Elizabeth: November 1581, 11-15

Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 15, 1581-1582. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1907.

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'Elizabeth: November 1581, 11-15', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 15, 1581-1582, ed. Arthur John Butler( London, 1907), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol15/pp357-370 [accessed 25 November 2024].

'Elizabeth: November 1581, 11-15', in Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 15, 1581-1582. Edited by Arthur John Butler( London, 1907), British History Online, accessed November 25, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol15/pp357-370.

"Elizabeth: November 1581, 11-15". Calendar of State Papers Foreign: Elizabeth, Volume 15, 1581-1582. Ed. Arthur John Butler(London, 1907), , British History Online. Web. 25 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/foreign/vol15/pp357-370.

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November 1581, 11-15

Nov. 11. 387. WALSINGHAM to VILLIERS.
I received today M. du Plessis's packet, which you sent me ; and have distributed the letters as addressed. By letters from France we hear that Don Antonio has very good hope of getting some succour thence ; and that the Count of Brissac is about making a levy to that end of 1,000 men for his service. By the capitulations passed between the King of France and Don Antonio it is agreed that he is not to marry without the king's consent, and that hereupon the Princess of Cond has been proposed to him. The Count of Retz has now arrived at the French Court. When I was there recently he made a great show of favouring his Highness's enterprise. They write from Terceira, October 16, that they are strong enough there to make head against the enemy, without fear of his efforts, until next April ; 100 English and 120 French being there, all, including the islanders, quite resolved not to surrender to the King of Spain so long as aid is sent to them betimes at the beginning of spring, both by sea and by land [sic].Richmond, 11 Nov. 1581. Copy. Fr. 1 pp. [Foreign Entry Book, 162.]
Nov. 11. 388. FREMYN to WALSINGHAM.
It is a month since I left this town for Ghent, and I returned yesterday evening, finding at my lodging a letter from you dated at Richmond, Oct. 16. It is of old date, and I am much annoyed that it did not come into my hands sooner that I might have satisfied your wishes. In the first place, as to the number of soldiers which the States are maintaining in garrison or in the field, there are more than 30,000 men in pay. Of these there may be in the camp by Oudenarde 2,500 or 3,000, including 15 cornets of cavalry, such as they are. Of this total they could not put in the field 6,000, owing to the abuses that go on, joined with the thoroughly bad government that there is, full of pillage and robbery. To pay for the number I have said amounts to more than 250,000 florins a month, and if the companies were full, 400,000 would be needed. As for the money employed in stores, waggons, artillery and fortifications and other things needful, that is uncertain, since at present every province does for itself according to its needs, and it can only be known when the army marches. One may reckon that if 300,000 is paid per month, 100,000 may be assigned to its artillery, waggons, stores, pioneers, officers. The contributions amount to more than 450,000 florins, of which the city of Ghent pays 90,000 a month, Ath 5,000, Enghien another part, so that Flanders alone disburses 200,000 florins a month, and the others according to the circumstances of the province. Meanwhile under pretext of the war and the payment of the warriors' [? marsiaulx] people more than 800,000 florins a month are raised, and yet the soldiers are not paid more than 5 months out of the twelve, bonds being given them for the rest, never to be paid. No province has hitherto paid so well as Flanders. Those of Brabant owe M. de la Garde more than 47 months. In short the salvation of the country requires that his Highness should come at once to take over and re-establish affairs ; otherwise it is to be feared that there will be a great disturbance (albarotte) among the troops, for lack of pay, arising from the ignorant zeal of those who govern, and do not know how to maintain troops, still less to govern the state. This produces all the disorder ; not want of means. A personage has even offered to give 6,000 florins a day only from the revenue of the duties (malletottes) assessed on food and drink in the city of Antwerp, amounting to 150,000 [sic] a month, without the tenth, hundredth, and fifth, the toll, the licences and moyens gnraux, which last year were