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|---|
May 11.
K. d. L. x.
456.
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854. WALSINGHAM to DAVISON.
Your letter of the 3rd, in commendation of the Duchess of
'Bullyon's' request for the sale of the unicorn's horn, I have
received. I was made acquainted with the matter long since,
and then dissuaded the making any offer of the sale here, her
Majesty not being so much affected to buying jewels as her father
was.
We are now consulting what were fit to be done in the Low
Countries causes, which we find subject to so many difficulties
that we know not what to resolve, especially since we are doubtful
what Monsieur means by his late offers to the States. There are
many arguments to induce us to think that all is but abuse ; and
I see this is a common fear among those of best judgement.
It will therefore behove the Prince to look substantially into the
matter, and not to forget the late accident on St. Bartholomew's
Day. I am greatly in doubt that those that were authors in that
banquet have their hands in the pie in this new intended matter.
On the other hand, there are many reasons leading me to think
that the French King, being so jealous of his brother as he
is, his realm so full of martial men, and the Low Countries
a 'mossell' worth the having, would be glad to set him a work
abroad, in order to live more quietly at home. But whether he
mean sincerely, or to abuse, it is high time for us to look to
the matter. It is hard to judge in which is the greater peril,
in his joining with Don John or with the States. The first being
a present mischief, the second a future, reaching to our prosperity
rather than to us.
Let us hear with all speed what opinion the Prince is of
touching the course her Majesty should hold. I sent a packet
to you, to that purpose, about four days ago, by Captain Yorke,
which I hope is come into your hands.—In a petty progress, 11
May 1578.
P.S.—I find some disposition in her Majesty to send out of hand
some persons of quality to deal effectually with the States in
devising some good way for their safety, and see some inclination
in her to use my service. If it so fall out, I doubt not that
we shall bring over matter of contentment. The Earl of Leicester
labours greatly to be employed in this journey, and is not without
hope to obtain it. Commend me to M. Villiers, and acquaint
him with so much ; which I desire should not be made public,
for we alter sometimes here.
Add. Holograph. Endd. 2 pp. [Ibid. VI. 56.]
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May 11.
K. d. L. x.
458.
|
855. DAVISON to WALSINGHAM.
As I have found you an equal judge in suspending your
opinion of the slanderous reports let fall by some of my ill-willers,
'to the touch' of my honesty, duty, and credit, I hope to find
you no less indifferent in examining my adversary's accusation
with my own purgation. I hope the naked truth will make my
cause of no hard persuasion. I am accused that the honour of her
Majesty being touched in my presence, I have not according to
my duty defended it ; that instead of excusing her delays and
change of resolution for the promised assistance to the States,
I have concurred with such as have condemned her ; that I have
found fault with the sufficiency of the directions I have received
from your honours ; that I do not prosecute as I should the causes
of her Majesty's subjects ; in sum, that I am rather agent for
the Prince of Orange than for her.
These accusations, at the first blush, may seem somewhat heinous,
but my adversary would have deserved more credit if he had
proceeded with justice ; for though he accuse me of generalities
he proves nothing in particular. Howbeit, I will as succinctly
as I can, answer every point.
And first, touching her Majesty's honour, I am sure he lives
not that can prove that it has been in any way wounded in my
presence and not defended as in duty became me. My accuser,
to prove it, should have produced the time, the place, the manner,
the hearers, &c., which he neither has done, nor I am well
assured can do. For the second point, touching my concurring
with such as have at any time condemned her Majesty, it is as
true as the former. This I remember, that while Mr. Leighton
was last here (whom I take for my accuser, though I be much
deceived in him), the Prince, the Marquis, Mr. Leighton, and I,
walking in the garden of the English House, had long discourse
together upon the negotiation between her Majesty and the States.
The Prince, finding great fault that she did not deal more plainly
with them, fell into discourse of divers incommodities which
might redound both to her and to them by that uncertain way
of proceeding ; it did more hurt than a flat denial, and if she
had no disposition to proceed with them, she should tell them
of it roundly. It should have been signified them at first, that
they might take some other course for their relief. After so long
hope she could not withdraw her succour without prejudice to
herself and hurt to them, by alienating a great number of wellaffected
minds from her, and greatly altering the state of things
among them. It would be the greatest blow that she could give
to our religion, which, as he said, was in a good way of establishing,
if she would proceed with her promise ; together with other
points, which, to speak truly, neither my accuser nor I could
directly deny, though he cannot say but that I did my best to
disguise the matter, and to entertain the good opinion and hope
conceived of her Majesty.
In short, I wish he would tell me what one point I am to be
touched with, that I may directly excuse or confess my
error. It is true, too, that in speech between him and me, I
have used a certain plainness in telling him what I thought ;
so have I done in my letters to your honour. Once I am well
assured that as I have the testimony of a good conscience I
have not in these respects swerved from my duty, so I am out
of doubt, that neither he nor any man can prove the contrary.
