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Dec. 18.
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107. to POULET.
I am sending several letters which have been forwarded to me for
you from various places ; among others one from the King of
Navarre which M. de Chassincourt, his agent at Court, gave me
yesterday. The Queen Mother is not yet back from the Prince ;
the object of her journey was to persuade him to recross the Loire,
to which effect he is offered a residence at Coignac and 50,000
livres pension. He has not decided to accept this ; it would indeed
be a great disgrace to him, and I do not see that there would be
great security for his return. Meanwhile they are in a great
difficulty, for they see that if he is left there his party have a place
of retreat and a chief to rally them, as well as a means to facilitate
help from abroad. Nor do they see how they can get him out of it
by force, for they know not to whom to entrust the operations,
having no confidence in the great men and fearing the small.
Marshal Bellegarde is doing everything in Provence and Dauphin
at the devotion of our people. 'They' are also greatly
afraid of this conference between the King of Navarre and Marshal
Montmorency, now going on at Foix.
The Estates of Normandy continue their demands, and avow
everything that MM. de la Rocheguion, Ponttellange and others
have done. Meanwhile the Prince is not going to sleep, having
fortified, victualled, and munitioned la Fre. I believe that M. de
la Noue is now there ; at any rate he was at Cambray last Saturday
and wrote to us from there.
Murders are beginning again. This week the Chevalier de
Tenance was killed by M. de Seure ; and at Alenon, in the neighbourhood
of Monsieur, the Baron de Montjoy has been killed in a
duel. These are ill omens for this poor state.18 Dec. 1579.
P.S.Matignon's troops that were in Champagne are in this
neighbourhood, and have been made to pass muster.
M. de Ravignan has had his answer, but it contains only remonstrances,
prayers and conjurations to the King of Navarre to
restore the towns, promising that if he does so the Edict will be
punctually carried out. Their object is to induce us to ask, as the
King of Navarre is resolutely doing, for some further term, within
which it shall be so carried out.
Endd. by Walsingham : from N. to Sir Amyas Poulet. Fr. 1 p.
[France III. 58.]
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Dec. 19.
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108. VILLIERS to DAVISON.
I received yours of the 5th. Owing to the absence of Mr Travers,
who was gone to Lierre, I could not speak to him, nor to the other
who was with him. I touched on it this morning to Mr Gilpin ;
he thinks there is danger, and that the thing must be managed as
gently and discreetly as possible, but as you know we are not always
masters of our designs. We all desire here that your country's
affairs may be conducted to God's honour and the repose of the
realm ; and the discussion of particulars only goes on among those
who have some particular interests. As for the person of whom
you write to me, who shows [?] the letters, I believe it, but I have
wonderfully good pledges from him. Still I will think of it ; and
thank you much. I have written freely to him touching the fault
committed by him and others over there in the matter of Cassiodore,
who would like to trouble our churches here ; but this again was
because he wrote to me of it himself. I think he is satisfied ; at
least so he gives me to understand.
Our affairs drag on as usual. For the third time his Excellency
has taken leave of the general burden, not wishing any longer to
command without means. He offers his services as a nobleman of
the country. I think they will come to a resolution, for they must
act or perish. It is those of Holland who back out the most
Flanders does very well.
We are assured that the Spaniards are taking the road next
Monday ; we shall soon see. The Albanians, Italians, and Burgundians
remain, by agreement with the Walloons, who have been
a little beaten. If they are beaten once more they will recall the
Spaniards. M. de la Noue, notwithstanding all the representations
made to him, has gone into France. God keep him safe.
The Prince and Princess, my ladies of Orange, and your little
mistress greet you affectionately, as do we. Please salute Mr and
Miss (sic) Killegrew.Antwerp, 19 Dec. 1579.
Add. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 52.]
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Dec. 22.
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109. FREMIN to DAVISON.
Just a word or two to recall me to your good graces, in which I
would be maintained, and to tell you that I have written to you
several times and received no answer, which makes me think you
are absent or have forgotten your humble servant. Yet I will not
for that cease to be your servant as in duty bound by your laudable
qualities.
As for the state of affairs here I can tell you nothing just now,
because the gentleman who takes this is on the point of departure.
You know him, and I have asked him to discourse at large to you
on what is happening here. For the rest, count wholly on me. I
commend me to your 'Mademoiselle votre compagne' and all your
family.Antwerp, 22 Dec. 1579.
Add. Fr. p. [Holl. and Fl. XII. 53.]
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Dec. 26.
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110. COBHAM to [WALSINGHAM ?].
Mr Stafford, accompanied by M. Simier, came to Paris on
Christmas Eve ; and as he had stayed so long at Monsieur's Court,
now at their coming they determined to hasten hence. Whereon I
sent that night to M. Gondy to procure Mr Stafford's audience,
which was granted, and next day he had access to their Majesties,
to whom he effectually delivered his message. But as M. Simier
had been at Court the night before and that morning, I think they
were well informed of the cause of his coming and heard him
willingly. They make show to like and to be as earnest in the
cause as they ever were, expressing by many speeches their hope of
the present conclusion. In such sort this matter is carried here.