worth 62,000 gross ; besides the Church property of which they are in possession. So one can see that resources are not wanting, if they were well administered. Meantime the people are beginning to murmur, discovering the great brigandage that goes on, and speak of it openly, as also of the multitude of commissioners and officials who have recently been appointed to military posts, corresponding to the salaries they draw. It is said that 6,000 of them are maintained in Flanders and Brabant. As for the present forces, if they are sufficient to keep up a defensive war :yes, for a time ; but they cannot succour a besieged place, as was seen at Cambray, when his Highness delivered it, and at Tournay at this present. If it is not succoured, it is in danger, for 'defensive' must be soundly understood, namely as conducted by soldiers and good commanders, which one must distinguish from those of this state, to which all that is lacking. There is no need to give you an anatomy of the nature and complexion of the folk here since you are well enough informed of all their qualities. If a military chief does not come promptly, all will go ill, since there is the appearance of a long war, and ruin in all parts of the country, and that now one, now the other side will pillage and sack the towns and the poor subjects. To win a town one day and lose another the next, is only to ruin the country and to impoverish and enslave the subjects, who are at the end of their powers. God have pity on the poor innocents, for all runs to delay. His Highness is awaited with good devotion, and hope that he will raise the siege of Tournay. The people there have courage enough. They sent word to his Excellency two days ago that no risk was to be run for their succour unless things suited well ; for they firmly hoped the siege would be the ruin of the enemy, who is proceeding by mine because he can do nothing by battery. Meantime the weather is much against him ; it has engendered a pestilential flux in his camp, where more than 3,000 have died by reason of the rain and cold. Meanwhile everyone is looking for his Highness' arrival, and hoping that he will have done some good over there with her Majesty for these countries, and will then come here and be sworn. Others say that he will first go to France to prepare his forces for the succour of Tournay ; for if the place is lost while he is there without forces, the people would say the worst they could of him. So one does not know what to think of it till one sees how things turn out. Preparations are being made meanwhile in the good towns of Flanders for his reception, for which his Excellency, who is in good health, is making ready. His wife is in this town, ready to lie in. On the 10th inst. Duke Casimir's colonels and rittmeisters are to be at Frankfort for the apportioning of the 200,000 livres received on the liberation of the hostages. Beutrich is in Lorraine, the Duke at his own house. The Churches of Dauphin complain that the Duke of Maine does not keep his promise to them, and accuse themselves of heedlessness in so readily putting faith in his words. For the rest you will have heard what has happened in these quarters from Mr Carleill, by whom I wrote you a line. Just now I am getting ready to go to M. Lamoral d'Egmont, whose guardianship I have received from his Excellency, and commission sent to that effect. If his Highness is still over there, please commend me to him. I hope shortly to write you particulars of the matters you desire.Antwerp, 11 Nov. 1581. P.S.The Prince of Epinoy remains at Ghent, awaiting his Highness' arrival, that he may go to meet him. And it seems that M. du Plessis wishes to withdraw to France with his family ; although people want to keep him here. Add. Endd. Fr. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIV. 117.]
Nov. 11. 389. COBHAM to WALSINGHAM.
I received yours of Nov. 2 on the 7th. I perceive your desire was I should have been speedily advertised of Monsieur's landing in England. But the messenger suffered himself to be so much 'abused' with the courteous entertainment of Champvalon that he made no better haste, but came together with him ; whereby I could not be the first to advertise the Queen Mother of it, which would have given me some satisfaction, because two days before she had sent M. Pinart to me morning and evening to hear of her son's safe passage ; being 'in pain and careful,' understanding that after his taking ship the weather grew more boisterous, and therefore exceedingly desirous to hear some news. After Champvalon's coming she dispatched a messenger to the king, who, as I advertised in my last, has been 'abroad.' Today he is at St. Germain's, whence he is looked for to come to this town