|
|
|
Oct. 2.
|
58. CHARLES DE BEAULIEU to DAVISON.
Certain cipher dispatches from Bernardino de Mendoza to the
Prince of Parma have been sent out of England to M. de Villiers
to be deciphered, and he has applied to me for that purpose, knowing
that at the beginning of the troubles in Zealand I found the trick
of them, whereby we got at the truth of our enemies' secrets. The
like I did in the service of her Majesty whenever she would have
the mails from Spain or from the ambassador rifled, by that means
to know the truth of the heart as against the feigning of the mouth.
This I did, with much labour of my wits, until I arrived at a knowledge
of the characters in this cipher, 350 in number, used to denote
the alphabet, and so devoted myself to it that some time afterwards
you requested me to decipher another cipher, that of the Portugal
ambassador. In recompence for this I asked you to take up the
case of my brother, Jan de Beaulieu, against Benedetto Spinola in
respect of the wrong which had been done him, causing him and
myself great loss of property and time, and at the end had to compound
for 200 crowns. Notwithstanding all this I am ready to
serve her Majesty whereinsoever God gives me grace ; but seeing
that this science is rare and very laborious, and that ordinarily
such discoveries are largely recompensed by the great lords who seek
the service of the small servant, I pray you recommend me to her
Majesty or Sir F. Walsingham for the reward of this practice and
labour. It will be a great help to me and of small account to her
Majesty ; and if she will do this she will find me ready to acquaint
her with other ciphers which it will be to her advantage to know.
As for the marks which have remained blank in the cipher, noted
with the cipher number and underlined, these are names of persons
and places which I do not know. You will be better able to judge
of them than I, to know the persons referred to, or the places
situated in the regions mentioned in the missive.Ghent, 2
Oct. 1579.
Add. Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 34.]
|
|
Oct. 5.
|
59. VILLIERS to DAVISON.
I send two letters which I have received for you. I would have
sent them sooner had I not been extremely unwell for the last fortnight.
Now, thank God, I am better, though I cannot walk ; but I
hope to be out of the house within four days. I have been employing
M. de Beaulieu to decipher some letters that Mr Secretary sent
me. [in margin] I have sent the decipher to him. He has nearly
finished, not without difficulty ; and has asked me to write you a
word of commendation to accompany a letter which he is writing,
which is enclosed. You will do with it as reason directs, but I
could not honourably refuse his request.
We are here, as everywhere else, in much apprehension about the
marriage, and by what I can learn you are in no less difficulty. I
pray God for an issue that may redound to His glory and the good
of the realm of England.
Affairs have been brought to such a position in Flanders that it
is now the most easily-guided province in the whole country. It
is not yet rid of soldiers, for this malady, caused by the ambition
and ignorance of others, is too deeply rooted. It is, however, beginning
to work itself off, alike by the resistance which the Walloons
have met with as by the diversion those of Tournay, Cambray,
Landrecies and Bouchain have made. These have begun the war
by rifling M. d'Egmont on his way to be married ; and he has lost his
jewels and the lady's, with 10,000 florins in silver. The enemy have
left Willebroek, hearing of the approach of M. de la Noue, who is
now in the place.
The peace proceedings of Cologne cannot so far be broken up ;
there are always some persons to knot it together again. Yet I
think we shall soon hear the issue of it : but if it is broken we shall be
in a new difficulty with M. des Pruneaux, whom we have contented
up to now by saying that the peace was still on foot.
If you ask me about the departure of the Spaniards, they seem to
be making good preparations, but I cannot believe it till I see it.
Those of Arras certainly have not proclaimed their peace, and say
they will not do so till the Spaniard has fulfilled his promise. I
commend myself to your good grace and that of Mrs Davison ; my
wife and Marie do the same.Antwerp, 5 Oct. 1579.
Add. Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 35.]
|
|
[About
Oct. 5.]
|
60. NEWS from the LOW COUNTRIES.
Since the overthrow received by the States' men about Willebroek
as 'per my last' I told you, the Prince of Orange not meaning to
leave it unrevenged sent men both by water and by land under M.
de la Noue to attempt the taking of the fort ; but the enemy that
kept it, hearing of their coming, sent to Mechlin for aid, and finding
no 'conford' left the place, which the States' men took without a
fight. It is thought they will so provide for its keeping that it will
not hereafter be lost without great blows. The agreement being
published in Mons, Arras, and other places of the confederacy, those
of Valenciennes have demanded three months to resolve thereupon ;
meantime they will remain neuter, yet show more favour to the
States than to the enemy. The like is alleged to those of Bouchain,
Beauvais, Landrecies, Cambray, and other towns of those provinces,
to the great discontentment of the Malcontents. The Prince of
Orange so wrought at Ghent, with the aid of the four Members of
Flanders, that they hope to be assured of these places ; having sent
40,000 gilders for payment of the garrisons, while as much or more
is ready to be conveyed shortly.
Count Egmont, as he was travelling towards Mons with three or
four wagons laden with ladies and gentlewomen, besides certain
stuff, with his plate and jewels, conducted by 80 horse, meaning to
celebrate his marriage there, was encountered by M. 'Dentzy,'
governor of Cambray, with several soldiers of that town and
Bouchain ; who slew five or six of the Count's men, took some
prisoners, and dispersed the rest. The Count being well mounted
narrowly escaped, leaving his ladies and carriages to the spoil.
