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March 11
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606. WALSINGHAM to DAVISON.
My good friend Alderman Martin having of late certain silver
'vessell' which he had made ready for the Lord Chamberlain and
marked with his name and arms, his workmen whom he trusted
with it have run away with it, and gone it is thought to Antwerp or
Flushing. The names of these ill men, and the description of their
persons, as also the number of pieces of plate, you may see by the
enclosed note. Pray use all the best means you can for their
apprehension and the recovery of the said 'vessell,' both in Antwerp
and Flushing, and in any other place where you think they may be
met with in those parts. It is very likely that the plate will be
offered for sale to some goldsmiths at Antwerp, among whom if you
cause some secret watch and enquiry, it is likely to be recovered.
From the Court, 11 Mar. 1578.
Add. Endd. p. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 79.]
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March 14.
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607. 'The KING OF SPAIN'S letter to the ALDERMEN, RECORDER,
and WARDENS' (vereadores, procuradores, y menesteres)
'of Lisbona, touching his right to the Kingdom of
Portugal.'
Though I have ordered Don Christopher de Mora to tell you from
me what you will hear from him, I wished you to hear them by a
letter from me, and to tell you that no man has felt the loss of the
king my nephew and his people so much as I have. I have lost a
son and friend whom I loved dearly, and I hold of the same
account all who were lost with him, because I esteem all subjects of
this realm as I do my own.
I think that my efforts to hinder his expedition are well known,
at Guadalupe [Eng. when we were at my lady of G.] and before
and after through my ministers, as many persons can testify.
But not to renew grief, let us leave what cannot be remedied, and
look at the true consolation, that this trouble has been permitted
by the high Providence of God. It may also be a consolation that
in its time of sorrow this kingdom has found so Christian and
prudent a prince as the king my uncle, of whose virtue it may be
hoped that he will get the present affairs into so quiet a state that
things may proceed gently and sweetly. This I wish for the
sake of the friendship and kindred that has always been between
this Crown and that ; I and my children being descended from
King Manuel, and the Empress my mother having brought me
up in this friendship. But the matter of the succession being in
the position you all know, I have sought, after mature consideration,
to know the right which God has been pleased to grant to
me ; and having caused consultation to be held by persons of much
science, both in and out of my realms, they all find that the inheritance
of this kingdom comes to me by right and without any doubt,
and that there is no person alive who can with justice deny it to
me. I am as is well known a man advanced in days, and having
determined with all love and civility to lay the case before the
King my uncle, I have asked him very affectionately to be so good
as to decide at once, as he is bound to do for the good of these
realms and their peoples ; and this we both ought principally to
procure. Beyond this, as a consequence and effect, is the greater
security and increase of our Catholic faith.
I have sought to do the like by this city, for its constant loyalty
and as the capital of this realm ; pointing out that it is no foreign
king who is to inherit, but one most akin, being, as I am, son and
grandson to your princes, and will be as much father to each one,
as you shall see. But now I would ask you that with all prudence you
would consider in what points I can show you honour and favour,
not only by confirming your liberties and privileges, but by increasing
them. And the same I wish all the other cities in the kingdom
to know, and beg you will give them to understand it ; and it is
right that you should strengthen yourselves in recognising it by the
will of God, whose decisions none can withstand.
And so trusting that your city and the rest will do their duty
when the time comes, I have no more to say, save that besides my
sense of the past trouble, I have especially grieved over the loss
of so many nobles and people of that realm, which that expedition
caused. So I charge you to look what I can do for those who have
remained captive ; and although I have used and am using all diligence,
I shall be glad to hear your views, that everything needful
may be done for their release.Madrid, 14 March 1579.
Copy (by a Portuguese hand). Endd. by Burghley's secretary.
Spanish. 1 pp. [Spain I. 20.]
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608. English translation (rather free) of the above.
Endd. by L. Tomson, as at head. 1 p. [Ibid. I. 20a.]
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March 15.
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609. ROSSEL to WALSINGHAM.
I sent you the letters and protests of the Viscount of Ghent,
M. de Capres, Count Lalaing, Montigny, la Motte, and others, and
the answer of the States-General to those of Artois, which has since
been printed. From these you can judge of their intentions, which
is nothing else than to make war on the Prince of Orange and all
his partisans, as may be seen by their actions and negotiations.
M. de Bours is returned as wise as he was when he was sent to
them. MM. de Montigny, de Hze, and d'Aleynne have 40 companies
of Walloons and 500 cavalry, who however are neither
Spanish nor French. We much fear that nothing can be done with
St. Omer, though M. de Mauny is not on good terms with la Motte,
who with all his practices will succumb if the others remain firm
enemies to the Spaniard.
The enemy has broken up his army and is resting it at Namur,
Diest, 'Leo,' Aerschot, and Louvain, where M. d'Hierges is with
6,000 men, preparing forces and munitions ; which makes us fear
he has intentions on Brussels or Vilvorde, where M. d'Argenlieu
has been placed in garrison with his regiment. The other French
will be entertained, but the place of their garrison is not settled,
because there is hope of setting a small army on foot if Count
'Holac' brings back the reiters ; but it is said that not more than
500 will stay.
There is a talk also that M. d'Hierges thinks of going into
Flanders to la Motte, but the Walloons will in no way agree to it.