today or tomorrow. I am informed that yesterday another gentleman from Monsieur arrived at Court, and was sent back the same night. It is signified to me that his letters and message gave great contentment to the Queen Mother. I shall not fail to observe what you wrote in your last of her Majesty's commands, trusting it may be sufficient to discharge me of my duty on that point. At the king's last departure, Lavalette remained behind. Some speeches passed between him and Duke Joyeuse's mother about the marriage which was to be between her son M. du Bouchage and Lavalette's sister. For Lavalette having understood they were unwilling the marriage should take place unless the king would bestow a certain sum of money on lands lying in the country of du Bouchage's father, which lands should be to the use of du Bouchage and his heirs, 'took disdain,' and told Mme Joyeuse that his sister did them too much honour in being contented with the marriage. This speech provoked Mme Joyeuse to answer disdainfully, in such sort that he told her if her son would make good her words, he would be honourably revenged on him. Her son the duke being advertised of this left the king on his going to Lavalette's house, returning to this town. The king has since made these two minions in some apparent sort friends, having as I am informed shown more special favour to Joyeuse than to Lavalette ; whereon they conjecture Lavalette's 'grace' to be somewhat 'quailed.' The Dukes of Lorraine and Guise have accompained his Majesty this journey. It is said the Duke of Lorraine expects, if he do not have the town of Metz from the king, which is scarcely to be believed, that he is then to receive some great donative, besides the bestowing of his daughter, the Princess of Lorraine, on some great personage. Both the Turkish Ambassadors are now come to this Court, one arriving on the 8th, the other on the 10th. You will find the particulars concerning them enclosed herein. On the 7th there came to this town one George Boroschy, a Pole, who has been so long in the Emperor's and other Princes' Courts. Of his prodigal spending I think you have been informed. He is accompanied by his brother Christopher. As Boroschy, with 15 servants mounted on his own horses, is lying privily in a house not far from the Spanish Ambassador, I shall not fail to discover what I may of his intention and the cause of his coming. An ambassador is looked for from Spain ; one of the House of Mendoza, a person of the long robe. The king has dispatched M. de Plainpied to Rome in great diligence. [Note in margin : To answer the causes.] It is thought one will be sent also to Spain, which is deferred till the king's coming. I am advertised as follows of the affairs of Portugal : that the Isles of Terceras show themselves so affectioned towards Don Antonio that they have executed the King of Spain and the Duke of Alva by 'picture' after condemning them by their 'order of process' for tyrants. Moreover, a gentleman of M. de Strozzi is come from thence, who reports such barbarousness and cruelty to have been used to some of those Spaniards who were taken in the Isles, as is not very credible. Likewise he reports that certain Frenchmen landing at St. Michael's received assured hope that if they were certain of Don Antonio's life they would revolt from the Spaniards. I am informed that Don Duarte de Crasto, a Portuguese taken at Medina del Campo, has escaped and come to these parts. [Marginal note to three last pars : The advertisement untrue.] It is written from Prague that the Emperor is fallen somewhat sickly again, and that a practice is framing to 'erect' Stephen Bathory, King of Poland, to be King of the Romans. Duke Ferdinand of Bavaria is procuring what he can to levy forces to serve the Catholic king in Flanders. The Emperor intends to call a diet to consider the affairs of the Low Countries, and the strange unkindness shown to his brother Matthias. They of Paris this day sent four of their escherins with eight burgesses to the Queen Mother, to lament of the imposition the king would put on their merchandise8 sous on every crown more than accustomed. Marshal de Matignon and Bellivre have called to a conference many of the gentlemen dwelling about Bordeaux. The King of Navarre has done the same near Nrac, so that these convocations do not pass without jealousy. They of Bordeaux refuse in tumultuous manner to pay the king 20 sous lately imposed on every piece of wine.Paris, 11 Nov. 1581. P.S.The king is now arrived. The Duke of Savoy mislikes that the Duke Dennamore [qy. de Nemours] should stay any longer within his territory. Add. Endd. Notes by Walsingham. 3 pp. [France VI. 56.]
Nov. 11. 390. The DUKE OF PETITE-PIERRE to the FRENCH KING.