I have sent this messenger to you, to inform you of what he
heard the Prince of Cond say, 'and otherwise pass' since his
coming to Fre. Please hear him at large.Paris, 26 Dec. 1579.
P.S.The advertisement which I received and sent you, of the
King of Spain's taking of Genoa, falls not out accordingly. It grew
from some of the navy staying there, which now are passed towards
Spain.
Marshal Bellegarde is dead and M. d'Aulmont is made Marshal.
His [Bellegarde's] government is given to M. de la Valette.
Add. and endt. gone. 1 p. [France, III. 59.]
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Dec. 27.
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111. ROSSEL to WALSINGHAM.
I have been for two whole months on military expeditions with
M. de le Noue. Events will, I think, have been reported by 'Mr
Secretary Gilpin,' including the return of M. de la Noue to France
from Avelghem, a place which we fortified in order to check
Haultrive on the Scheld fortified by the enemy, as well as to facilitate
assistance to Tournay, St. Amand, Bouchain and Cambray. To
this end was sent Colonel Norris with 7 ensigns, maintained at the
cost of the Flemings. He was very welcome at Tournay and
caressed by the Prince of Espinoy. M. de la Noue on leaving gave
me orders to place the troops in garrison ; the French at Loo in
Flanders, the cavalry at Oudenarde, Courtray, Menin, and Ypres.
On the way came news that the enemy was fortifying at Vamercy
[Wambrechies], a place on the Lille river. This made us hasten
to the suburb of Commines to the assistance of 7 Flemish
companies Colonel Mortagne, who otherwise would have been badly
handled by the enemy, led at that time by Count Mansfelt, who
was followed by the Marquis of Risbrouk, Count Egmont,
la Motte, Montigny, Capres, and other malcontents to the
number of 5,000 foot and 10 cornets of horse. These came and
assaulted our people's barricades with three pieces of artillery on
Friday the 18th, on which day the skirmish lasted from mid-day
to nightfall, when they encamped on the ground. A consultation
was at once held as to whether we could hold out against their
artillery. The decision being in the negative it was thought well
to secure our retreat, which was done after burning the bridges over
Lys. The enemy has not since found an opportunity of repairing
them owing to the bad weather and his dread of the Prince of
Cond's army at la Fre, whither M. de la Noue has gone. The
Prince writes to the States and his Excellency the cause of his
coming to la Fre, which is his wish to hold his government of
Picardy, a thing that the King and Queen Mother must needs
approve. He is accompanied by about 600 horse, mostly nobles of
Picardy. His approach has made our Malcontents retreat with
their Albanians, fearing the surprise of some town in Artois.
I hope for M. de la Noue's return in February, or at any rate the
beginning of March. Meanwhile every possible effort is being
taken to get things into order for the support of the war. All
councillors will be renewed, especially for finance. These will be
reduced to a certain number, and with the chamber of aids and
finances will administer the moyens gnraux, contributed by the
various provinces, in one lump sum. This has been recently agreed,
even the Hollanders joining, who will conform to equality in the
coinage and other usages heretofore accustomed.
His Excellency feels assured of the withdrawal of the Spaniards,
and I not ; seeing that they are careering daily about Mechlin.
The towns belonging to Brussels are much disturbed. The
Chancellor of Brabant, the new deputies and others will start tomorrow
to revise the law, and remedy the distress caused by the
non-payment of the garrisons not only there but at Lierre, where the
English who are there have mutinied for the same cause. All the
other towns with garrisons are in a like predicament, a deplorable
calamity for us and to the fact of our state being governed by everybody
on his own account. In this expedition I have recognised
more than ever an omen of their mishaps (plus d'augure en leurs
malheurs) ; that they put ignorance in command, the foe to excellence.
This disgusts me, and I do not want any longer to serve
amid ingratitude.
A friend of mine has by my direction been communicating with
Mr Gilpin from Cologne, who will have told you of his good dispositions.
Learning that you would like an interview with him I
have told him to come to Liege promptly, to sound all the adherents
of the league so perniciously based on the pretext of the
marriage you wot of, which will result in the freeing of the prisoners
and other schemes ruinous to this state, which should make us look
out to prevent as much ruin to you. I guarantee he will do that
service and go further, as has been resolved by Mr Gilpin and
myself. I hope you will take his labour into consideration.
Friesland is somewhat shaky ; some of the towns assured, but not
the principal. Guelders is 'mined' with garrisons as counterpoise.
Antwerp, 27 Dec. 1579.
Add. Endd. Fr. 2 pp. [Hol. and Fl. XII. 54.]
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Dec. 30.
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112. WALSINGHAM to COBHAM.
Yours of the 19th by John Furrier was very welcome, for there
was much longing here to hear from France, especially from
Monsieur ; the rather that it appears by his letters that he is most
resolute to prosecute the marriage. But no full resolution will, I
suppose, be taken till Mr Stafford's return.