They were taken to Bouchain. Count Lalaing had laid a train to
entrap M. de Villiers, governor of Bouchain, but did not succeed.
By cutting a ditch near Bois-le-duc, by order of those of Holland,
they laid the country about Heusden so far under water that the
Spaniards who went to besiege it were forced to retire, and it is
thought those of Bois-le-duc will also be annoyed.
The Spaniards have dispersed into sundry places thereabouts, and
300 of them coming near the gates of Breda those of the town
issued out and took them in such a place that they slew eight or nine,
took three or four prisoners, and forced the rest to retire.
In Mechlin there is a great stir about the taking in of the soldiers
that came from Willebroek. Part of the townsmen will receive them
and the other part will not ; so they are in arms against one
another. What will follow the Lord only knows.
Those of Termonde have drawn up certain sluices and drained
most of the country round about Aelst, so that it is thought it will
greatly hinder approach to the town.
1 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 36.]
|
|
Oct. 5 & 8.
|
61. ADVICES from ITALY.
Prospero Colonna is at Pisa with 3,000 soldiers, and so far as we
hear, ill-satisfied, because no vessels appear there to embark them.
It is not known when they are coming, and meantime the soldiers
are not being paid, insomuch that it would not take much to cause
some disorder. Don Pietro de Medici is still here, which is a sign
of delay.
On the 28th ult. two envoys from Venice arrived here accompanied
by some honourable Venetian gentlemen. They were
received with the greatest honour possible, and lodged in the Pitti
Palace. On the following day the Grand Duke gave them public
audience at his usual palace, and on the 3rd they had audience of
the Duchess, whom they presented with a rich collar of jewels,
valued at 8,000 ducats. They go on being entertained at feasts and
should depart within eight days.Florence, 8 October.
The lady to whom the Duke of Alva's son and heir was said to be
married found out, it seems, that he was not so much so. She is
marrying the son and heir of the Duke of Massa, with 80,000 scudi
of dowry, and they make him a grandee like those of Spain. For
the other news from Madrid I care not. Herewith I send you a
roll (? un Rol) of the preparations at Naples ; subject to the risk that
if it is not so they (the preparations) it is that lie, as usual, for the
truth is that they are the greatest fittings-out ever seen in our
time.
It is much affirmed that the Viceroy of Naples will go with the
fleet to Cartagena, and that the Commendador Mayor, who is
ambassador here, goes to Naples, while the ambassador here will be
the Marquis of Alcanluces, who has been staying here nearly a year.
Fabrizio Colonna, eldest son of Marcantonio Colonna, Viceroy of
Sicily, is going as general of the Sicilian galleys since Gil Danerade
(qu. d'Andrade) has died. He left Naples for Leghorn with galleys
to embark the soldiers who are in Tuscany, of whom Prospero
Colonna is colonel. I think he had news of 22 Algerine galleys that
went about in these seas, and they were the cause of his not going
to Gaeta. Yet some say that one galliot caught them, but that he
retired to Gaeta in great haste. Yesterday, St. Francis's Day, news
came that these galleys had entered the port 12 miles from here
and watered. Some say that they have taken cattle and certain
people. The lieutenant of the Pope's guard, who was sent with light
horse to reconnoitre, says that they have done nothing but take
water. Now that they are gone it is said that Don Giovanni da
Cardona, general of the galleys for the kingdom, is coming from
Naples with 28 galleys and going to cruise on the coast hereabouts.
Up to now it has been summer in these parts, and never was seen
such a dry September as this last, for up till to-day it has not rained.
They say the ships are all going to Sardinia and thence to
Cartagena.Rome, 5 Oct. 1579.
Marginal notes in Burghley's hand. Endd. by him and Wilson.
Ital. 1 pp. (Italy I. 2.)
|
|
Oct. 12.
|
62. POULET to the QUEEN.
Having received from Monsieur the enclosed letter, making ample
demonstration of his constant affection towards you, I would not
fail to impart it to your Highness. The bearer is also commanded
by Monsieur to pray me to signify to you that he esteems as nothing
all the testimonies of good will that he has yielded hitherto, and
prays you, whatever you hear of the doings here, to assure yourself
of his good will in all sincerity. It is possible this clause bore some
secret meaning, which I leave to your wisdom.
M. Hallot de Montmorency speaks so honourably of your Majesty
and your Court, with profession of his devotion to your service, that
you have no cause to repent of your favour to him in England. He
took the pains to dine with me yesterday, accompanied by M. de
Marchemont, and after dinner took his journey towards Monsieur, and
though I had not heard from England since I last wrote to his
Highness I thought good to trouble him with a word or two, fearing
to offend if having received a letter from him by M. Hallot I let
him depart without an answer.
Marchemont tells me that the companies levied in Burgundy and
those parts by de Rieux, brother to de Laval, Beaujeu, and others
their assistants, mentioned in my former letter, are at the devotion
of the Duke of Guise, and have been assembled by his order and at
his charges. He is of opinion that their enterprise is all one with
the other forces of Champagne, which are indeed commanded by
the most 'confident' servants of the Duke, and are said to be two or
three regiments, besides those of the king's guards. He says that
Matignon received yesterday express command from the King to
repair speedily into Champagne ; so that he doubts not but some
great matter is in hand, but cannot as yet sound the bottom of it,
though he professes to fear that it reaches to the prejudice of his
best friends.