When I was at Paris you answered me that you were so busy with the festivity, the displays (fanfares) and your pleasures that you had no leisure to give me more ample audience, and hear at length the matters that I had brought forward. In three weeks I might return, and then you would hear me at your leisure. Not being able to come, for the reasons that follow, I have thought good to send you in a separate memorial part of what I wished to propose. First, an invention, from which you may receive several millions every year, and by the same invention have the key of all economy in your realm, as by the articles of the appended memorial, No. A. By the second article some new inventions profitable principally in the matter of war. No. B. These inventions I discovered myself and have had tested by experiment, besides having written several books on the justice and improvement of them, as also a book on trade, by which it may be clearly seen how every realm can be impoverished or enriched by order or disorder in trade. I have also written several books on geometry. These pleasures I have preferred to all other delights in the world, thinking to gain a great treasure and a perpetual memory by winning knowledge of sundry secrets of nature, and chiefly of the mistakes of every kingdom and monarchy and the reformation of the same. If I had never frequented or lent an ear to learned men and inquirers into the secrets of nature, I should never have gained the pleasure which I now receive. Of old, one finds in the histories that the greatest potentates loved and favoured arts and sciences and delighted in all arts profitable to the human race. Since then your predecessors took pleasure in science, and you would not less than they or other protentates feel your royalty and your greatness, I have sent you these two memoirs, from which you can draw some knowledge of the secrets of nature, as well as profit for yourself, your realm and people both in peace and in war. And it rests only with you having seen the memoirs to come to terms with me on certain points and requests of which I will tell you if you wish to have them communicated to you. By this you see that though I had sufficient cause for not imparting these profitable overtures any further to you, since you had put me off visiting you for three weeks, either in order politely to let me know that you did not want to communicate with me, or because you did not think much of such proposals, preferring other pleasures, I set this down to the misfortune of your youth, and also for the pity I have for you and your poor subjects ; and yet I was not angry, nor hindered from communicating these inventions to you. Considering this, you will see that I have proceeded as a faithful friend, as one who without flattery urges you to understand your own profit. The whole fault of our miserable time at the present hour, is that no one loves kings enough to make them understand where they fail, and to what they ought to apply themselves to gain and keep a good reputation.Given at our town of Ltzelstein. Copy. Endd. by writer : La lettre au Roy de France, de dato Ltzelstein, ce xie de Novembre, 1581, N.I.L.A. and by L. Cave : D. of Petitpiere to the French king. Fr. 2 pp. [France VI. 57.]
Nov. 12. 391. COBHAM to WALSINGHAM.
After I had dispatched this messenger with the other packet, my Italian arrived with your letter. Receiving therein her Majesty's commands, I demanded audience, and was admitted today. I delivered her letter to the king, declaring how she was desirous he should know of the safe arrival of Monsieur at her Court, having escaped the rage of the winds and the danger of the sea ; as also that she thought herself entirely beholden to him that he would license his brother to adventure his body on the seas at this season of the year, to come to her. The king both in countenance and in speech showed to be well content that his brother was with her Majesty, as in the place where, as he said, he could best wish him to remain, thinking no time nor adventure was to be refused to pass to her. I then further declared to him how the Queen greatly esteemed that he had lately willed his ambassador in England to signify to her the continuance of his desire to have the marriage take effect, which she took to be an assured testimonial of his sincere goodwill towards her. And because it seemed by his earnest dealing in his brother's behalf that he looked to understand there might be some resolution taken in the matter of marriage, the Queen had further commanded me to say that he should be certified thereof by Monsieur's next letter, for her mind will be first imparted to his brother and referred to him, to be delivered to his Majesty, upon his Highness' own request made in that behalf. To this the king answered that he desired above all things his brother might enjoy her Majesty, whereon he said depended all their 'especiallest' comfort, commanding me to beseech her to give his heart that gladness 'as' to accept of his brother's love. He had received the other day letters from him, in which he uttered his 'determinate' affection towards her Majesty ; so that if it shall please her to knit this knot of alliance, he will perform all offices and services towards her which in any sort may be required ; accompanying this 'purpose' with many fervent words. Wherewith he licensed me to depart. I then repaired to Queen Mother, delivering the like speeches to her. She seemed to take more assurance of this message than heretofore she had been accustomed, adding that she doubted not but God would hear at length her many prayers ; perceiving how her son's heart is fixed on her Majesty. She also enquired if I were privy to any further certainty. I assured her that the Queen would first utter her mind to Monsieur, as it were great reason he had the honour to send the resolution of so important a cause. She seemed to receive exceeding comfort, and fashioned her countenance to show much cheerfulness. And thus leaving her in that humour, I took my leave. The king this morning held his Council from 7 till 10 'aforenone.' Besides both their Majesties there were the Dukes of Lorraine and Guise, the Cardinals of Bourbon and Vaudemont with divers bishops and other nobility. I am informed that the affairs of these Turkish ambassadors were then proposed and debated on in Council. One of them will have audience tomorrow. The king means to do them honour, and to send a person of title to the great Turk. Lavalette remains at his house at Fontenay, as they say sickly, and his sister is with him. So there may grow some eclipse of his favour with the king. At the time of my audience today the Dukes of Lorraine and Guise supplied the minions' place at the cabinet door.Paris, 12 Nov. 1581. Add. Endd. 1 pp. [France VI. 58.]
Nov. 12. 392. COBHAM to [WALSINGHAM].