I learnt three days ago from a person who has confidential access
to Secretary Brulart in France that in talking familiarly with the
person in question respecting the Duke of Alenon's fruitless
expedition to those parts, Brulart said that it would be the cause
of greater advantage to the affairs of France, and that they hoped
shortly to join England and their Crown. The other dissembling
said to him that the marriage would be of great advantage to that
end. 'That is not,' said Brulart, 'the sole aim of the design nor
of our intelligence' ; which made the person think that there is
some pernicious design under colour of the marriage. This is given
out here as so forward that her Majesty is reported to have said
that she finds herself of age and disposition to have children by the
Duke of Alenon. Whereupon many say that Queen Mother's stock
will never prosper, and especially that of the Duke of Alenon,
who is noted for perfidy and other lightnesses and vices in his
desperate (dplores) actions ; talking of which they compare him
to Aeneas in that when in despair he takes refuge with Dido. If
I repeat to you all the talk about it, both public and private, I am
induced by sincere affection to her Majesty's service. I hold her
for so prudent and well-advised that she will close her mouth to all
the world, and not let herself be branded with lightness in these
disturbed times.
If I had thought that her Majesty would have wished to marry I
would have suggested to you one of the most noble and handsome,
aged thirty-six, most discreet, and without vice, in Europe ; by whose
means the Crown of England might have been increased by two or
three others, and other advantages gained for the public weal.
By letters of Feb. 20 and merchants coming from Madrid we hear
afresh that the Duke of Alva is imprisoned in a castle, three leagues
from Madrid, and that Albornoz his secretary and the secretary of
Don Frederick are in chains in the public prison.
The Duke of Brunswick and his wife Dorothy of Lorraine are
much welcomed by the King of Spain. Through them we hear that
the King is more offended with the prelates and papists of the
country than with those of the Religion. He was sure of one, not of
the other.
What has happened afresh at Ghent will make those of Artois
and the Walloons declare all the sooner. Meetkerke and the Abbot
of St. Bernard who went with the Marquis of Havrech are returned
and have brought back nothing to the good. At Termonde they
followed those of Ghent and have killed three.
The enemy has changed his mind and has set up his camp with
all speed to surround Maestricht, so that none may go in or out.
I perceive that we shall send our army into Flanders, where the
Prince of Orange has offered to be present in person. It is thought
that M. d'Hierges will go into Flanders if he can with his
brother M. de Floyon, with Walloons but no Spaniards, to please the
States of Artois. The Prince's ships of war have arrived to guard
the passage of the river. Thus from hour to hour the time brings
new incidents and changes.Antwerp, 15 Mar. 1579.
P.S.The French are soliciting a new treaty to recall the Duke
of Alenon, since the States-General cannot be convoked to declare
him sovereign of the country.
Add. Endd. by L. Tomson, who notes : Vid q'd mali in nuptiis
p'tensis. Fr. 3 pp. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 80.]
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March 15.
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610. DAVISON to WALSINGHAM.
I have nothing from you of the receipt of her Majesty's obligations,
which I sent you by my man 14 days since, followed by other
two for Spinola's sum sent by the last post, containing in all 10
pieces, of which six, viz. : three general bonds from the States, and
three particular from Antwerp, Ghent and Bruges, were for the
45,000 ; two general for the 28,000 and odd disbursed by Spinola
and Cataneo ; with two former pieces touching the States' promise
to give her Majesty their bonds to hold her harmless in respect
of those she had entered into to the said creditors. I beseech you
that I may 'with the first' hear of them, with some discharge
from her Majesty to myself ; together with some order for the
jewels. I understand the States have written to her Majesty for the
other 30,000 ft. on Spinola's behalf, which they have requested
me to further, and as I hear will this week write other letters of
excuse to her for those noted faults into which they have fallen
of late, rather (as they say and would persuade me) by reason of
the infinite trouble and confusion which the time has brought
forth among them than from any undutiful respect towards her.
This I the rather believe in respect of my own observation of the
course of things here. In their next letter I think they will sue
her Majesty to stand so gracious lady towards them as to satisfy
the merchants to whom she has given her bonds in their behalf ;
some motion has already been made to me to help it forward, and
though I will not take upon me to persuade her what she should
do, I think, under your correction, the bonds with the hypotheque
remaining in my hands, a reasonable assurance that she can
sustain little prejudice ; besides that, having given her promise she
cannot refuse to satisfy the merchants unless she will prejudice her
credit hitherto unspotted. As for the 30,000 guilders, if she grants
it, sending me the bonds here, I may if it be her pleasure get a
particular bond from one or two towns in Holland for her better
security of that and the rest of the sum payable to the merchants.
Pray vouchsafe me some resolute answer by the next.Antwerp,
15 Mar. 1578.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 81.]
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March 15.
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611. The STATES-GENERAL to the QUEEN.
We have before now besought your Majesty to give Baptista
Spinola your obligation for the sum of 30,000 florins, which we
borrowed from him to set free the jewels that we had pledged and
which we subsequently deposited as your Majesty's security for the
aid given to us. Considering that nothing has been done towards
this, and that Spinola is pressing us, we have to apply to you again,
the more so that Spinola is employed daily in our service, which
gives us the more inducement to satisfy him in the matter.
Antwerp, 15 March 1579. (Signed) A. Blyleven.
Add. Endd. Fr. 1 p. Somewhat damaged. [Ibid. XI. 82.]
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March 15.
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612. M. DE GROBBENDONCK to [DAVISON].
The letter for the Queen had already been passed by the States,
so the further 'compliment' to her Majesty has been deferred to
another letter, which will be written when the next courier goes. I
will see to this ; and thereupon wish you good day.15 March
1579. (Signed) Gaspar Schetz.
Holograph. Fr. 6 ll. [Ibid. XI. 83.]
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Various dates.
Mar. 1579-June 1580.
March 15.
Full
translation in
Hakluyt.
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613. CORRESPONDENCE with TURKEY.
(1) "The Great Turk's letter to her Majesty, 20 March, 1579."