I learn from others that the companies levied by de Rieux and
others are to be employed in the service of the Estates against the
Spaniards. If the French have any part in these doings I doubt
not but you are made acquainted with it, and therefore forbear to
trouble you with the bruits of this town.
The King is at Olinville, accompanied by the Duke of Guise, who
seems to have great credit with him at present.
Queen Mother has been sick, but is recovered ; and now they say
she will not be here until the 15th of next month, being in great
hope to speak shortly with Bellegarde at Monluel, a town belonging
to the Duke of Savoy, four leagues from Lyons.
We hear by letters of the 22nd ult. from Rome, Venice, and other
places in Italy that the Spanish army was to be embarked before
the last of September. It is confirmed in many ways that a good
part of it is already arrived at 'Calis in Spain.'
The son of the Duke of Terranova departed hence yesterday for
Spain, having remained two or three days secretly in the house
of the King of Spain's agent here.Paris, 12 Oct. 1579.
Add. Endd. by Lisle Cave. 2 pp. [France III. 37.]
|
|
Oct. 4.
|
63. Enclosed in the above :
THE DUKE OF ANJOU to POULET.
M. Hallot de Montmorency being back from England I am
dispatching him to the King my brother, and have charged him
to call upon you in my name, to let you know in what good
health he left the Queen of England and learn from you if
any occasion offer for me to employ myself in your service, as you
may be sure I will do in all that concerns you and wherein you
require it.Verneuil, 5 Oct. 1579. (Signed) Franois.
Add. Endd. by Poulet. Fr. p. [France III. 37a.]
|
|
Oct. 12.
|
64. POULET to WALSINGHAM.
Please peruse the enclosed papers, by which you will see the good
skill and painful diligence of your servant. I am desired to sue in
his behalf that his annuity for one year, of which two or three
months are already expired, may be advanced to him. Such honest
and towardly servants are worthy to be cherished.
I trust Sir Henry Cobham is on his way hither.Paris, 12 Oct.
1579.
P.S.I refer to your consideration to show her Majesty the
enclosed copy of my letter to Monsieur, or no.
Holograph. Add. Endd. p. [Ibid. III. 38.]
|
|
Oct. 16.
|
65. ARCHDUKE MATTHIAS to WALSINGHAM.
Not wishing to let an opportunity pass of writing to you our
gratitude for your good will, and this bearer, Mr Roger Strange,
presenting himself, we have thought good to write begging you not
forget us nor diminish your good will aforesaid whether to us
privately or to these countries, whose good we desire as our own
and whose state is greatly shaken by this war ; a matter of no small
importance to the realm of England, as you can well judge. Commend
us to the Queen our good cousin, assuring her that we shall
not fail to obey her when she honours us with her commands.
Antwerp, 16 Oct. 1579.
Add. Endd. Fr. p. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 37.]
|
|
Oct. 17.
|
66. VILLIERS to DAVISON.
I hope with all my heart that things are going well in your country ;
but as I cannot know in detail what is expedient and what not, I
can but remit all to God, to whom we must pray to have a care of
all, chiefly of several honest folks who are there. I have often
dreaded the scourge of God, principally by reason of the churchmen,
who are so horribly corrupt that most of them only think of
the kitchen, and even talk of nothing else ; for by reading of sacred
literature and histories of the Church I perceive that the corruption
of the ministers is the cause, or the certain sign, of the Church's
ruin, if it be not remedied. And so I say often Da pacem Domine in
diebus nostris and the rest. There is little or no talk of the marriage
in France, and it is certain that M. d'Anjou has left the Court illcontent
over some article respecting it, I know not what. I am for
many reasons extremely grieved at what has happened to Mr
Stubbes, and I am even afraid that his intimates may find themselves
in trouble. I make no doubt that his friends will aid him to
the best of their power, although if her Majesty takes this action
to heart I fear it will be difficult.
I have spoken to his Excellency touching the key. He would
have liked her Majesty or at least Mr Secretary to write of it to
the States ; but he has not omitted to communicate, as I think Mr
Gilpin will write to Mr Secretary, as also of the merchants' affair
with those of Holland and Zealand. I have let them know what
Mr Secretary wrote to me, and in pursuance of his Excellency's
command have placed her Majesty's letter in the hands of Me
Vander Varch. In a few days their deputies should be here ; I will
do what I can to enable them to make an end of it.
It seems likely that the Spaniards will leave the country ; but
war is beginning between the districts of Tournay and Cambray
with some small towns on one side, and Artois and Hainault, now
given up to the Malcontents, on the other. I commend myself to
your favour and that of your wife, not forgetting Francis. My wife
and your Marie say the same.Antwerp, 17 Oct. 1579.
Add. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 38.]
|
|
Oct. 21.
|
67. POULET to the SECRETARIES.
It is generally affirmed that Bellegarde, departing from Carmagnola
the 29th ult. arrived at Chambry on the 10th inst.,
intending to meet Queen Mother at Montluel on the 15th ; and in
letters from Lyons of the 14th it is affirmed that this meeting holds.
