise government to
take heed. Then the Queen Mother, finding her son in no good
humour, drew herself back to her place, and I took my leave.—
Paris, 18 Dec. 1581.
Add. Endd. (and in a later hand) : a ring, whether a token of
assurance of marriage. 5¾ pp. [France VI. 77.]
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Dec. 18.
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434. MASINO DEL BENE to WALSINGHAM.
Edward Burnham having come to visit me on your behalf, it
seems my duty to return my thanks. Having told him what little
I had to tell, I will say only that the affairs of Portugal go otherwise
than I could desire, partly through our fault, partly through theirs,
and partly through that of Don Antonio ; who from what I can
understand is not very resolute in his actions, and is very badly
served. In short, it seems that we, they, and he are all agreed to let
the King of Spain come to that great monarchy, to which he has
through our carelessness prepared the road, and is making his way
swiftly along it. I have nothing else to say, unless that we are the
same here as you left us, and perhaps yet worse. For the rest, I
refer to Burnham.—Paris, 18 Dec. 1581.
Add. Endd. Ital. 1 p. [France VI. 78.]
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Dec. 19.
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435. A Loan to MONSIEUR.
We, William Cecil, Baron of Burghley, etc., acknowledge to have
received from the Duke of Anjou two obligations signed and sealed
by him, each for the sum of £30,000 lent to him by the queen, in
which he promises to repay the sum in question six months after
being called upon to do so. For the furnishing of which sum out
of her finances her Majesty has given me sufficient warrant by
virtue of which we promise to deliver to his deputies or to the bearer
of this the said sum of £60,000 sterling, to wit, £30,000 within 15
days after the duke has crossed the sea, and the other £30,000 in
portions to be supplied as above within 50 days after the 15. In
witness whereof we have signed and sealed the above this 15 Dec.
1581.
Add. Draft. Endd. by Burghley. Fr. ¾ p. [Holl. and Fl.
XIV. 134.]
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Dec. 19.
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436. Copy of the above on parchment. Endd. by Burghley :
A copy of my bill delivered to Mons. D'Anjou for the receipt of
two bonds for the sum of 200,000 crowns, or for £60,000 sterling.
Broadsheet. Fr. [France VI. 79.]
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Dec. 20.
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437. "A collection out of a writing delivered by Marchaumont
and Quincy.—The charges of an army of [horse 8,000 footmen 13,000]
for a levy and for 1 month."
Notes in Burghley's hand on the cost of troops for Monsieur. (1 p.)
When the charges of the Duke are known, and the aids whereof
he may make account, then will appear what we shall want.
Thereupon it may be said that upon knowledge what shall be
the aid of the French king in certainty, her Majesty will promise
to yield such reasonable aid as conveniently her own estate
considered for defence of the same may permit her ; whereof no
particular estimate can be set down ;
1. For first it is uncertain what shall be the king's aid.
2. Secondly it is uncertain how her Majesty's realms may
be assailed by such as shall be enemies either to her for herself,
or to her in respect of her aid to Monsieur. (1 p.)
"A conference with M. Marchaumont and Quinsey, by the Lord
Burghley and Sir Fr. Mildmay in the Court. 20 Decembris."
Fifteen questions on various points bearing on the maintenance of
Monsieur's force in the Low Countries (1 p.) and on a leaf attached :
Five questions on his expectations of aid and the cost of holding
Cambray. (½ p.)
The whole in Burghley's hand, and the last leaf, which has perhaps
been attached to the preceding by mistake, endd. by him 20 Nov.[sic].
[France VI. 80.]
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Dec. 20.
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438. COBHAM to WALSINGHAM.
I have 'enlarged' in my present letters to the queen such
speeches as were delivered to me from the king and Queen Mother,
'finding them willing to make show' that they are not contented
with somewhat lately 'passed' by her Majesty, as it has been
advertised them. Their miscontent appeared in their sour
countenance and manner of speaking. Notwithstanding, I trust
that her Highness has the means to satisfy all things.
While I had this audience, the Duke of Guise stood not far off
behind me, towards whom the king 'did often over my shoulder let
glance his eyes' ; and when the duke perceived I was about to
depart, he feigned to go into the next chamber, returning presently
and placing himself where I must needs go along beside him, so
that upon that occasion I bestowed on him a reverence, and had in
requital 'as well a meant' farewell.
Upon the advice received in your letter, I dealt as tenderly in
delivering her Majesty's 'agrevances' against those of the House of
Guise as I could with the good respect of my duty in answering her
command ; and methought the Queen Mother in speaking of that
point touching the Guises said whispering to the king. 'Ils
ne sont qu' excuses,' to which he answered : 'Il me semble que oui.'
Thus these new 'accidents' frame alterations in shows and
manner.
The king departed early this morning to visit the Duke of Aumale
and christen his son. The queens begin their journey this
afternoon.
I 'will not forget' to let you know that their Majesties said
nothing of any composition to be had between the King of Spain
and those of the Low Countries.
The king as he passed by visited the Duke of Epernon, 'being in
his diet.'
There has been some gathering together of the people in Burgundy,
but the tumult is appeased.
I have been given to understand that young Lansac had 'trained
a means' to surprise Saint-Jean-d'Angely, which was discovered by
the Prince of Condé and the town saved.
The Duke of Savoy gives the Princess of Lorraine no good hope
for marriage. He uses good justice and begins his government
with great show of virtuous disposition.
It is conceived that some confederacy is contrived among the
Princes of Italy, that they seek to draw to them in league and
alliance the Dukes of Germany.
The letters I received in your packet are delivered to Don Antonio.
I have had your letter from Mr Phillips with the rest.
My nephew Maximilian is this day come to me ; but I am right
sorry he will not stay in these parts that I might show my zeal and
natural affection to him, and humbly thank you for your favourable
disposition towards him.—Paris, 20 Dec. 1581.
P.S.—Secretary 'Broglarde' has sent me the enclosed letter from
the Queen Mother for her Majesty, signifying to me that the king
defers answering his letter till he returns on the 24th.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [France VI. 81.]
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Dec. 20.
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439. FR. SIMÃO DE VARRO to WALSINGHAM.
When Maurice Brum left these isles for that kingdom, I held
myself excused from writing to you, since Fr. John of the Holy
Spirit, my comrade, was in his company, deeming that he would
serve as a living letter, in integrity and truth. Now that Captain
Robles [qy. Roberts], admiral of the four ships which our king sent
here, is leaving this country, I thought I should not be doing my
duty if I did not write to you, though briefly ; and it gives this
confidence, that I am a friend of all the English, as they will tell you.
And whereas in regard to the respect with which they deserved to
be treated here certain false informations in excuse will come there,
both from the governor and from others not very zealous in the king's
service, you must know that they complied with their obligations
as well-born and loyal vassals in this country, and their recompence
ill complies with the obligation of the name he bears. The same
has Captain Richards done, whom until he goes from (?) this country
I am maintaining hitherto at my own cost with his companions ; in
regard to whom we lament the injuries and affronts done them by
the governor and the other gentlemen of this land. You may take
this for quite true and proved.
I wrote a letter to the queen, whom we good Portuguese call
our lady. I shall be pleased if an answer comes from her, to let
it be known in this country that she knows the friends of her
subjects by name.—Angra, 20 Dec. 1581.
Add. Endd. Port. 1¼ p. [Portugal I. 67.]
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