After compliments : A certain man has come to us and signified
to us from your Majesty your desire that we should grant him leave
to pass from your country to ours, and return, in company with two
merchants, and that traders with their goods might go and return
freely between our country and yours. Now our Sublime Porte is
always open to our friends and foes ; but whereas we understand
that you are ever well-disposed towards us, it is always the more
open to merchants from your realm, and we shall never fail them
in all such good offices as they may require. We have therefore
issued an imperial order to all kings, judges, sea-captains, and
volunteer mariners (called Reis) and to all emmeiis (qy. emirs) of
our ports, that traders from England by sea or land are to have
free access to our possessions and return to their own frontiers,
without let or hindrance, no otherwise than as our allies the
French, the Venetians, the Poles, or even the King of Germany
enjoy the same. We trust that the same privileges may be granted
by you to our subjects.Constantinople, 15 Mar. in the year of our
most holy prophet Muhammed 937 (sic).
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March 15.
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(2) Mustapha Bey to the Queen.
Your subject William Harbroun [Harborne ; Burghley notes in
margin ; Wilhelmus Herbrannus] came to me and asked me to
obtain leave for him to trade freely to the territories of my master
the Emperor Sultan Murad Khan. While dealing with my sovereign
in this behalf, it occurred to me whether I could by any means
bring about an alliance between yourself and him ; both because
I know that you hold the most Christian of all religions, and that the
Christians throughout the world envy you on that account and wish
by all means to hurt you if they can, and also because I deemed it
good that you should be in concord with so great an emperor, with
whom nearly all princes and kings desire to be in close alliance.
Accordingly I said that you were a well wisher and full of all good
offices towards my sovereign, and asked him to give me a letter to
you, as you see. Wherefore I think it will not be alien to you to
have an alliance with our emperor, who can aid you against all the
enemies of your religion. If you think fit, I will exert myself to set
on foot and foster such an alliance.Constantinople, 15 March, in
the year of great Jesus 1579. (Signed) Csare Celsitudinis
Interpres, Mustafa Bey.
Copies. Latin. 3 pp. [Turkey I. 1 ( & ).]
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March 16.
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614. DAVISON to the SECRETARIES.
This week has brought forth some new alterations which newly
perplex the mind here. On Tuesday last, the 10th inst., the
Gauntoys, indisposed any longer to observe the decree for religion,
have suppressed the exercise of the Catholics, apprehended divers
of the clergy, expelled the rest, ransacked their houses, utterly
defaced their churches, and also imprisoned divers principal gentlemen
of the town who were noted either to favour that faction, or to
dislike 'with' the insolent government of Hembize, the 'suffered
continuance' of whose authority has in all men's judgements been
a furthering cause of this 'recidive.' It is notwithstanding coloured
partly with the pretext of a detected intelligence between some of
these Catholics and the Walloons ; partly with the seditious sermons
of their preachers, who, insufferable in that respect, were the
more hateful inasmuch as they had been of the orders of friars,
inhibited by the Religion's-peace from returning into the town.
But howsoever it be, this matter, set abroad by the instruments of
the former troubles, has had so little furtherance by the proceedings
of those of Artois, Hainault, and Douay, whose intended revolt
under protest of religion has drawn these men into this desperate
course for their own security ; though this remedy, as in a body
affected with sickness, unseasonably applied to the cure of our grief,
will I fear be the cause of another so much the more dangerous as
the apparent defection of those of Artois is like to be followed by
the revolt of some of their neighbours, no less 'altered' with the
insolent behaviour of the Gauntoys than impatient of these innovations
in religion. The assembly, which was to begin as yesterday
at Arras, will soon resolve us.
The enemy, benefiting by these occasions, is come 'with the
cannon' to the siege of 'Mestright,' which was shut up on the 10th.
The place, strong and sufficiently victualled, is nevertheless in the
more danger that the means to succour it are yet to seek.
The Emperor's Ambasssador we hear is come to Werdt for his
audience of the Prince of Parma. During his absence the Baron of
'Tamberg' is arrived from the Emperor ; but his charge, undelivered
till he have heard from the other, is thought a thing of more
ceremony than substance.Antwerp, 16 March 1578.
Draft. Endd. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XI. 84.]
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March 16.
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615. DRAKE in the SOUTH SEAS.
Deposition, taken in the city of Panama, 16th March 1579,
before Dr Alonso Criado, senior judge of the high Court of
Panama, of San Juan de Anton, master and owner of the ship
Nuestra Senora, of La Concepcion, now lying at anchor in the
harbour of Perico in the same city, concerning what happened
and what he knows about his being spoiled by the English in
the South Sea of the treasure which he was carrying to his
Majesty.
Being out of Ciudad de los Reyes [Lima] on 22nd Feb. last, he
went to ship flour at the ports of Guanoa, La Barranca, and Truxillo,
where he also took a lading of silver, the total value of which and
of the gold and reals which he had was 360,000 pesos more or less.
And above Cape San Francisco at midday they saw a vessel sailing
towards Panama, and at 8 P.M. she shaped her course for deponent's
ship, and at 9 came up with him on one side, and on the other a
pinnace which the pirate brought with him, and which deponent
had not previously seen. And as they came up they fired two shots,
one of which carried away deponent's mizen-mast, and then a volley
of musketry, and came aboard deponent's ship, 'which' he carried
no artillery nor arms, and so could offer no resistance, and robbed
him of all the gold, silver and reals which he had on board, both
his Majesty's and those of private persons, but did no harm to
anyone. Then they left the ship, also taking certain fruits,
preserves, sweets, and eatables which he had, and some flour.
Then he took deponent and his ship along with them putting
an English guard on board for the space of six days, at the end of
which he made off and left him.