Touching the employment of certain persons in Spain (since I
have no access of speech to her Majesty since my repair to Court,
being still entertained as a man not thoroughly restored to her
favour), I can say nothing as yet, but mean to pray Mr Secretary
Wilson to move her therein.
It is thought that Parliament will be prorogued, since the Commissioners
to be sent by the King cannot be here so soon.
Your servant Lewkner shall not stay here long undispatched.
More speed would have been used if I had enjoyed my former credit
with her Majesty. Notwithstanding, I will call upon Mr Secretary
to know her pleasure what she will have done by you towards either
the King or Monsieur upon this dispatch sent by you and Mr
Stafford.
You will do well in future to direct your letters containing the
occurrents to us both, without writing separate letters, unless it
be upon special occasion or private matter, as you may think fit.
We have heard nothing from Ireland this month, which we
impute to the contrariety of the winds.
The young King of Scots begins to be carried away with young
counsellors, and 'Obigny' amongst the rest grows to be over-great
with him. He practises with the nobility of that realm to draw
them towards France, which he does underhand ; for outwardly he
makes show to favour the amity of this Crown as most necessary for
the King. Besides, he 'bears them in hand' that he will become of the
Religion, and thereby stops the mouths of the ministers, who otherwise
cannot be stayed from inveighing against him. We have not
yet heard from Captain Erington, and therefore cannot say what
will become of the lord of Arbrothe and his brother's case.At the
Court, 30 Dec. 1579.
Draft. Endd. by L. Tomson. 1pp. [France III. 60.]
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Dec. 31.
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113. COBHAM to [WALSINGHAM].
I have detained your servant hitherto, because at his coming
John Furrier had received and brought his dispatches from Mr
Stafford, and Best had been with the Prince of Cond ; so that I
thought it most convenient to send the report of that by
him. I wrote to you by him of all that had passed here.
Since then the father of Bussy d'Amboise has sent to M. Simier
his son-in-law M. de Balligny ; by whom a quarrel was offered, on
the plea that Simier had accepted an abbey which young Bussy
had. Simier accepted the quarrel, and they were to have met next
day, but it was not prosecuted. Since then the King and Queen
have found themselves aggrieved with this proceeding of Bussy and
Balligny ; whereupon both parties have received the King's strait
command, and thus that matter remains, as this bearer can from
point to point inform you by very good means.
The King and Queen proceed, in all show, hotly to the advancement
and performance of Monsieur's marriage.
The King of Navarre has 'passed conference' with Duke
Montmorency.
The King has again sent M. de la Personne to the Prince of
Cond with permission for him to remain in the Castle of la Fre
with 50 soldiers only for his guard. The governor also to remain
and the rest of the Prince's forces to be sent away.
Since the death of Bellegarde the King has given his government
of Saluces to M. de la Valette. He is gone thither with the determination
to leave the government in the hands of his elder brother
and to persuade his cousin, the young Bellegarde, to repair to the
Court on the King's granting him the government of 'Carmagnolle'
and 'Cerisolles.'
The King was content that M. de la Noue should come to this
town, but the Pope's nuncio and the Spanish agent have so dealt
with him that la Noue does not yet appear in Paris, but remains at
his house 18 leagues hence.
M. de Pibrac having come hither to the feast of St. Esprit has
told the King that in a place in Languedor it has rained blood, not
far from the place where the King of Navarre met Montmorency,
'whereon there runneth a bruit.' At that interview there were with
the King of Navarre the Viscount of 'Touraine,' M. de Guitry, and
the deputies from the Churches of Languedor. On the other side
were Marshal Montmorency, the chief president of Toulouse, with
the councillors, and the Bishops of 'Lombeze and Auxe.'
This evening are installed eight brothers of St. Esprit ; I enclose
their names. 'The occurrents is' that the Spanish 'army' has
passed towards the coast of Spain.
I hear that an enterprise of the Protestants is discovered for the
seizure of Havre de Grace.Paris this 'Nueiers even.'
Endd. by Walsingham. 2 pp. [France III. 61.]
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Dec. 31.
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114. Attestation by Melchior de Vades, notary for the town and
jurisdiction of 'the city Vicieuse,' to the effect that on Dec. 3
'there entered into the river of the town aforesaid one ship called
St. Peter laden with munition and weapons, which had on board
thirty men and odd of divers nations, who had for their captain one
whom they called Alonso Verneno, an 'Irishman,' who, being visited
by the Governor and other officials, 'showed them certain letters
written by the Pope's nuncio, and letters of provision from his
Majesty to the Governor,' whereupon the Governor charged all
persons 'to yield the captain and company all favour, help and
victuals, and what else soever they should require, at prices reasonable,
because the business they went about was undertaken at the
request of the Pope's Holiness.' Given at the request of Captain
Alonso Verneno, Villa Viciosa, 31 Dec. 1597.
Trans. in hand of L. Tomson. p. [Spain I. 34.] [A French
version calendared in 'Ireland,' same date.]
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Dec.
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115. BURGHLEY to [? LA. MOTTE-FNELON].