I trust that time will bring a remedy to those doubts which 'entertaining of time' and temporising has engendered ; which grow more difficult to be solved. But God has the government of the stern of our ships, I trust. Meantime the king is thought to frame his actions to 'entertain' the days till he may see the weakness of the Catholic king make an end of his life ; as also that he may discern what the treaty of marriage in England may bring forth. In this sort it seems the minds of these princes are framed. Last night the Duke of Lorraine had long talk with the Queen Mother, which continued till 12 o'clock. The marriage with the Princess of Lorraine is hotly set abroad and messengers sent. The king promises to bestow on her and her marriage 800,000 crowns, being content that the Queen Mother shall give her 100,000 francs of her patrimony in Auvergne and Provence. I have written what little I could of the entertainment and hopes they show to Don Antonio, but Messis est adhue in herbis, which I fear the Portuguese prove and will find. Doctor Lopez's brother is departing for England. I wished him to go by Rouen, because the 'scattering' soldiers in Picardy take purses. They stopped Walsingham and Paulo, my Italian, whom they seemed resolved to rob, but that he showed Monsieur's packet. They spoiled another Englishman in his company, called Skeggs, as I remember. I cannot tell what to think that you had not received, as it should seem, the letter I sent from hence on the 3rd by Mr George Hopton. [Walsingham notes in margin : Mr Hopton arrived.] I pray God he may safely (good gentleman) come to you. I am told that Monsieur, at Pinart's last being with him, not only refused the 25,000 crowns their Majesties sent him, but said the sum was little enough to bestow on Lavalette's pages, with other earnest and stout words ; which Pinart at first kept untold to the Queen Mother. As I was informed late last night that Lansac and Pinart were 'named' to go to England, I asked M. Lansac if he could find it in his heart to abide the danger of the seas to go to England at this time, as his Highness had done. He said he was ready to perform all that the Queen his mistress commanded him ; but I hear it is meant according to the event of Monsieur's proceedings. When I came this afternoon to have audience at my appointed hour, they would have entertained me in the great hall, because the Pope's nuncio was in the next outer chamber, waiting for audience. Finding the place cold I went into the chamber to the fire, where I found the nuncio sitting in the window without any other salutations. The king was pleased to say some things to me 'in excuse he made me stay' while the nuncio had audience. I told him I was to attend at all hours and in all sorts as he pleased, for such I took her Majesty's pleasure to be. Mr Humfrey Mildmay is gone, but to what certain place I cannot learn. He told me he purposed to see some parts of France, and so to repair to Geneva, to 'what' place I will tomorrow direct his father's letters. Thus I leave to trouble you with my scribbled lines.Paris, 12 Nov. 1581. P.S.Champvallon is 'upon his dispatch.' I have not seen or heard from him since his coming. Add. and endt. gone. Some marginal notes in Walsingham's hand. 4 pp. [Ibid. VI. 59.]
Nov. 12. 393. WALSINGHAM to CAPTAIN WILLIAMS.
Since my return from France, I have received two letters from you, the first containing a discourse of the mishap befallen the general and his companies in Friesland ; which, though it has grieved his friends there as well as on this side, yet considering that all victories proceed from the disposition of God's providence, and that it fell out rather by the disorder and weakness of valour in the reiters (who are commonly more inclined to mutiny than to good service) than by any touch of dishonour to those of our nation, they no less rejoice at that, hoping so well of your resolute minds that by the goodness of the cause, God will bless the course of your actions with a prosperous issue. By your second letter it seems that you conceive there is not that general good account made of our nation since that disorder which there was before and is still to be wished ; and that for yourself, you do not find the Prince inclined to show the like good countenance 'he hath done.' You must consider that it is the nature of man to make much of another so long as his good fortune favours him and enables him to serve ; albeit in the contrary event they often 'participate of' disgrace rather by opinion than desert, and that the prince's disfavour (if any such be) proceeds rather from the great care he is forced to take for the weightiness of the affairs he embraces than for any particular displeasure against yourself ; with which good consideration you will do well to comfort yourself. Touching your desire to enjoy the duke's favour the sooner by my mediation, I will not fail at his repair over so to deal with such as are chief about him that you shall have good access to him, and perceive that all the occasion thereof [sic] shall be quite removed, and yourself remain thoroughly satisfied ; and therefore in the meantime, considering the great devotion the duke bears towards her Majesty, you and all the rest will do well to employ yourselves in the best sort you may to do him all the service you can. Richmond, 12 Nov. 1581. Copy in Letter book. [Dom. Eliz. 46.]