And during that time deponent was with them he heard them
talk, and learnt from them that there were among them 'latin' men,
including a lad born at Seville. The pilot was a Portuguese, and
would never tell his name. He also had a Fleming on board, whom
he said he had taken at Arica. He learnt, too, that the captain,
Francis, had taken and burnt a ship at Arica, and that at Callao de
Lima he had boarded Miguel Angel's vessel and others, looking for
plunder, and had found none, and had cut the vessels' cables ; and
that about Callao he had plundered the ship of Patagalana and
slain the crew ; and had there got information that deponent had
much silver and gold on board and had gone after him, enquiring
for him of all the vessels he came across. He saw also that this
Captain Francis had with him a man called Costodio Rodriguez,
formerly pilot of a ship at Paita, whom he had taken to bring
along with him. This man told deponent that Captain Francis had
said he should not stop till he had got the silver and gold which
deponent carried, though it were inside Panama ; and that they
had entered the Straits of Magellan five ships, and had put into
Port St. Julian, where Magellan had been. And being on good
terms with the Indians, one Indian had said that men like them had
killed his father, and that he would slay them, and put an arrow in
his bow and killed an Englishman, so that all the English were
terrified at the Indian's strength, for with the arrow he shot he
passed clean through him, and they could not see the arrow. The
Indians were so big that they seemed boys beside them. And there
in the (guoacauara?) which they had, they killed other English, and
so there were two which died there. They said also that 400 men
came in the ships, and that it was 16 months since they had left
England. They had wintered 6 months in Port St. Julian, because
there were north (sic) winds, which were against them. Loosing
from thence, the 5 ships had entered the straits when a storm arose
and two of them went to the bottom. Some of the people were
saved and taken on board the other ships, with each of which went
a pinnace towed at the stern. The three passed out through the
straits where they are narrowest. I asked the Portuguese pilot
what was the distance across at the narrowest, and he said from
one headland to the other not further than you could shoot with
a harquebuss. I asked him whether the strait went between
islands or mainland, and he said mainland. To get there they had
gone by Cape Verde, and the coast of Brazil, and had entered the
Rio de la Plata, and gone six days up it and taken fresh water in
six fathoms ; and seeing that the bottom was shoaling and that
there were many islands and shallows, they coasted till they came to
the mouth of the straits, where the port they call St. Julian is, and
there they found an inscription on a stone which said 'Magellan.'
And being issued from the straits with the three remaining ships,
they took water in lat. 44 ; and sailing out into the sea, a storm
came on which kept them 40 days under bare poles, and there two
of the ships parted from them, and Captain Francis found himself
alone with his ship, and nothing more had been seen or heard of
them, but he suspected they had gone off to the Moluccas, because
the 'sea card' that he carried to find the coast of Chile was wrong
Then they sailed 12 days, when the storm was over, to NNE,
finding themselves in 44. And having gone these 12 days on that
rumb, and not finding land they cast about to NE, and in 14 days
came to the river of Valdivia in Chile, and went up the river half a
league, and as the stream was strong reached an island called La
Mocha, not far from Valdivia, where there was war, and Captain
Francis and his people went ashore and got water, and the Indians
shot at them and killed two [Eng. version : one] of them. So
leaving this they came to Puerto San Domingo in Chile, where they
found a vessel called la Capitana, which used to belong to Muriel.
This was laden with Chile wine from Arica, and gold, and they
spoiled it. They showed deponent a great crucifix of gold and
emeralds which they had taken out of that ship, and some of the
English said, if that was God, how was it that it had not guarded the
ship, since it was God ; which they said in contempt of the holy
crucifix, adding that God was in heaven and what were such things
for? Thence they went to El Morro del Moro Moreno, and made
up the pinnace which they carried with them, because they had
the framework for it in their ship [Eng. version: joined together
the pinnace which he carried aboard his ship in pieces], and so came
to Arica, where they found two ships, and in them 40 and odd bars
of silver, and plundered them, burning one, and taking the other
out to sea and sinking her. At Arica they picked up a Flemish
sailor out of one of those two ships ; who told deponent that word
had been sent by land from Arica to the port of Arequipa, which
they call [blank], because there was a ship there which had
begun to load with silver and gold, and when Captain Francis
got there he found the ship empty, and no people in her, and she
had plainly been lightened by more than the depth of a palm, and
the boat was on shore. And when the Englishman heard that they
had been warned, and that she had been laden with silver, he abused
and ill-treated the Fleming, saying that he had deceived him, and
wanted to kill him [Eng. version : conceiving that such warning
was given by the said Fleming, he threatened to kill him]. And
he took away the ship, and left it out at sea, to be lost.
Thence he went out to Callao de Lima, near which he met a
barque bound for [blank in both versions] from which he got news
of the ships that were at Callao. Those in the barque told him
that Miguel Angel's vessel was there with 1,500 bars of silver, and
that deponent's ship had sailed for this kingdom not long before,
and would have to stop at the ports to load flour. Captain Francis
went to the port of Callao, and anchored his ship at the mouth, and
with his pinnace went on board Miguel Angel's ship in which he
had heard there was much silver, but found none. He also
boarded two other ships which were about to come to this kingdom,
and found no silver or gold ; so he cut the cables of all the ships
that were there, and went on to Paita ; but before they got there
they fell in with a barque coming laden from Los Valles, and having
plundered it they took out of it a man, and had news as to where
deponent's ship was. Then he entered the port of Paita where he
found a barque, which he robbed of what he would, and took out of
her a pilot, who was called, as has been said, Custodio Rodriguez.
Thence they coasted along, and took a ship coming from Guayaquil
with tackle (garcia) and other things for the provision of the ships
and men on his Majesty's account ; and they threw the cargo overboard
and put the crew ashore in the ship's cockboat. He kept
however the pilot and two boys in her for one day, for he said he
wanted them to come to this kingdom with him, and to this end he
put three pieces of artillery into her ; but when he saw that she was
not a good sailor, he left her, and the pilot, who was named Bravo,
and the other persons in her. Also he took a ship belonging to
Gonzalo Alvarez, bound from this place to Lima, and took out of her
a negro, a Cimaroon they said, and took him along. Captain
Francis had had another negro for six years, formerly belonging
to Captain George de Palma. Out of that ship he took some pearl
and other things, and let her go on her way. Next he went in
pursuit of deponent, making much sail, and came up with him near
Cape San Francisco, and Punta de la Galera, where they took him
and spoiled him as he has declared. This was about 150 leagues
from the city of Panama, and Captain Francis said to deponent that
he wanted to put him in irons, so that he might take him to
Panama ; and deponent said he would take him ; and the Englishman
was so content with the gold and silver of which he plundered
deponent as he went along, that he thought good to let him go.