Monsieur,Although I have not by any writing to you continued
the remembrance of our common good . . . grown whilst
you were here ambassador for your king, yet beside my own
devotion warranted by my conscience, there are many witnesses
of your nation to my commemoration of your rare virtues and
sufficiency, not only for the place you held here about the Queen,
but for any place of counsel that you do or shall [sic] about
your king ; as without any note of pleasing you, I confess I think
the king as happy to have a direct counsellor as you fortunate to
be in credit with him. And as whensoever any occasion is given
me to hear you spoken [sic] I have not forborne to utter my liking
of you in the hearing of your countrymen, though perchance some
of them may in some sort envy your singular praise ; so now being
'provoked' to recommend with my letters the bearer hereof to my
acquaintance in France, I have . . . my . . . . . not
meaning to trouble you thereby, but to . . . to shew your
favours to the party, if at any time he shall have need of your
countenance The bearer is named Mr Anthony Bacon, son to
him whom you knew here a great counsellor, the Lord Keeper of
the Great Seal of England ; and allied to me in that his mother,
Lady Bacon, is my wife's sister. Since his father's death the care
of him and his brother being by the testament of his father committed
to me, and by his mother referred absolutely to my consideration,
I have assented to have him, according to his honest desire,
to travel into France, to see the country and to learn the language,
and to enable himself by learning good things there, to serve his
country the better. And though M. de Mauvissire has 'loden'
him with plenty of commendatory letters, for which I am greatly
beholden to him, yet surely I am bound to make as great account
of this my own letter to you as of many of the other.
And so, having been glad of this occasion to write for this my
particular friend, I will end with the general recommendation of
the public good amity between your master, the king, and my
mistress, the Queen, and their countries and people ; wherein as I
know you can and will do all good offices, and as by reports of our
ambassadors both present and 'preterit' I understand you do and
have done sincerely, so also I wish you to be as well assured of me
for my part, to my poor power and small understanding ; for so am
I sure I shall please the King of all kings, with whom [?] beati
pacifici quoniam filii Dei vocabuntur.
Draft in Burghley's hand, much faded. Subscription in Fr. in
another hand. 2 pp. [France III. 67.]
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[1579.]
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116. 'An Extract of certain Edicts made in France since
ao 1561.'
17 Jan. 1561.All exercises in towns forbidden, but not to be
'impeached' otherwise to assemble for exercise. No preaching of
any doctrine against the Word of God, as it is contained in the
Council of Nice and the Old and New Testament.
April 1562.A prohibition to make any assembly or to preach in
the town of Paris or fauxbourgs or banlieue of Paris.
19 Mar. 1562, at Amboise.(1) All gentlemen holding 'fee haubert'
shall exercise religion freely in their houses for their families and
subjects. (2) All other gentlemen having fiefs may do the like with
their families only, so they dwell not in towns, bourgs, or villages, if
'Lords haut Justices.' (3) In every bailliage and snchausse such
as Peronne, 'Montdedyre,' Roy [?] and Rochelle, upon request by
those of the Religion there shall be a town in whose suburbs there
shall be exercise of Religion for such as will resort thither, but
nowhere else. (4) All persons may live in their houses without
search.
14 June 1563.Prohibition that they of the Religion do not keep
any workmen in their houses or shops upon festival days 'allowed'
by the Church Catholic.
18 June 1563.Command to see the observation of the Edict of
19 March 1562, and to nominate towns where named by the Edict.
19 June 1563.Prohibitions of preachings and administration of
the sacraments of the pretended Reformed Religion in the King's
Court house.
16 Aug. 1563, at Rouen.The King declares his majority, his
happiness to have expelled all Englishmen out of France, forbids
all French, even his brethren, to have any intelligence by message
or otherwise with any foreign prince without his leave.
23 Mar. 1568, at Paris.Confirmation of the Edict of Mar. 19,
1562, with revocation of all restrictions and modifications made
since its publication. For the Country of Provence, they shall
enjoy the benefit of it ; but for the snchausse of Provence,
Merindol shall be the place for public exercise. The Prince of
Cond is avowed a good subject, and those that have followed
him.
Sep. 1568, at St. Maur-des-fosss.A recital of the Edict of
Jan. 1561, and the pacification at Amboise, Mar. 1562. All which
are revoked, and all Ministers of the Religion shall depart from the
realm within 15 days. Prohibition to 'research' any for their
conscience, so that they exercise no religion but the Roman.
Sep. 1568.Discharge from all offices of all persons of the
reformed Religion, provided that such as have not openly aided the
rebels may resign, and have pensions out of the 'hostel of Paris.'
Aug. 1570.By advice of the Queen Mother, the Duke of Anjou,
and the Duke of Alenon, it is permitted that all persons shall live
freely in all towns and places without search for their conscience,
behaving themselves according to the Edict. All persons having
'fee haubert' or 'haut justice' shall have exercise in such
principal towns as they shall name, and in their absence their
wives and families, for whom they will be responsible. The like
they shall have in their other houses of hault justice when they shall
be present, and for their families and subjects. In inferior fees,
they shall not exceed the number of 10 besides their families. The
Queen of Navarre shall have liberty, though she be absent, in her
houses of hault iustice, in her duchy of Albret, and counties of
Armagnac, Foix, and Bigorre ; so that the houses be named by the
King. Special towns shall be named for exercise in Provence to the
number of 15 ; and in every town where exercise was publ : [sic] on
the 1st of last August. No exercise within 2 leagues of the King's
Court, or 10 round about Paris. There shall be no difference for
matters of religion to receive into universities, schools, or hospitals.