Although many here will not believe it till they see it performed,
yet some well acquainted with the humour of the man do not think
it impossible. The meeting in this place of surety is no great
matter. It has perhaps been 'wrought' by the Duke of Savoy for
his better discharge towards Queen Mother ; and yet it has been
compassed with such leisure that it is to be supposed the advice of
the Spaniard has been used therein. But there is great expectation
of the resolution, which no doubt will be of great consequence to
make or mar in diverse ways.
The ambassadors here have been advertised by letters of the
22nd ult. that the Spanish army in Italy has received its pay and
is embarked. Some are of opinion that the ships may pass to
Ireland, and the galleys remain on the coast of Spain till some
good occasion shall be offered to employ them in Portugal.
It is certain that Queen Mother has been highly offended with
the whole company of those in best credit with the King, and it is
not to be doubted but that many princes and many other great
personages blow at this coal with might and main. The King
desiring to keep peace with his mother, or perhaps not daring to
offend her, and fearing lest these men should receive some 'scorn'
in his own presence at her arrival, has sent them all to her one
after the other, excepting only d'O, who has been excused by his
father-in-law Villequier. Hereby it is easy to see that Queen
Mother is king and queen of this country, and has lost no part of
her authority ; some being of opinion that this reconciliation
between her and the King's good servants will prove to be counterfeit.
It is thought now that she will be here shortly.
Camillo Fera is lately returned from Monsieur. He gives out
that Monsieur professes all brotherly love and fidelity to the King,
and upon the arrival of his mother will not fail to return to the
Court.
'Otteman,' a professor of the civil law, not unknown to you as I
think, has his eldest son dwelling with me, 'and is' schoolmaster to
my children. He has lately written to his father that his friends
here advise him to agree with his brethren for his portion of heritage ;
the father being a native of this town of good parentage and having
a good right to lands of good value. 'Otteman,' the father, writes
back from Basle on the 30th ult. that he could 'like well with' the
advice mentioned if it were not that it would be better or worse
very shortly, as all the world would know without delay. Further,
having lately received a letter from one of Normandy, dwelling in
this town, he forbears to write to the Norman, but commands his
son to assure him that if those of his country would do their
endeavour they should not want assistance, and that, doubting the
messenger, he durst not write as plainly as he would. It seems by
this that there is something in brewing in that country.
There has been great expectation of the resolution of the clergy
assembled long since at Melun, and now lately here ; and indeed
their short dealing gives cause to think that they have their favourers
of all degrees. The King, forced by necessity, has been content to
forget his greatness and use very familiar speeches to win them to
his lure. Yet lately he had dismissed them in some choler, but
they were countermanded the same night, and as yet no conclusion
has ensued. For the matters in question between them, I refer you
to the bill enclosed ; which at the first show does not seem to
'import' you greatly, but the 'consequence' discovers many things
worth considering.
I cannot assure you what will become of the companies of horse
and foot assembled in Champagne, though I have used the help of
M. Marchemont ; but it is given out that Matignon is countermanded,
and it seems that the matter is not great, since the King
has departed to take the air of the country for five or six days,
accompanied by the Queen and the Duke of Guise.Paris, 21 Oct.
1579.
Add. Endd. 2 pp. [France III. 39.]
|
|
Oct. 25.
|
68. VILLIERS to DAVISON.
I have nothing new to tell you save that on Friday last [Oct. 21]
at daybreak Colonel Balfour took Menin by escalade, without losing
a single man. He followed point by point the orders given by his
Excellency. He found there two cannons, two culverins, and other
pieces ; so that the Walloons must have been much astonished at
finding their road cut off on every side. The Spaniards have left
the neighbourhood of Mechlin, not venturing to attack M. de la
Noue, who had only 1,000 French and 700 English. So Willebroek
remains over.
It looks as if the Spaniard would withdraw. The Burgundians
are marching, but I think it is for an alarm which certain French
have given them in their own country.
There is reason to fear that Madame has a quartan. She and
Mlle d'Oranges greet you and your wife, as do my wife and
Marie.Antwerp, 25 Oct. 1579.
Add. Fr. p. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 39.]
|
|
Oct. 25.
|
69. Agreement made between Claude d'Estampes, lord of la FertImbault,
one of his Highness's Chamberlains in ordinary, appointed
on the 5th October current, of the one part, and Baudouin de Gavre,
Baron d' Inchy, governor of Cambray, of the other part.
M. de la Fert assures M. d' Inchy that his Highness will be
avowed and supported by the King his brother in his present undertaking,
and will have no intelligence with the King of Spain.
He will in case of necessity aid M. d' Inchy with 2,000 foot and
500 horse at his own charges, to be commanded by M. d' Inchy
under him ; and will spare no means, even his person, if need be.
Payment for a garrison of 300 'heads' in the citadel of Cambray,
with 150 horses, shall be supplied monthly or quarterly so
long as the war lasts or other need requires. To make the soldiers
better affected six months shall be paid in advance.
Further, 5,000 or 6,000 florins shall be paid in cash, to provide
the place with necessary munition and indispensable works, such as
mills, required for the safety of the citadel.
If the Estates enter into a treaty with his Highness, or M. d'
Inchy intends to be comprised in it, he is to have no stricter conditions
than in the case of other towns, and this agreement will be
void ; but if they do not carry out the treaty they have begun the
present terms will hold good.