Deponent saw that the Englishman was held in great reverence
by his people, that he had a guard, and that when he ate, trumpets
and clarions were sounded. On deponent asking him which way he
thought to go home, the captain showed him a map and a sea-chart,
and pointed out that there were three ways to go. One was by the
Cape of Good Hope, that is, towards China, another by Chile, the
the way he had come ; he would not tell him the other. An
Englishman who spoke Spanish very clearly asked deponent how
many negroes there were at Vallano [qy. = San Miguel] ; to which
deponent answered he did not know, but they were peaceable. The
Englishman hearing this laughed, and said that negroes were
Captain Francis's brothers, and loved him much. He also asked
whereabouts on the coast of Nicaragua they could 'repair' (dar
monte a : qy. for 'mondar') a ship. Deponent saw the captain
ask the pilot Custodio Rodriguez if at Cabo Blanco there was a good
port for that purpose and for taking water ; and he said there was.
It seemed to deponent that the people whom Captain Francis had
in his galleon and pinnace were about 85 men, 50 of whom seemed
to be fighting men, and the rest boys and crew. He carried 7 castiron
pieces of a side on the lower deck, two large cast-iron pieces
astern near the helm, and above deck 6 pieces of large calibre, two
being of bronze ; and deponent understood from the captain that he
had more artillery on board. Also deponent saw much 'wild-fire'
(artificios de fuego) and arms for fighting, like fire-bombs, arrows with
an arrangement for fire, to burn the sails of ships, chain shot to
smash masts and tackle, dead works for musketry, pistols, corselets,
armour, pikes and other weapons in great quantity ; for he was six
days on board and saw everything, because the captain showed all
to him and those who were with him. And Captain Francis said : 'I
know well that the Viceroy will send for you to get information
from you. Tell him that he has put quite enough English to death,
and not to kill the four that remain his prisoners ; if he does they
will cost more than two thousand Spaniards,' for before he knew
where he was, he would hang them and send him their heads.
Also deponent saw on board many pickaxes, billhooks, and other
tools ; also many linen cloths [Eng. version : aprons] and other
things ; and the captain gave cloth and pickaxes and other things
to him and the 'passengers' who came with him. He told him
also that the Viceroy of New Spain had not kept his word with Juan
Acles [Hawkins] and had taken 7,000 ducats from him, which he
was now come to recover ; and that he carried a letter of [qy. marque]
from the Queen of England to plunder on her account, and that
whatever he got more was for her, and that she made him leave his
home perforce, although unwilling. Among what Captain Francis
gave him was a gilt corselet, and would have given him ammunition,
powder, and other things, but his soldiers said they would not allow
it. He told deponent that he had taken some pains to find a good
course from Castile ; and that in future there was no need to come
to Nombre de Dios, nor for the merchants to take so much trouble
and waste so much silver. If the King of Spain would not give
them leave to trade, paying him his dues, they would come and
carry away the silver. And the captain gave deponent a negro
whom he had got at Arica, because the negro, in deponent's
presence, went down on his knees before him and besought him to
let him go with deponent, because his master was old. And the
captain said : 'As you wish it ; God be with you ; for I do not want
to take any against his will' ; and bade deponent take him to his
master, and so gave him to him and he took him in his ship. He
does not know his name.
Captain Francis's ship seemed to deponent to be about 200 tons
burden. It is full of barnacles and stands in great need of being
scoured (dar monte), that is done up (aderezar). He asked deponent
if in the Isla de los Lovos, which is off Paita in the direction of
Lima there was a good harbour to 'trim' a ship. Deponent thinks
this was to 'deceive him' (?desvelarle) about the course he was
taking, for he believes for certain that the Englishman is going to
the coast of Nicaragua, for he carries no fresh water, and it is that
way that deponent understands he wants to go ; because he heard
their Portuguese pilot ask Custodio Rodriguez, the pilot whom the
captain picked up at Paita, if he knew any woman in Sonsonate ;
whence deponent suspected that he is the pilot who 15 or 20 years
ago went off (se alz) with a great quantity of gold and silver belonging
to his Majesty and other individuals, and ran away with it, and
no more was ever known of him. And people said that the pilot
who went off in this way had been married to Sonsonate ; and by
reason that the Portuguese pilot enquired about women at
Sonsonate, and also asked deponent particularly if the ships from
Peru came into the port of Panama proper or went to Perico, and
on deponent's replying that they went not into the harbour of the
city, but into that of Perico, rejoined that in old times they used to
go straight into the port of Panama, deponent believes that this
Portuguese pilot is the very one that went off with the silver as has
been said ; and if so, he knows the South sea very well. And
deponent has no doubt whatever that Captain Francis is going to
the coast of Nicaragua to repair his ship, whence he would be able
to return home.
And deponent says that this is the truth upon his oath.
The Viceroy of Peru announces by a barque that came two days
after San Juan de Anton, that the English ship came to Callao and
cut the cables of the ship of Patagalana which had been laden, and
of others, and had something of a scuffle, and went away at once
without doing further damage. And the Viceroy promptly manned
two ships which were at his command with about 200 men, and
Diego de Frias in command ; who came to Vallano and with him
Havana, the marshal of the camp, and the general of las Islas de
Salomon. And they overtook him but did not dare to attack him,
and returned for reinforcements, and another ship, better provided,
was got ready with all diligence, and he imprisoned [Eng. version :
committed] the commander and his advisers for not attacking, and
ill-treated them ; and sends word to the Government (audiencia) of
this city to keep an eye on the passage from Vallano, holding it
certain that the enemy's departure will be that way, and in that he
places his hope. And they are taking in the ship things for the
negroes ; and he plundered a barque of 200 pairs of shoes
(alpargatas).