They of the Religion are counted capable of executing all estates,
dignities, public charges, etc. of towns, and to be received in all
councils and assemblies without impediment. Matters that cannot
be accorded for those of the Religion at Toulouse shall be remitted
to the master of the requests at Paris ; and for matters at Rouen, in
Provence, Britanny, &c., they of the Religion shall take exception
against six. The Catholics shall refuse the judgement of such of the
Religion as heretofore have been discharged from judgement. After
the publication of the Edict all arms shall be put down.
May 1576.The exercise of Religion is permitted in all towns
and places of France without restriction. Preachings, prayers,
singing of Psalms, administration of Baptism and the Supper,
celebration of marriages, schools, public lessons, correction according
to the Reformed Religion, and other things, shall be free. They
shall have their Consistories and Synods, both provincial and
general. They shall have no exercise within two leagues of Paris,
but shall not be searched in their houses. They shall have no
public exercise in the King's dominions beyond the mountains, but
there too their houses shall not be searched. They shall have the
churchyard of the Trinity in Paris for their burial, and other
places. In the Parliament of Paris a new chamber shall be made
of 2 Presidents and 16 Councillors, half Catholics, half of the
Religion ; who shall be sent to Poictiers to judge causes there. In
the Parliament of Toulouse a like chamber of 2 Presidents and 18
Councillors. The like at Grenoble, Bordeaux, Rouen, Brittany, &c.
The disorder committed the 24th of August at Paris and other
places is declared to have displeased the King, and that widows
whose husbands were then killed shall be free from taxes for
certain years. The heirs of Admiral Chtillon, Montgomery, etc.
to be restored. The Vidame of Chartres and M. de Beauvoir are
'discharged of' their negotiations with the Queen of England in
1562.
8 Oct. 1577.Free permission to live in any town of the King's
obedience without constraint to do anything against their conscience,
nor be searched in their houses. The like liberty granted as in the
former Edict. To have liberty publicly where any place was the 17th
of September [sic]. No difference as to receiving scholars into
universities and schools, or sick into hospitals. Those of the
Religion made capable of all dignities, offices, etc. Mixed chambers
in all Courts of the Parliaments of Paris, Rouen, Dijon, and Rennes,
and a chamber for those of Bordeaux, Grenoble, and Aix. The like
provision for Toulouse and for Dauphine. Certain towns delivered
by the king to those of the Religion to hold for six years, for which
the King of Navarre, the Prince of Cond, etc., as French gentlemen
of the Religion, shall be bound. After the publication of this Edict
all governors and officers of the realm shall be sworn thereto.
1579.Articles accorded at Nrac by the Queen Mother and the
King of Navarre with the Deputies of the Religion for confirmation
of the Edict of Sep. 1577 ; and an enlargement of divers articles
of the same ; especially the Queen Mother promised 36,000 livres to
those of the Religion in recompense of damages done to them since
the last Edict.
Endd. partly by Burghley. A few additions in his hand ; and
Walsingham's mark to certain articles. 4 pp. [France III. 62.]
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[1579.]
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117. Considerations touching the Queen's marriage.
In discussing the marriage now under negotiation and ready
to be concluded between the Queen of England and the Duke of
Anjou it is necessary to consider beforehand the reasons that may be
alleged by all who profess to be affected by it, in order that by comparing
and weighing them it may more clearly be recognised what
good or harm may result from it to the common weal of this realm,
to which the whole matter ought to be referred, regardless of all
else.
Now this state is based chiefly on the person of the Queen, and
her successor whoever he may be ; and as a consequence of this last
we ought to note the existing factions and parties in this country,
in respect alike of the succession and of the differences in religion.
As regards the Queen, in the position she has held for some years
past, and especially since the marriage which the Earl of Leicester
is said to have contracted, she could seek no more assured comfort
for the remainder of her days than in wedding a prince of such
quality as the Duke, by whose means and the support of his friends
she may preserve her sovereign authority amid the division not of
her subjects only but of the chief men of her council, being in no way
assured of either the one or the other. Besides, as she approaches
the time when she will be unable to bear children, she will be less
respected and obeyed by her subjects, who will all try to provide
for future events ; as has often happened to princes when old, in
the name of their own children. The Duke is certainly young as
compared with (au prix de) the Queen, but he makes up by
prudence what is lacking in others of his age, especially in the
perfection of friendship and mutual devoir which the husband owes
to his wife. He has no bad habits, as he showed when he was in
his greatest youthful freedom, and God has not willed that he
should be able to rely on bodily perfection, whereby he should hold
in less respect her who has been as much adorned therewith as any
princess of her time ; so that no domestic troubles need be feared
by reason of the disparity of age. I need not recall many similar
marriages between the greatest princes of Europe who have had all
luck (heur) and happiness ; especially that of the present Catholic
King with his niece, sister of the Emperor.