In the event of M. d' Inchy going to the army or elsewhere on his
Highness's service or his own account, he desires the French commander
to act as his lieutenant with full powers ; but he is not to be
pressed to leave the place save of his own free will.
If M. d' Inchy asks aid from his Highness, one-third of the garrison
shall be French ; and if the succours are attacked by Spaniards or
their adherents M. d' Inchy will withdraw them into the town if
their safety requires.
In order that M. d' Inchy's authority may be secure, it is agreed
that he holds it from his Highness.
All these things M. de la Fert, in virtue of his powers promises
that his Highness will ratify if M. d' Inchy will swear allegiance
to him as his sovereign, renouncing every other prince from henceforth.
He will administer the same oath to his soldiers and other
subordinates, and will admit a company of French, numbering 100
to 120 men into the citadel, under a French captain, who shall act
as his lieutenant. All soldiers, Flemings or others shall swear
that if anything happens to (au cas Dieu adrienne faire sa volont
de) M. d' Inchy they will obey whomsoever his Highness shall
appoint ; and that meantime the French captain shall remain
governor, and they will obey him as they did M. d' Inchy.
M. d' Inchy shall let his Highness know by the end of December
what succour he wants ; the agreement to remain in force meanwhile.
If his Highness requires his forces elsewhere, and cannot carry
out [?] his desire to entertain the present agreement, M. de la Fert
will let M. d' Inchy know his intentions before the end of December.
Signed and sealed at Cambray, Oct. 25.
Copy, somewhat damaged. Fr. 2 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 40.]
|
|
Oct. 25.
|
70. 'HER MAJESTY'S ANSWER to the TURK'S LETTER.'
Elizabeth, etc. to Sultan Murad Khan etc. We have received
your letter of March 15 in the current year, and have learnt from
it how graciously the letters were accepted which were presented
to you by our subject William Harbroun, resident in your city of
Constantinople, containing a petition for himself and his two
partners to trade freely in your dominions. Nor only that, but how
easily and how worthily of an emperor the request was granted.
We receive the favour most gratefully, and lest you should
think you have done a kindness to an ungrateful prince, we will at
no time suffer ourselves, so far as we are able, and according to the
goodness which God through whom we reign has implanted in us,
making ingratitude abhorrent to us, to be conquered or outdone by
any prince who has deserved well of us. But whereas a permission
similar to that enjoyed by your allies the French, the Poles, the
Venetians, and even the subjects of the King of the Romans, has been
granted to a few of our subjects at their own request and without
any intercession on our part, we ask that the credit of so singular
kindness may not be confined within the limit of two or three men
but may be distributed among all our subjects. You will the
less regret it that the products in which our realm abounds
and which those of other princes lack are so necessary for
the uses of mankind that no people can be without them, or
fail to rejoice when it has obtained them by long and difficult
journeys. But everyone sells more dearly to others in proportion
as he seeks a living and a profit from his labour. So as the
acquisition of those products is advantageous, but the purchase of
them from others burdensome, the advantage to your subjects will
be increased by this free access of a few of our people to your land ;
the burden will be diminished by allowing any of our subjects to
go. There will further be the like and equal freedom of trade which
we shall grant to your subjects, which we promise shall be as full
as any of your allies grant to any of the princes, or as has ever been
conceded to your subjects. If you will accede to our request, we
will see that our subjects trade with your country.
Your expression of goodwill towards us leads us also to speak on
behalf of our subjects who are held as prisoners in your galleys
(triremibus), that whereas they have fallen into this misfortune for
no fault committed by them they may be granted their freedom.
We pray God, who alone is over all things, and is the avenger of
idolatry, and jealous for His honour against the false gods of the
Gentiles and others, to prosper you with all those gifts which are
deservedly held most desirable.Greenwich, 25 Oct. 1579, the 21st
of our reign.
Copy. Latin. 3 pp. [Turkey I. 1.]
|
|
[Oct. 25.]
|
71. THE QUEEN to MUSTAFA BEG.
Your letter of Mar. 15 was handed to us by William Harborne,
who at the same time recorded your kindness to our subjects. As
it has taken the form of promoting the trade of our merchants to
the dominions of his Imperial (Csare) Highness it demands our
gratitude and reciprocity of good offices. As by your good means
matters are so far advanced that he has begun to incline to Harborne's
request on behalf of himself and his partners, and we would
not willingly be excluded from the conveniences granted to the
snbjects of other states, we have written to his Highness to testify
our gratitude, and to ask him to allow to all our subjects the same
permission that he has granted to a few ; promising like liberty to
his subjects in our dominions. We beg that you will aid us in
obtaining this request. And as we have also dealt with him briefly
for the freedom of certain of our subjects who are captive in his
galleys we ask you to show your goodwill to us by promoting their
cause.
Copy. Latin. 1 pp. [Turkey I. 1.]
|
|
Oct. 26.
|
72. POULET to WALSINGHAM.
Please peruse the enclosed paper. I have written to Mr Wilson
by this bearer, Mr Jackson, and doubt not that he will acquaint you
with my letter, which contains only an answer to his sent by the
same ; save that Bellegarde and Diguires of Dauphin have conferred
with Queen Mother at Monluel. She takes her journey to
this town, the King intending to meet her at Montargis ; and some
think they will spend some time 'abroad' before returning hither.