There are letters from Peru that at Cuzco the Bishop had found
the Inca's chain, valued at three millions, because every link of it is
as big as a man's leg, and it will go round the market-place of Cuzco.
An Indian told the Bishop of it. When the Viceroy heard of it, he
sent to arrest the Bishop for not informing him and giving security
for the chain ; and the Bishop had absented himself, and hidden
the chain, and no more is known of it.
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March 29.
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On the 29th March, two ships of war came to Panama dispatched
from the Viceroy of Peru to look for the English. An uncle of the
Viceroy commands them, and they come with great caution. Their
news is that a fleet is being got ready at Lima to bring all the gold,
silver, and passengers for this kingdom and with them the President
of Panama, and will be here within 30 days. They come at a good
moment, for we had no news of the fleet.
Sp. 7 pp. [Spain I. 23.]
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616. English version (not very literal) of the above. In the hand
of one of Walsingham's secretaries. Endd. by L. Tomson : Depositions
taken by the King of Spain's ministers in the India touching
the spoils supposed to have been committed there by Mr Drake.
8 pp. [Ibid. I. 23a.]
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March 17.
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617. The MARQUIS OF HAVRECH to WALSINGHAM.
Though it is long since I have written to you, you must not think
my will to serve you is any less. I desire to remain in your good
graces, and to employ myself as I may judge to be agreeable to you.
I have an opportunity of sending you this by the present bearer,
who has been in the service of the Viscount of Ghent ; being as I
am in the province of Artois to finish a matter which the Archduke
and Estates have entrusted to me. Meantime there is no lack of
occasion to bring about great diversity in our affairs. But I hope
that God will some day look on us with His eye of pity and have
compassion on this afflicted country. I would send you details of
what has occurred here ; but as I have been away from Antwerp
these two months, I doubt not but you have been fully informed
of it all by her Majesty's agent.Hesdin, 17 March 1579.
Holograph, Add, Endd. Fr. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. XL. 85.]
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March 20.
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618. POULET to the QUEEN.
Marchemont being sent to me from Monsieur on the 17th inst.,
which was the first day that he was seen or openly known to be in
this town, as is contained more at length in my last letter to Sir
Francis Walsingham, I sent immediately to M. Gondi to pray
audience of Monsieur, which was appointed the next day after
dinner. At that time I besought his Highness to pardon my
boldness in having 'made mean' to present myself to him so
suddenly upon his arrival ; being not ignorant that after so long
absence he could not in so short time satisfy the king his brother
and so many other princes and noblemen who desired nothing more
than to enjoy his company. I told him I was so deeply bound in
duty that I could not forbear to offer my service to him with all
possible speed. The good intelligence between his brother and
your Majesty gave me just cause to honour and respect him
greatly. His singular affection towards yourself, which was
manifest to all the world, commanded me to honour him before
all the princes of Europe. I doubted not but his arrival at this
Court was to the great comfort of the King, of his nobility, and
generally of the whole realm, as a matter which imported them
greatly. I prayed him to believe that no Prince or Princess
in this world would receive greater 'contentation' of the good
union between his brother and him than your Majesty, as one that
wishes all honour, prosperity, and contentment to both. Seeing
this reconciliation between them, the world now expected a true,
perfect and inviolable peace, not only between the King and his
subjects, but generally in all other parts of Christendom. This
blessing depended greatly, or rather wholly, upon him ; no man
doubted but that his brother would conform to his advice, and
assist him in his honourable attempts, and therefore this blessing
of universal peace was looked for by all good men to be the true
end of this peace between his brother and him. Finally, I thought
myself greatly bound to him for his message sent by Marchemont,
which I had not failed to advertise truly to your Majesty.
He answered that I 'mought' be sure of my welcome to him at
all times. He was very glad to see me so well affected to nourish
amity between your Majesty and his brother, while my inclination
to further good liking between your Highness and himself was no
less acceptable to him. Doubting lest his coming hither 'upon
this sudden' would breed occasion of sinister interpretation,
he had thought good to signify his true meaning to me by
Marchemont. He was not ignorant that you desired to see good
amity between him and his brother. In his access to this
Court he 'tended to' nothing more than to further his negotiations
with your Majesty, and through his brother's good help, he
trusted to be better able to obey your commands, and he intended
to return to Alenon within two days.
I replied that I was sorry to hear of his departure from this
Court ; I thought his coming hither had been "so much advanced'
of his journey towards England. Many there expected him with
great devotion, while many here no less desired his going thither ;
and I desired so much the performance of his honourable attempt that
I was sorry to see him step one foot backwards. He answered that
his going into England depended altogether upon your Majesty,
and he trusted to hear your pleasure shortly from Symier. His
return from the Court would be no hindrance to that journey, and
he might perhaps see the King again on his way to England. He
was not ignorant of the 'alarums' (as he called them) and sinister
impressions which had been given to your Majesty of his treating
for marriage in other places, protesting with oaths that he was
guiltless therein. He had vowed service to your Majesty, and will
never commit so great a fault as to deal unjustly or untruly with so
worthy a mistress.
I told him he ought not to find it strange if evil constructions had
bred evil reports, and that these had been 'informed to' your
Majesty with liberal additions, when so mighty enemies opposed
the intended marriage, and spared neither words nor deeds to hinder
it. For my part I must confess that my ears have not been free
from suchlike tales ; and although I have long since been satisfied
therein, I was glad to hear it confirmed by his own mouth, and
would not fail to report it.
Monsieur concluded that he was glad to receive my promise to do
good offices between yourself and him ; praying me to use him
boldly where he might stand me in any stead.