But to come to what concerns the public, I say that had she had
the option, her Majesty could not have accepted any alliance more
advantageous for the common weal of Christendom and of her
realm. For confirming and drawing closer by it the last league
made between her and the Christian King she will lull to rest any
dissensions that had taken root in the hearts of their respective
subjects, and had always been a means of sowing division among
Christians, as may be proved by many examples in every age.
This will be much aided if the Duke comes into the enjoyment
of his rights as successor to the Crown of France. But
setting this aside, I maintain that the Queen by her marriage
secures her position against the Christian King, in the event of
his desiring hereafter to break his promises made on this point. For
the Duke, who will be obliged to have no less care for this realm
than for his own property, will always employ himself in the maintenance
and defence of it, both by means of its own forces and by
the intelligence and resources that he will have in France ; his
power in which country I will not set out, that I may excite the
suspicion of no man. If, however, the King favours the marriage,
and in respect of it extends the friendship which he has with his
brother to the Queen and her realm, entering into a strait league
with them, who will be the third in Christendom to dare to attack
either? I know that the Catholic King is the one who will be able
to do the most against it, and peradventure would least desire it,
regarding as it does the repose of Christendom more than any ambition.
But let us suppose that he remains offended by it. This will
in the first place be contrary to all right, and secondly he will not
risk his lands in Flanders and Italy, whence he would be compelled
to withdraw his forces if he carried on a war in these parts, leaving
them a prey to his neighbours. So there is nothing to be feared
from that quarter. Still less in the future, he being already old,
and having only young children, incapable of any great undertaking
when he dies, perhaps even of keeping what is left to them, scattered
as it is all over Christendom. There is no need to allege the
ancient league between this state and the House of Burgundy
from which the said King is descended, inasmuch as he and his
predecessors have made divers leagues, especially with the French,
to the prejudice of that, and it has been variously broken by both
sides in the last 20 years, so that on neither side can it be relied on
to hinder so lawful and honourable a marriage. Even if it had
been still intact, what advantage coming from so distant a country
can be compared with the infinite conveniences which English and
French will receive from this alliance. What support or succour
has this state ever received in its need from the Spaniard? What
wealth did he leave when he was in command here or has he
brought since?while he comes to these parts to supply himself
with all things necessary to human life. Further, everyone knows
how little goodwill the Catholic King has for some time borne to
this Crown, his best friends being its deadly enemies, the Pope and
the Italians. Do not the effects of this already appear in the army
which has landed in Ireland? This, if well considered, ought to
hasten the marriage and alliance, in order to offer an unanimous
resistance to that which even the blind are beginning to perceive,
and to strengthen it.
It is said that the French are on that side in order that our Queen
may be overtaken with distrust [sic] and lay aside the plan she has
in hand for their ruin. What likelihood, I ask you, was there that
the ruler would come here unarmed and with the retinue of a simple
nobleman to serve as a hostage for those who are to conquer Ireland?
So little that without wasting more time on an useless discourse I
will conclude that no prince in Christendom surpasses the Duke
in wealth, greatness, rights, expectations, and all that is required
for the good and preservation of this realm, on which he will spend
a million livres in an afternoon, without reckoning what the lords
and gentlemen in his suite will bring over ; honourably undertaking
to accept no appointment at the cost of this Crown, its estates,
dignities, and offices, and content to embellish and adorn the Court
of their master and mistress with their magnificent outlay, and
make themselves agreeable to those of the country by the courtesy
and liberality proper to their nation. And albeit I am of opinion
that strangers should be excluded from the principal offices of
state, it seems to me that the greatness of a prince is shown by the
attendance at his Court of such as can enrich it by a counter lustre
as in the case of a jewel and divers sorts of precious stones. I
admit that the Englishman can live conveniently by himself in his
own country, and do without his neighbours if he wishes. But this
must be understood of necessaries, not of other things very profitable
to every man, or of others, seemly and acceptable to great people
and princes, for which France is the market to all in these regions.
I will not particularise, for fear of seeming to find fault or
destroy the trade which has gone on hitherto with Flanders
for such merchandise as the Englishman will in time provide
himself with, as regards manufacture, if he thinks good to receive
what the French artisan coming here can impart to him. If France
has no gold mines to distribute throughout Christendom, I will not
admit that she is the less rich, for it is approved by all who have
had experience that no country is so poor as that where that metal
grows, and that it brings in no such profit to the lord of the land as
corn and wine can do, the two greatest treasures of the habitable
earth, growing anew from year to year, and not, as the alchemists
say gold does, every thousand years. I doubt not but some hotheaded
persons will, as they are wont, allege the power of the
English, and the ancient victories won by them in France in order
to remove any fear that might be put before their eyes. But they
should be reminded that the Frenchman being to-day master, as
they say, of his own house and in peaceable possession of it, will be
stronger against the English than when he had them in his entrails,
enjoying the greatest and richest towns and provinces in the realm.