I fear Sir Henry Cobham's lingering on his journey will 'turn
both him and me to great hindrance' ; it being likely we shall have
to seek the King I cannot tell where, or to tarry here I cannot tell
how long. I have now no hope to see any part of the term in
London.Paris, 26 Oct. 1579.
Enclosure in the above :
The English gentleman who I told you three weeks ago was
come from the Court of the Catholic King stayed here 20 days in
the house where Morgan lodges. He is gone to find the Prince
of Parma, and his name is Owen. He has been waiting for an
answer to some letters which he sent to England at his first
arrival here, by what route I could not learn. He had 150 crowns
from the Catholic King for his journey, and a pension of 25 crowns
a month. While he was here he was often with the Scottish
Ambassador, through whose hands he received letters from
England, which I am persuaded were in answer to those he sent ;
so hence it may be believed that the said Ambassador sent those
brought by him from Spain.
At the same time that Mr Wotton came from Madrid, Browne,
brother to Lord Montacute, passed by here on his way from the
Prince of Parma. He stayed two days, being with the 'Catholic
Agent' and the Scottish Ambassador ; who paid him 80 crowns,
so far as I can learn from what Morgan says.
Morgan tells me that Mr Wilson opened a packet of letters
sent by her of Scotland, wherein were letters for the Emperor,
the Empress, Archduke Ernest, the King of France, the Queen
regnant, the Bishop of Ross, and that after being seen they were
returned. He tells me that they dealt only with certain abbeys
and benefices affecting the Scots and the Bishop of Ross ; and
that if they had been on business of consequence they would have
gone by that hand ; albeit I doubt the Queen his mistress and
her council have another object.Copy, in Poulet's hand. Ital.
1 p. [France III. 40a.]
Add. Endd. : with a secret Italian advertisement. 1 pp.
[France III. 40.]
|
|
Oct. 26.
|
73. POULET to [WALSINGHAM].
The gentleman mentioned in your letter is departed hence with
good satisfaction and in hope to perform his journey without danger,
promising that I shall hear again from him shortly.
The long-expected conference between Queen Mother has at last
taken effect ; but what is resolved between them I do not yet know
for certain. Some say he will continue in his government of
Saluces ; but I must refer you to my next letter. Diguires, the
chief of the religion in Dauphine, who has assisted Bellegarde in
all these enterprises, came to the conference. It is said that Queen
Mother leaves Lyons to-day, and will be here about the 15th prox.
the King intending to meet her at Montargis, and starting for that
purpose on the 29th.
Please peruse the enclosed notes of . . . of Italy, which I had
of the ambassador of . . . . the same being confirmed by letters to
other ambassadors. I refer the other discourse, touching the
enterprise of Portugal, to your better consideration.
Whoever reported to her Majesty that I was the first that informed
Monsieur that Stubbes's book was translated into French
and printed in this town, has done me great wrong. I assure
you upon my poor credit that I never heard it, and
would be loth to be found so 'leawde' as either to devise or utter
so shameless a lie. God give me grace to say and [do] what I am
commanded, and then I [doubt] not but the same God will never
give me so little . . . to be a babbler in such matters without
[permi]ssion. The truth is that since the receipt of your last
letter your friend has told me that he has seen this book in
English, and that it has been translated into Italian and sent to
the Pope in 'written hand.'
The King is returned from Dampierre, and ca[lled in good ?]
health, although far from it indeed . . . by those that take upon
them to know him.
The ambassador of Portugal 'pretends' to have ne[ws of the ?]
Spanish preparations, wherein he 'descontyth' . . . of many
others.Paris, 26 Oct. 1579.
Margin burnt. Add. and Endt. gone. 1 pp. [France III. 41.]
|
|
Oct. 26.
|
74. R. LLOYD to ARTHUR ATYE, secretary to the Earl of
Leicester.
I thank you for your letter, the rather that it carried a command
from him whom I am so much bound to serve and honour. I have
accordingly repaired to my lord ambassador, upon whom I 'have
and will attend.' I desire to be employed upon all occasions wherein
I may serve his lordship, and so I pray you signify.
Touching those gentlemen : I am not well-acquainted with Mr
Savile, but I know he is not in this town. Mr Bodleigh lately
arrived here from Orleans, and still remains here, but how long he
will stay I cannot tell you. Before the return of this gentleman I
had no leisure to find out Mr Bodleigh ; I will shortly do it, and
satisfy your expectation.
Our news is that the Queen Mother will be at Court about the last
of this month. Men are mustered and put in readiness, but for
what cause or whether they will be employed are 'letters close' to
to me. The King lies mostly at the Louvre, whence he makes many
pretty [sic] progresses slenderly accompanied. Now he is said to
be at Olinville.Paris, 26 Oct. 1579.
P.S.The King came to Paris yesterday.
Add. (The writing is like that of most of Poulet's letters.) Endd.