Touching the third point, that I 'disabled' the directions
received from you, no one who knows me will esteem me a man
so void of judgement and duty as to forget myself in such a
degree. But I perceive how far malice may transport some men.
It is true he himself told me that there was great fault found
with me that I did not answer such particular letters as occurred,
with two or three other points. I answered that I could not reform
my error till I was made to understand it. He told me that
both my Lord of Leicester and my Lord Treasurer had written
to me upon special occasions and never received answer from
me. I replied that those letters miscarried with Chester and
never came to my hands. At another time falling into discourse
of his instruction, which, as he said, consisted of three points,
that he was sent to see in what terms the country was after
the defeat, to assure the minds of the States in their hope of
her Majesty, to learn how they might be most speedily helped,
and lastly to persuade the Prince to retire to Holland if things
grew dangerous, I told him (as indeed it fell out) that I thought
they would judge his negotiation in these respects impertinent,
and that they looked for some other matter by him. 'For,' quoth
I, 'put the case, that to the first point they answer you, they do
well ; to the second, that they have been already sufficiently assured
by words, but they looked for effects ; to the third, that the
best and most speedy way is for her Majesty to go through
with her promise ; and lastly, that the retiring of the Prince of
Orange into Holland was what the enemy desired, and the nearest
way to overthrow all. What have you further to say?' He
answered nothing. 'Then assure yourself,' quoth I, 'they will not
be satisfied with your legation, because they will think it a
stratagem to gain time, rather than an argument of any likelihood
that her Majesty will proceed resolutely with them.' As
to the Prince's abandoning these countries to retire into his
government, I told him that whoever, were they public or private
persons, thought the country could be brought to that extremity
with one defeat, were deceived ; for the enemy had many a strong
town to force before he achieved his purpose, and whoever thought
otherwise did not know the nature of this country. Thus much I
thought I might speak with reverence ; but I have in this point
deceived myself, the matter being justly proved. I will refuse
no punishment that shall be laid upon me.
As to the fourth point, what cause commended to me have I
not preferred as in justice I ought?
Lastly, when I am charged with being rather agent for the
Prince than for her Majesty, pretending thereby that I concur
in all things with him, I will answer it in one word ; that I do
not deny but that I honour and love the Prince both in respect
of his private virtues and for the devotion I find he bears towards
her Majesty ; but that I should supply my affection towards
him with lack of duty towards her, is an accusation more malicious
than justifiable.
But though this may suffice I hope to answer the details
of the accusations. I must in a word or two touch the cause
whence this matter grows. When my accuser was last here,
having divers conferences with the Prince, &c., he would sometimes
break forth at his table and otherwise before his servants,
strangers, and others, amongst whom was ordinarily one Moffett,
a man suspected, into discourses both of the matters he had to
handle, and of what passed between the Prince and us in secret ;
a thing which I both misliked and reproved in him, which
perhaps he has not yet well digested. I understand that some
parasite has since 'borne him in hand' that I blamed him as partly
the cause why things turned out no better after his return ;
which though utterly untrue, has not a little advanced his choler.
But if he had been the man I took him for, he would have
followed the rule of justice and friendship in discovering the
matter and the author to me before proceeding thus far. I
forbear for honesty's sake to fall into the fault which I condemn
in him ; though if we were as malicious towards him as he has
been injurious towards me, I could be quit with him. In sum,
as you perceive upon what this matter rises, and know what
I am and how I have ever carried myself, I humbly beseech
you to deem of me accordingly ; and not at the appetite of any
ill willer to withdraw the good opinion you have hitherto vouchsafed
me.—Antwerp, 11 May 1578.
P.S.—Touching the fault observed in me, of discoursing my
own opinion and omitting particulars more fit to be known,
I did not think it would be misliked that I, living here where
I see how things pass, should set down the likelihoods which
I gather of their inclinations ; but since it is thought an error,
I will henceforth simply narrare rem gestam as it falls out. As
to my omitting what is understood from time to time from others,
I believe it well in respect of a number of untruths ; but of
importance I do not forget much.
You will do much to admonish such as intend to come hither
to come better provided than Mr. Candish has done, for I have
been driven to use my credit for him. Yet I see not how he will
go through the burden he has taken on him.
Morgan is the man who, as I learn, is instrument of the pique
between Mr. Leighton and me. He has ill-acquitted the friendship
he has found at my hands.
Add. Endd. 22/3 pp. [Ibid. VI. 57.]
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May 11.
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856. Draft of the above.
Endd. 3 pp. [Ibid. VI. 58.]
|
May 11.