Whereupon I am constrained to suppose that this ancient enmity
ceasing, the Englishman will remain secure of his neighbour, by
whom alone he has always been kept within his boundaries.
Now let us come to the case of those who profess an interest
on account of the succession, such as the Queen of Scots, and the
children of the Lady Catherine and Lord Huntingdon ; these last being
assisted by certain Protestants brought over to their devotion ; and the
Queen by all the Catholics and a good part of the Protestants, following
the legitimate claim of her Majesty. Both parties, it will be said, have
great cause to dread and hinder the Duke's establishment of himself
in this realm under pretext of marriage, and his making himself
master of it step by step, ruining and banishing both successor,
even if he does not change the state of religion as at present
observed. The Protestants chiefly fear this, and for that reason are
trying to break off the marriage. Now admitting that this was the
Duke's intention, which it is not, let us consider who may be the
most injured by these practices. It is beyond a doubt that being
himself a Catholic, and having a bad report of all the Protestants in
Christendom, who allege that he deserted them formerly, he will so
far as he is able support the Catholics of this realm. In this hope
the chief among them are already taking his part ; not that he may
be the means of obtaining liberty of religion for them, which he
could not do without great and dangerous disturbance, but that he
may defend them from the persecutions they have hitherto endured,
maintaining them in their former state. That is why the Earl of
Huntingdon and his faction, who see their advantage in the ruin of
the Catholics and advancement of the Puritans and others of their
religion, are in extreme fear of the Duke ; foreseeing that by his support
of the Catholics he will weaken their party and strengthen that of
the Queen of Scots, even though he may do it for his own advantage
and not for her sake. This notwithstanding, they suspect that he has
some secret design and intelligence with her ; the Earl of Huntingdon
and his friends dreading the Queen of Scots more than any in
Christendom. And it is certain that on her account only they find
this marriage disagreeable, seeing the Queen of England escape
them, under whose name and authority they have hitherto maintained
their faction, irritating her by every artifice against the
Queen of Scots and that Queen against her by the ill-treatment
they have procured for her. When the Queen of England once
recognises this, she will easily be persuaded that it is best to come
to terms with the Queen of Scots, and fortify herself by relying on
the friends whom that Queen possesses all over Christendom. It is
known how the Catholics have hitherto been persecuted here and
the Queen of Scots maltreated, which is proof sufficient of the intention
of those who have been the authors of it. They above all others
dislike the marriage, not being able to endure any above them in
this realm. Now they would use the Queen of Scots against herself ;
who, notwithstanding their representations, will find more
fidelity and more profit in the Duke than in them. For since by
the Duke's pleading his own cause, as the saying is, the result will
be to support her friends, especially the Catholics, and abase her
enemies, this will be a great convenience to her Majesty, and cannot
turn out to her prejudice ; the Queen of Scots having MM. de
Lorraine, her relations, in France, the Prince her son in Scotland,
and many partisans here, to oppose the effecting of any such design,
which seems to me impossible.
The rest missing. Draft, in a foreign hand. Fr. 8 pp.
[France III. 63.]
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1579 ?
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118. A list of forty-three names, endd. in Fr. : Names of the
new knights of the Order of Saint Esprit. [France III. 64.]
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1579 ?
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119. Petition of Franois Ribot, secretary to M. de Mauvissire,
to the Queen and Council, showing that Germain Colas, his
uncle, merchant, of Bordeaux, had sailed with 40 casks of wine for
importation to England : that these had been taken from him by
John Man, a pirate, who sold part of them, the rest being recovered
by fishermen, who let the merchant have 12 casks on payment of
salvage ; and that his profit on these will not be enough to pay the
freight and take him home. It is therefore prayed that the Queen
will be pleased to remit the duty on the 12 casks.
Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. III. 65.]
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1579 ?
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120. A sheet with the following words in Burghley's hand :
Celebratio differtur.
Religio.
Coronatio ad parliamentum.
Pensio.
[Ibid. III. 66.]
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1577-79.
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121. 'The particulars of Sir Amyas Poulet's negotiation at
the French Court.' Abstract in a later hand (? Sir J. Williamson).
Endd. 2 pp. [Not numbered.]
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? 1579.
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122. 'Advertisements given to the King of Spain touching
her Majesty's pretended marriage.'