1 p. [Ibid. III. 42.]
|
|
Oct. 26.
|
75. The LANDGRAVE of HESSE to three ELECTORS [see No. 47].
The answer of us, William, Landgrave of Hesse etc. to the
application of Lewis, Palsgrave of the Rhine, Augustus Duke of
Saxony, John George Marquis of Brandenburg, made through
their envoys Haubold von Einsedell, Lambert Distelmeyer, doctor
of law, Jacobus Andre and Martinus Chemnitius, doctors of theology.80
We reciprocate your kind wishes for our health and prosperity,
and must in any case extol and praise your zeal in the cause of
concord and unity among Christians, considering that Christ enjoined
nothing so strongly upon His disciples as love and unity, and
has thereby abundantly shown how important to Christians is unity
and how much mischief will come of division. You may therefore
be confident that we have no less than yourselves always desired a
concord agreeable to God's word, and have been inclined to further
the same to the best of our power. The Elector of Saxony will bear
witness, that as soon as he opened to me in confidence your scheme
for a Concord we not only at the outset assented in friendly wise to
it and expressed to him our confidence in the theologians who were
or were to be employed in the work, but subsequently at our brother's
request declared honestly, with a single heart and in all Christian
discretion, our opinion, and that of our theologians on the draft of
the Concord Book composed at Torgau. How that was received by
the theologians of one part, and what a bitter and unjustified censure
of us on their part followed, that which was written sufficiently
proves. We are informed also that other theologians were not
pleased with so biting a document.
None the less we should have persevered with reminders and
warnings, not out of meddlesomeness but for conscience' sake
and the importance of the matter to us, nay at times cordially
participated, as you can well remember. And all our reminders
would have been directed to this mark and end. We did not desire
to seek any strange or new thing in the work of concord, but rather
to warn against generally dangerous innovations.
For this very reason we should at the outset have cited as vexatious
and dangerous the appeal in the Concord Book to the first unaltered
Confession, and the needless fishing-up of so many selected but for
the more part only implicit errors, as well as the condemnations in
the article on the Supper and the quasi-approval of that controversy,
with the highly contentious and dangerous dogma of the ubiquity of
Christ's body and all that depends thereon, and so forth. All this
bordered on innovation, seeing that the quoted words 'first unaltered
Confession' together with the piling up of so many countertheses
and errors naturally conveyed such a meaning as gave our
adversaries more cause to impute to our predecessors and Christian
teachers a want of certainty and steadfastness in their Confession,
to revile their former action, to accuse of erroneous teaching the
founders and defenders of our purified religion and set them apart
from each other, to cry down our religion the more contemptuously,
and by our own admission to gain additional evidence
for their injurious charges of uncertainty and division in our
religion ; for none of which, we surely and undoubtingly maintain,
have you any intention of affording the least ground.
Thus, again, where our predecessors in the article of the Lord's
Supper concerning the presence, distribution, and dimension of
Christ's true Body and Blood, gave a brief and direct statement of
their view in the Augsburg Confession, disapproving and rejecting
the contrary doctrine, but otherwise and afterwards would never let
We reciprocate your kind wishes for our health and prosperity,
and must in any case extol and praise your zeal in the cause of
concord and unity among Christians, considering that Christ enjoined
nothing so strongly upon His disciples as love and unity, and
has thereby abundantly shown how important to Christians is unity
and how much mischief will come of division. You may therefore
be confident that we have no less than yourselves always desired a
concord agreeable to God's word, and have been inclined to further
the same to the best of our power. The Elector of Saxony will bear
witness, that as soon as he opened to me in confidence your scheme
for a Concord we not only at the outset assented in friendly wise to
it and expressed to him our confidence in the theologians who were
or were to be employed in the work, but subsequently at our brother's
request declared honestly, with a single heart and in all Christian
discretion, our opinion, and that of our theologians on the draft of
the Concord Book composed at Torgau. How that was received by
the theologians of one part, and what a bitter and unjustified censure
of us on their part followed, that which was written sufficiently
proves. We are informed also that other theologians were not
pleased with so biting a document.
None the less we should have persevered with reminders and
warnings, not out of meddlesomeness but for conscience' sake
and the importance of the matter to us, nay at times cordially
participated, as you can well remember. And all our reminders
would have been directed to this mark and end. We did not desire
to seek any strange or new thing in the work of concord, but rather
to warn against generally dangerous innovations.
For this very reason we should at the outset have cited as vexatious
and dangerous the appeal in the Concord Book to the first unaltered
Confession, and the needless fishing-up of so many selected but for
the more part only implicit errors, as well as the condemnations in
the article on the Supper and the quasi-approval of that controversy,
with the highly contentious and dangerous dogma of the ubiquity of
Christ's body and all that depends thereon, and so forth. All this
bordered on innovation, seeing that the quoted words 'first unaltered
Confession' together with the piling up of so many countertheses
and errors naturally conveyed such a meaning as gave our
adversaries more cause to impute to our predecessors and Christian
teachers a want of certainty and steadfastness in their Confession,
to revile their former action, to accuse of erroneous teaching the
founders and defenders of our purified religion and set them apart
from each other, to cry down our religion the more contemptuously,
and by our own admission to gain additional evidence
for their injurious charges of uncertainty and division in our
religion ; for none of which, we surely and undoubtingly maintain,
have you any intention of affording the least ground.