I will not trouble your Majesty with other occurrents, of which
I have written at good length to Sir F. Walsingham, who I know will
report them to your Highness. I know you will take pleasure to
hear of the towardness of any of your subjects, and therefore would
not fail to advertise you that this bearer, Mr Francis Bacon, is of
great hope, 'endewed with many good and singular parts' ; and if
God give him life will prove a very able and sufficient subject to do
your Highness good and acceptable service.Paris, 20 March 1578.
Duplicate. Endd. by L. Tomson. 3 pp. [France III. 14.]
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March 20.
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619. POULET to the SECRETARIES.
I am at the end of my latin when I consider these French doings,
which are so tickle and uncertain that nothing comes sooner to pass
than what was least expected, and those things which in reason,
honesty and judgement, seem to be most assured are seldom performed.
Promises are made for advantage, faith and truth are
esteemed according to their profit or disprofit. Inconstancy, the
natural vice of those of this nation, is now 'encountered, or rather
surmounted,' with infidelity ; no care of credit, no regard of honour,
no love of virtue, no shame of vice.
It is certain that Monsieur, accompanied only by La Fin and
Chanvallon, arrived in this town in the night, and spent that night
and the next day in a poor house, hired on purpose ; and at 8 P.M.
on the 16th resorted to the Court, and remained there, unknown
save to those of the King's Cabinet, until 8 o'clock the next morning.
This reconciliation is of itself so honourable that wise men
see no reason why it should be disguised, and good men are amazed,
fearing some treason. The comparison between the manner of
Monsieur's going out and the fashion of his return ministers great
store of talk in this Court and city. His old faults are called to
memory, and nothing is omitted that may increase his discredit.
This reconciliation, grounded upon good and honourable meaning,
would have required the advice of friends at home and abroad, and
should then have been performed with open solemnities in the face
of all the world, and not to be huddled up in this close and covert
manner. No doubt the King is greatly satisfied with this kind of
submission, and thinks that his brother's access to the Court 'in
this order' is to him in place of an honourable amends for his last
departure.
It is said and believed that he will be Lieutenant-General, but
the King knows that he has so pruned his wings already that his
place will make him little stronger. La Fin has been the only doer
of this great act, and the King takes it so than kfully that, besides
open thanks beyond measure, he is chosen one of the Privy Council
and has a company of men at arms. Many fear that this sweetmeat
will have sour sauce, and that the end will 'try' that he has
done his master ill service, and himself little good.
Monsieur has sent his agents into Normandy with his protestation,
'signed with his sign,' to defend against all persons such as
would commit themselves to his protection, requiring also their
promise under seal to serve him against all, and to take arms when
he shall command them. This matter was in treaty even when
he came to Court, and two honest gentlemen employed therein ;
and now many are of opinion that this intelligence between the
King and Monsieur is no new matter, and that his retirement to
Alenon has served to good purpose to sound the dispositions of
those of that country. It is possible that the King of Navarre,
Prince of Cond, and others have as just cause to be troubled with
this sudden change.
Arques, one of the King's minions (as they term them here),
was dispatched immediately towards Queen Mother ; and it is
greatly feared by those of the religion lest his message be full of
poison. I may be bold to affirm that there is great appearance
of truth in their conjectures.
Queen Mother having settled the Queen of Navarre at 'Po' in
Navarre, has taken her journey towards Toulouse, and some say
she goes thence to Bayonne, but I dare not affirm yet.
I consider that good or bad amity between Monsieur and the
Duke of Guise will greatly show the inclination of Monsieur
towards her Majesty, and therefore I desire greatly to know if
they met here by assent, and if there has been good intelligence
between them, which cannot be judged in this country by their
outward behaviour. And although I hear many opinions therein,
as I cannot satisfy myself, I will not trouble you with uncertain
tales.
Du Vray at his late being here assured me that Monsieur was
resolved to be shortly in England, and even set down the time of
his journey ; affirming that he carried full commission to Simier to
promise it on behalf of his master. But by my conference with
Monsieur it may appear that he is not yet resolved on this voyage,
but depends upon some new resolution to come from her Majesty.
I will not tell you that du Vray assured me, with 'long circumstances,'
that Monsieur would never come to this Court so long as
this king lived. But you must bear with him ; he is a Frenchman.
It is supposed that the Provinces will be appeased ; and then
many of good judgement here are of opinion that the Spaniards will
want no assistance from hence. A man of good credit comes to
me yesterday, sent no doubt from the Marshal de Retz, who now
cleaves wholly to Monsieur. He tells me among other things that
the Pope, learning that the King of Spain had concluded a peace
with the Turk at the price of one yearly pension of 70,000
crowns, sent for the Spanish Ambassador and used some high
speeches against his master. The ambassador answered that his
master was forced to seek quietness with foreign nations, to have
the better means to reform his own subjects of the Low Countries
who were revolted from the obedience no less of the Pope than of
their temporal sovereign ; and that those countries being parcel of
his ancient patrimony, he was resolved to reform them at any price
whatsoever, even though he were to hazard his Crown to do it.
This answer, said the gentleman, somewhat satisfied the Pope. He
added that 700,000 crowns had lately arrived at Genoa for the service
against the Low Countries, and another 300,000 were sent by
another way. It is enough that I can assure you this tale came
from the Marshal of Retz, and that he is wholly at the devotion of
Monsieur ; referring the interpretation to your better judgement.
Yet to say somewhat of my simple opinion, I am much deceived if
this tale have any other meaning than to bridle her Majesty by
consideration of the dangerous state of the Low Countries.
I cannot assure you what is become of Bussy, but I know La Fin
has said to his 'very friend' that Bussy did not know that Monsieur
intended to come to Paris. La Fin will not lose any part of the
honour of this enterprise, and some think that Bussy and others
will 'cry quittance' with him before long. But as Monsieur
returns to Alenon, I am of opinion that Bussy was acquainted with
this journey.