Nov. 12. 394. STOKES to WALSINGHAM.
My last was the 5th inst., since which the magistrates have received the following : The Prince of Parma has summoned Tournay sundry times since his coming before it, and this week he summoned the Princess of Epinoy, saying that if she would not cause the town to yield, at his entry he would no more spare her than any other, but would put her to the sword, with all the rest in the town, man, woman and child. To answer this, a general council was called of all the soldiers and commons in the town ; and with a good courage they made a short answer of the matter, which was, that they would never yield the town to the last man, and so sent him defiance. Then the Princess desired of the soldiers and commons that she might send a message to the Prince of Parma, because he had summoned her. This was granted her ; so she sent the Prince of Parma word that she thought him of more valiantness than to summon a woman, and though the Prince of Epinoy with all his best captains and soldiers were out of the town, he would find such within it as should withstand all his cowardly enterprise. Which answer of hers greatly rejoiced the soldiers and commons. Those of Tournay have made, on the side of the town where the enemy makes his batteries and mines, a 'countermeur' and a deep trench ; so that if the wall were beaten down and blown up, they should not prevail nor enter. For victuals the town is well furnished for six weeks or two months ; also they have no want of powder nor other 'mewnysscion.' Last week the enemy made a 'battery' of 1,400 shot in one day, and incontinently after the breach was made gave an assault which continued for two long hours ; and were valiantly repulsed to the loss of many of their best soldiers. On the 8th inst. one came out of Tournay, and brought all these speeches, with letters to the Prince of Epinoy. The Prince of Parma follows his mining very fast. He is mining now in three several places, so that in the end it is feared it will be for the loss of the town. Captain 'Skyncke' is come to the enemy's camp before Tournay out of Friesland with 400 horse and 1,000 foot. By good advice from the enemy's camp, they have lost since their coming before Tournay 8 of their best captains, and about 1,400 soldiers slain. Also by good report victuals are very scant, and they die very sore in camp. There is great hope here that Monsieur will soon return from England into these parts ; for here in this town there is great preparing of his lodging and of presents to give him at his coming. They make the like preparations in Ghent against his coming thither, and it is said the Prince of Orange and Prince of Epinoy will both come this week to this town to meet him. There is no speech here of any forces that Monsieur has coming from France nor elsewhere for their aid here, which greatly mislikes the States and commons. They much fear these delays will do no good.Bruges, 12 Nov. 1581. Add. Endd. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIV. 118.]
Nov. 13. 395. STOKES to WALSINGHAM.
13 Nov. '81.Enclosed I send you a letter from M. Rossel, who is now here in this town. Though they make great preparations here for the receiving of Monsieur in hope that he will return from England shortly, yet those that bear rule here and wish well to the cause, doubt that he will not come at all, and that his going to England is for a delay to win time ; for which cause it seems that they are in great fear for their state here. The state here in Flanders has now given into the hands of the Prince of Orange the whole government of the wars, and the payment of the troops. Of late it has been greatly desired by the Four Members with other Estates of Flanders, seeing their cause so weak, to write to Duke Casimir for 2,000 or 3,000 horse. But the Prince would not hearken to it, because it seems there are some old matters of displeasure between him and Duke Casimir. Surely it is lamentable to see in what weak state they are now. If Tournay must be lost, as it is greatly feared it will, you will hear of great 'alterations' here in Flanders against the Prince and States, so that it rests all upon Tournay. God grant it may hold out. No address, endorsement, or signature. Probably an addition to the last. [Ibid. XIV. 119.]
Nov. 13. 396. An agreement by the Queen to regard the Duke of Anjou's enemies as her own. She says that of all her suitors he has shown most affection and constancy, and promises generally to aid him when called upon by him to do so. Draft in Burghley's hand. Endd. in a later hand : Project of a treaty with the Duke of Anjou and Queen Elizabeth. For a marriage (which it is not). Latin. 2 pp. [France VI. 60.]