Beside the particulars of which I have already advertised your
Majesty, I understand from certain persons that the Queen of
England's counsellors, considering how things went both in France
and Flanders, and deeming that they had done amiss in ministering
support and assistance to the 'Lutherians,' to the hindrance of
God's glory, and of your and the French King's service ; perceiving
also that the favourers and maintainers of the Prince of Orange are
now 'overtaken' and begin to repent of their doings, as also that
things begin to frame themselves well in Flanders, and that divers
dispose themselves to serve you ; and doubting therefore what
inconvenience may befall them for having so supported the rebels
with men, money, victuals and munition, carried to them in the
Queen's own ships, during the time of the siege of Rochelle, the like
whereof they did also to the Prince of Orange and his adherents ;
are led by the consideration of these circumstances, and of the late
accident of a certain Irishman that with a number of soldiers
brought from Spain 'disametied' the realm of Ireland, to fear that the
great preparations your Majesty makes are intended for Ireland, to
take revenge for their assisting of your rebels. Considering, too,
how much they have injured the realm of Scotland in detaining
their Queen so long in captivity, and that their young King grows
towards ripe years and is well furnished with men of war, and that
amongst other things he is heir to the Crown of England, to avoid
all this danger and inconvenience they persuade their Queen to
marry with Monsieur though she be old, and which they would not
consent to when she was young ; hoping that assuring the French
King to themselves by this means they will be safe from any danger
from Spain or Scotland. But if this marriage does not take place,
though they give out great speeches of their own strength by reason
of the civil divisions in France and Flanders, they secretly fear that
both themselves and all England besides are like to smart for their
ill deserts.
Copy by one of Walsingham's secretaries. Endd. 1 p.
[Spain I. 31.]
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? 1579.
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123. Comparative statement of the revenues drawn by the King
of Spain and the Grand Turk respectively from the territories under
their rule.
7 pp. Ital. [Ibid. I. 32.]
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1579.
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124. 'A particular of the present sent by the King of
Portugal to the Sheriffa Muley Hamet, King of Fez and
Marocco.'
Various objects of mother-of-pearl, silver, silk'two checkboards,
one of mother-of-pearl and gold, with the pieces wrought
in India of gold and silver ; and the other of silver and crystal, with
the pieces of ebony and crystal''a sword of gold made in the
Indias, marvellous rich''a great piece of calambaco, very fine,'
etc.
Also particulars of similar presents sent by the King of Spain
and the Grand Turk. 'The King of Spain's ambassador was met
at the seaside by a second master of the King's horses with twelve
spare horses, their furniture being worth by estimation 1,000 marks
each horse.' The ambassador entered Morocco with 40 servants of
his own. Among the presents, 'one ballace alone, very great, and
richly garnished with four other ballaces.' Of the Grand Turk's
presents it is said : 'In all the presents' (a sword, a pair of balances,
the picture of a man in gold, four Turkey robes, a banner with the
Great Turk's ensign) 'is said to be contained a mystery.'
Endd. by Burghley's secretary (with date) and in another hand.
2 pp. [Morocco I. 4.]
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1579 ?
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125. 'Note of certain points in which those about to leave
England with their ships in the service of the Catholic
King desire to learn your Excellency's decision before
they start, that they may not get into lawsuits, and
lose in them the time which they think to employ far
better in the service of God and his Majesty.'
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Decisions.
1. If the prize is made without
doing damage to any subject
of the Queen of England, and if
it is proved that the goods belong
to his Catholic Majesty's rebels,
the prize will be good, and
not otherwise. Whereupon the
petitioners are warned not to
make such prizes unless it is
perfectly clear that the goods
belong to rebels ; since otherwise,
if injury is done to the Queen's
subjects, they will be punished
according to the terms of their
letters of marque.
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1. Seeing that there are in
England many of his Majesty's
rebels, who have their separate
churches and aid the Prince of
Orange, managing his business
and sending munitions and whatever
else the rebels there require,
and also carry from Zealand the
greater part of the goods which
those rebels steal from Spaniards,
Portuguese and others, these
English want to know, if they
happen to capture any ship going
to or coming from those parts
laden with goods belonging to
any such rebel domiciled in
England, whether they may not
enjoy it as good prize the same
as if it belonged to one of the
rebels in Holland and Zealand.
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2. If it is proved that the
goods are those of his Majesty's
vassals plundered, as has been
said, in that case they may be
taken, and judgement will be
given upon them, as is said in
the next article.
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2. If they fall in with any
merchant, English or other, who
has brought in Holland or
Zealand any of the goods stolen
on the sea by the rebels, and
take them into any of the king's
ports, may they not enjoy them
as good prize?
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3. In that case, justice will
be done conformably to right
and reason ; for it is not just if
the merchants have the right to
them that they should be taken
away.
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3. In such case can the merchants,
Spanish, Portuguese or
others, finding here recovered by
Englishmen the goods which
they had lost, lay hands on
them, or bring the matter before
the Court? Because if they can,
they will cause great hindrance
to the King's service.
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4. If they find such vessels
in port they cannot make prize
of them as at sea, but inform
against them, and they will have
what informers can claim.
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4. If the Englishmen coming
to or being in any port of the
King's shall find any ship which
they know by advices to belong
to the rebels, may they lay hands
on it and enjoy it as if they had
taken it on the high seas [de
fuera de la mar]?
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5. If it is proved that the
vessel belongs to the Most Christian
King's rebels in Rochelle or
elsewhere, let it be good prize,
otherwise not ; and the petitioners
are warned not to molest his
other vassals.
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5. If they meet at sea any
French Huguenot from Rochelle
or elsewhere carrying men or
munitions in aid of the rebels
and fight and beat him and carry
him off by force, may they enjoy
this as good prize or not?
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Spanish. 1 pp. [Spain I. 38.]
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