It is thought by some that the King of Spain will give a great
push to the kingdom of Portugal ; and no one doubts but that the
league between the Pope, Spain and France was never more firm
than at present. And although the French are so poor that they
can do no hurt abroad, yet to make war against those of the Religion
at home, or against their neighbours of the Low Countries, where
they are sure of living on the spoil of the peasant, they are ready,
and will be able to do more harm than were convenient.
You must believe that the first resolution holds firm and
inviolable ; which is to root out Religion by all means possible ; and
you may not doubt that Queen Mother has spent her winter's
'travell' to that end, and that these late incidents are flowers of her
garden, and therefore not unlikely to lead to the like conclusion.
Those of the Spanish faction have changed their cheer, and think
their penny no bad silver ; being in great hope that this summer's
work will make such a breach in the walls of religion, that the
scale will be easy and the victory certain. They promise themselves
great things, and no doubt they are greatly comforted on every side.
But thank God they reckon without their host, and the matter is
not so desperate as they pretend ; the remedies being no less certain
than easy if taken in their due time.
The King, accompanied by his brother, the Duke of Guise, and the
Cardinal of Guise departed hence to-day in one coach toward Noisy,
a house belonging to the Marshal of Retz. Thence they go to
Saint German-en-Laye, where Monsieur leaves the King to return
to Alenon, with purpose to be here again shortly.Paris, 20 March
1578.
Add. Endd. 4 pp. [France III. 15.]
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March.
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620. The QUEEN to the DUKE OF ANJOU.
The Baron of Courtemer, who accompanied M. de Cymier on his
journey hither, being about to return, we write a word to let you
know the good opinion we have conceived of the gentleman for the
good qualities and virtuous deportment he has shown during his
stay in this country. Not only has this rendered him worthy of our
esteem, but it has shown as in a mirror the good sense, virtue, and
judgement of one who can choose such instruments for his service.
Westminster, March 1578.
Copy (or draft). Endd. by L. Townson. Fr. 10 ll. [France III.
16.]
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[Ca.
March 20.]
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621. DAVISON to the SECRETARIES.
Immediately after the dispatch of my last by Walter Williams,
there arrived a trumpet from the Prince of Parma with letters to
the States offering peace on the same conditions, of observing the
Pacification of Ghent and due obedience to the King, as in his
Majesty's late letters, addressed to those of Artois, Hainault and
Douay (a copy of which I sent you among other things in print) ;
the scope of this offer tending partly to the amusing of the States
and slacking of their provisions for the succour of Maestricht,
while the enemy follows his purpose with less impediment, partly
by offering that which is agreeable to Artois, etc. but which these
States neither will nor can accept, to confirm the others in the
opinion that the Prince and they will not have peace, and consequently
push them forward the more resolutely to their pretended
reconcilement with the King. This, being impeached by the
general murmur of the people, who are for the most part unwilling
to separate themselves from the rest of the provinces (without
whom they can hardly subsist) remains yet in suspense, against the
wishes of the nobles and clergy.
The Duke of Anjou has of late written earnestly to them,
dissuading their disjunction from the rest of the provinces ; rather
as fearing it may be some impediment to the resolution to be taken
in this respect in the general assembly appointed to begin on the
26th inst. than as otherwise greatly zealous of their well-doing.
But his counsel is likely to avail little with them, and there is no
great appearance of his profiting by the other.
The Gauntois having by force suppressed the exercise of popery
established among them not without difficulty, by the late agreement,
and having as far as in them lies, prevented the 'redressing' of it by
ruining and defacing the churches, have as we hear since found means
by Ryhove, in whose charge they were, to fetch back the prisoners
from Dendermonde, releasing the gentlemen who were apprehended
in this last tumult. To cover their action with some show of justice
they have beheaded three common soldiers and imprisoned divers
others accused of murder and other outrages committed in that
fury. 'But so far off is it that they repent' this incident, that they
have since furthered the like at Oudenarde, Hulst, and Dendermonde ;
in the last, not without disorder. The like happened about
the same time at 'Newmeghem,' Arnem, and other places in
Guelderland.
The sedition among the peasants in Flanders, somewhat qualified
by the departure of the soldiers against whom they first took
arms, begins to break out anew against the Walloons who being
won, in common opinion, to the part of la Motte, ransom, spoil,
and 'branschat' the villages in West Flanders with all the insolence
that may be. There is some talk of de Hze, one of their leaders,
being now at Gravelines with la Motte ; who, usurping as we hear
the title of Governor of Flanders, lies hovering between Dunkirk
and Bourbourg with the forces that he has, forbearing it would seem
to attempt anything of importance till he see some end of the traffic
in Artois. At St Omer the soldiers 'practised underhand,' have
this week mutinied against the 'Manuys' [de Mauny] and have
solicited the Count of Egmont their Colonel to come among them,
offering to put him in possession of the town. The Count is gone
to them, but we do not hear the result with certainty.
The enemy has not yet placed the cannon before Maestricht, intending
as it seems to try what he can do by famine and intelligence
rather than by force. The defenders to prevent the one have expelled
the 'remanent' of priests and clergy from the town, under
pretext of some matter discovered against them ; but how sufficiently
they are provided against the other is much doubted. Since
the approach of the enemy they have had divers light skirmishes,
wherein such prisoners as they take are on the one side
and the other cruelly executed and put to death.
Count Hohenlohe, sent after the reiters to retain if he might 3,000
of them, has not hitherto, that we hear, been able to stay above 300
or 400. Notwithstanding, he follows them, soliciting for more ;
but with very little appearance of prevailing.
Draft. Endd. : March 1578. To the Secretaries. 2 pp. [Holl.
and Fl. XI. 86.]
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