Nov. 14. 397. "Considerations how there may be a continuance of the great love and friendship betwixt the Queen and the Duke of Anjou, for the preservation of both their estates against all attempts of any that shall be disposed to annoy either of them in their persons, honours, or estates." The Queen, considering how often in the last few years, and especially since he began the 'motion' to marry her, the duke has been by persons abusing the favour of the king his brother, especially by the House of Guise, kept from the credit belonging to his place, and is misliked only by such as unnaturally seek to continue a civil war in France by colour of prosecution of them of the Religion, and thereby to enrich themselves with the spoil not only of the king's most affectionate subjects, but of the revenues of the Crown ; and for relief of the king, whom they bring into great debts, to devise new and intolerable taxes and exactions upon the people ; thinks it good that the duke should continue the course begun in him, to show friendliness to all such as he finds devoted to maintain peace and to observe the edicts made for that purpose, and therein to shew himself, without respect of persons, affected to the conservation of peace. And that he may be the bolder to proceed herein without fear of any contrary faction, her Majesty will promise the duke that she will employ all her power from time to time to maintain him and all that shall favour him in his godly and honourable actions, and will impugn and withstand his contrariers, upon knowledge duly given by him. Item, whereas the duke has already taken upon him the protection and seigniory of a great part of the provinces of the Low Countries having by means of the tyranny of the Spaniards departed from the King of Spain's obedience, for maintenance of which action against the Spanish power it is expected that the king his brother will give him aid, she will, upon the king's proceeding therein, in a manifest sort, so far as may be to the content of her people, aid the duke, that his honour and estate may be preserved. On the second leaf : The Duke of Anjou will promise the Queen that he will at all times profess friendship to her and her countries, and will become an opposite against all persons that shall do or attempt anything prejudicial to her person or estate. Draft in Burghley's hand, and endd. by him, with date. 1 and pp. [Ibid. VI. 61.]
Nov. 14. 398. The COUNCIL OF STATE to the QUEEN.
The merchants of the Low Countries trading to your realm having obtained both from the Archduke Matthias during his government, and from the Estates of these countries, general and particular, leave to form themselves into a corporation similar to those of foreign nations resident in Antwerp and other towns, have represented to us that they have requested the Councillor Mre Jacques Ymans, formerly Pensionary of Bruges, to remain for a time in your realm, on behalf of the merchants of these countries resident in London, to prosecute any causes of theirs before your Majesty as occasion may require, as well as those of the maritime towns of these countries, and especially the difference between your town of 'Zandtwyck' and the town of Nieuwpoort in Flanders on account of certain arrests made on either side, as Lord Cobham, governor of your Cinque Ports, can bear witness. We understand the Councillor has taken up his abode in London, in the secure hope that nothing will be done to hinder him in the execution of his charge, on which the public tranquillity depends ; and also that such deputies have at all times been exempt from personal arrest. Notwithstanding this we have heard to our great regret that a certain merchant of your realm, named Robert 'Hungaert,' has made bold to arrest the said Councillor for the debts of the States-General, because he once served the town council of Bruges as their agent with the States, though it does not appear that Ymans was ever personally bound. Fearing that this will deter him and others from accepting employment in matters on which the public weal of these countries depends, if they find themselves dragged before the courts, contrary to the privileges maintained among all nations, we pray that having regard to the above circumstances, you will give orders that this arrest be at once removed and Robert Hungaert and all others forbidden to molest the said Ymans on any such or similar pretext. We beg that you will take him under your protection, and in the matter of his charge, when occasions offers, grant him favourable hearing and kind reply. Nor shall we deem this among the least of the kindnesses which these countries and we have received from your Majesty ; and we have been the more moved to entreat you, inasmuch as we can assure you that Ymans had received letters from us to present to you, explaining the reason of his coming, which we are informed he has for certain reasons deemed it inexpedient to present, but reserves them for a more convenient season. Ghent, 14 Nov. 1581. 'A. de Meetkerke.' (Signed) Van Asseliers. Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XIV. 120.]
Nov. 15. 399. The PRINCE OF ORANGE to WALSINGHAM.
Mr Roger Williams being about to go to England, I must not fail to assure you that ever since he has been here he has acted like a man of honour in all warlike encounters and actions, especially in these latter of Friesland, wherein though God has been pleased to let us get the worse, our losses would have been much greater without him. You may hear from him sundry particulars concerning our affairs.Ghent, 15 Nov. 1581. Add. Endd. Fr. p. [Ibid. XIV. 121.]