Thus, again, where our predecessors in the article of the Lord's
Supper concerning the presence, distribution, and dimension of
Christ's true Body and Blood, gave a brief and direct statement of
their view in the Augsburg Confession, disapproving and rejecting
the contrary doctrine, but otherwise and afterwards would never let
themselves be moved to a public approbation of the almost bitter
polemical writings which passed between theologians on this point
before the concord which was come to with the late Dr. Luther in
1537, still less to a condemnation (such as was agreed upon in the
summons to the meeting at Laumburg in 1551) or exclusion of any
man from the religious peace on grounds of reason, but in the
churches and schools of their lands simply adhered to the Augsburg
Confession as their symbol, things would not be left in this usage,
but the whole Court and Empire would be involved in similar
polemical writings and the almost odious accusations embodied in
them, and also in the questionable condemnation and the extension
of it to be arranged by the authors of the Concord Book, and the
responsibility for all would be thrust upon you. It will without
doubt be as little convenient to the Electors as to those of other
stations to charge themseves with these far-reaching and dangerous
disputations, and, as the saying is, make the suit their own.
In like manner we have warned, and again warn in all loyalty, in
the Articles of the Lord's Supper to let the words of institution be
and remain alone the right ground for the presence of the Body
and Blood of Christ, and not to mix up with this matter the contentious
dogma of the omnipotence [sic] of Christ's human nature,
but to get rid of this latter, to come to agreement on the new
dangerous forms and modes of speech in the Article on the Person
of Christ which give birth to quarrels and disputations, and as
regards that high mystery of the Personal Union, wherein one may
easily stumble upon Nestorianism, Eutychianism, Suengfeldianism
[qy. Zwinglianism] and the like damnable heresies, to teach only
in accordance with the symbols and decrees of the Councils accepted
by the universal Church.
If you think the way of an universal synod too hazardous in
these times, we have already declared that until God shows a better
way, we are with you in holding straitly to the Augsburg Confession
and Apology committed to us in the year '30 (short always of the
papistic transubstantiation) as that based on God's word ; and, so far
as concerns the person of Christ, to the Apostles', the Nicene, and
the Athanasian creeds, to the decrees of the four chief Councils, and
to the Epistle of Leo to Flavian, which is accepted by the whole
Church ; and in no way intend to permit anything contrary thereto
in our churches and schools, but to stand henceforth as heretofore
manfully in defence of the Augsburg Confession, and all estates
who are attached to it.Cassel, 26 Oct. 1579.
A few extracts only have been given ; the entire document occupies
17 pp.
Endd. by R. Beale [?] : 'Copy of the Landgrave's letter to the three
secular electors about the book of Concord.' German. [Germ.
States I. 77.]
|
|
Oct. 28.
|
76. ROSSEL to WALSINGHAM.
My last told you of the surprise of Menin, the first stronghold of
the malcontent conspiracy, effected by Colonel Balfour and his men
with the neighbouring garrisons, in pursuance of a plan considered
some time ago by M. de la Noue and myself. Three days earlier
MM. de Capre, Montigny, Hze, d'Allennes, and other colonels were
in conclave there, planning some new enterprise on Flanders. This
having failed, and finding themselves in perplexity under the
calumnies of the Spaniards they are taking divers counsel for the
furtherance of their fine peace. Count de Reulx' troops are at
Turnhout, Gheel and the parts adjacent, having on their border
the Spanish cavalry at Turnhout. They are fortifying themselves
to store their goods, and entrenching after the fashion of Menin,
from fear, or rather to give us trouble. Count Lalaing, studying
to construct some stratagem for M. de la Noue, who is encamped in
the Abbey of Grimberg, near Brussels and the river, has been at
Alost, where his designs were recognised. This will hinder those
of his accomplices. M. de la Noue has arrived this evening about
this matter and others concerning himself. He insists on being
allowed to resign, since arms are on the road afresh in France and
the King is assembling his forces. Your ambassadors will tell you
about this and I need say no more to captain our State, which
deplores the idea of peace.
Steps are being taken to get the Union to submit to the contribution
settled in Antwerp. They have resolved to continue for three
months paying 2 per cent. on the rents of houses as well as other
incomes. If the provinces of the Union agree to this the resources
will be sufficient to maintain the war. My fear that most of them
will fail to pay their quota keeps me in doubt. Some of the Estates
have arrived and are assembling, so that I do not think well of the
speech of a person of quality who knows the provinces well in the
matter of finance. He maintains that Guelders and Friesland will
put off ; Holland, naturally slow and not very willing, will cool the
others. We shall see the issue, and the decision on the three points.
Antwerp, 28 Oct. 1579.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 pp. [Holl. & Fl. XII. 41.]
|
|
? End of
Oct.
|
77. NOTE from PARIS.
Morgan and his mates being assembled of late after the accustomed
manner, and holding a letter in his hand : 'You shall now
see,' says he, 'how untruly it is given out that James Fitzmorris is
slain, and that Irish matters go hard on that side.' Then he read
the letter dated the 11th ult. in Ireland, and directed to two Jesuit
scholars called Sydcotts. The letter contained that at the last
skirmish 140 Englishmen had been slain, that Englishmen resorted
daily to the aid of Fitzmorris, and that eight ships were newly
arrived with men and munitions. These men show their good
minds. Morgan gives out that these things are done by the Pope
and not by the King of Spain, wherein he shows his cunning. He
says that the Spanish army in Italy has divided, part going to
Africa for the King of Spain, part coming into Ireland from the
Pope.
I have received this advertisement from your friend.
In Poulet's hand, but without date, add. or endd. 15ll,
[France III. 43.]
|