K. d. L. x.
462.
|
857. DAVISON to WILSON.
I have had so much wrong in the slanderous bruits let fall
of late by such as seek my discredit, that I could hardly with
patience digest it, had I not the testimony of a good conscience.
My injury is great in the matter iself, but greater in respect
of the author, because 'the hour is to come' that ever I offered
him the least occasion. In justice I should have been dealt with
otherwise than I have been ; but I perceive that wise men do not
always govern themselves as they ought. I have answered the
points in my letter to Mr. Secretary, your associate, I doubt
when you see my innocency, you will do your best to repair the
wrong done me.
Your recommendations to the Prince are yet undelivered,
because he was at Brussels to meet the French commissioners
ere I received your letter ; nor have I seen the Princess, who has
been of late somewhat ill-disposed. To-morrow I intend to visit
her.
Of the state of Scotland I am sorry the time offers no better
news ; the plot of this present 'partiality' was laid long since
by M. de la Motte-Fènelon when ambassador in England. It
cannot be of more dangerous consequence to that state than
costly to others.
I see little better fruit to be expected hence. The inclination
of the greater part of Hainault and Artois to the French has
brought us to the point of dangerous division, and the remedy
in manner desperate.
The Prince went last Thursday night to Brussels, authorized
by the States to treat with the French deputies, who arrived
there the night before. It seems the States are resolved to give
him some sort of satisfaction. I pray God my expectation of
the result deceive me.
I have remembered you to Mr. Fremyn, who humbly thanks
you. What he has done touching your books you will hear from
himself. I use not many ceremonies with your honour, but am as
much at your devotion as any man you have.—Antwerp, 11 May.
P.S.—You will do well to divert such gentlemen of our nation
as are tending hitherwards, for unless they come provided as Mr.
Candish has not done he will find a cold welcome. Those here
have great forces 'upon their charge,' and the means very 'raw'
to entertain them.
Draft. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. VI. 59.]
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[May 11.]
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858. DAVISON to the SECRETARIES.
The French Commissioners, of whose coming to Brussels there
was expectation, as I mentioned in my last, arrived there on
Wednesday night. On Thursday evening [May 8] the Prince of
Orange took his journey thither to confer with them. What
success the matter will have is yet in expectation. The afternoon
before his departure I had occasion to repair to him, and after
spending a little time in other matters we fell into some discourse
of this traffic, wherein I found him persuaded . . . . that
there was no intelligence between the Duke and the enemy.
His reasons were the opportunities afforded to the Duke to enlarge
his greatness if he proceeded soundly, the natural desire of princes
to embrace the occasions of advancement, and their general
disposition to prefer their own profit to their neighbours', the
incompatibility between the French and Spanish humours, the
unlikelihood that he will be commanded by Don John, or Don
John give place to him, the great faction he has in Hainault
and Artois, &c. To which I answered that in this action of the
Duke of Alençon I held a maxim which I found yet unanswered,
to wit, that if there be no intelligence between the King of Spain
and the French in this matter, it was indubitable that the King
would again and again offer the States conditions of peace and
embrace what they would give him, rather than hazard the loss
of his whole country—a thing in most undoubted danger if the
Duke go soundly to work with them—or that there must fall
out a division between the two Kings or the two brothers, a thing,
in the observation of a number of wise men, most unlikely ; that
if such a matter was suspected, the Spanish Ambassador in
England would press her Majesty for assistance, or at least urge
her interposition in the speedy conclusion of a peace. But because
these things were not, I told him it seemed to some of good judgement
a matter very suspicious ; the more because there was no
doubt that Bussy d'Amboise, being lately at the French Court,
had daily communication with the Spanish ambassador, the Queen
Mother, and the Duke of Guise, from whom this country can
expect no good . . . the Duke's entertaining of such altogether
as were . . . enemies to this cause and country, and
rejecting of all who were . . . honest or good inclination
this way, did not a little further the suspicion. I wished him
therefore to look well to it ; for if things proceeded ill, it would
not only withdraw a great number of hearts from him here
and put the country in hazard, but also 'singularly distaste'
the Queen my sovereign, the Empire, and others of their neighbours,
whose amity most imported them.
His conclusion was, that things were now grown to that point
by the ill office of some individuals—meaning chiefly Count
Lalaing and his party—that it was impossible altogether to
prevent this danger from the French ; but he would do his best
to make it as little hurtful as might be to the country. At his
return, which will, it is thought, be in a day or two, we shall
hear how things have passed.
The French, of whose entry I wrote in my last, still lie about
Cambray and Landrecies, but we have no certain news that they
have yet entered any towns or 'innovated' anything in those
parts. The enemy remains always about Philippeville, in hope
to force it by famine, being slenderly provided for siege. Don
John himself has been lately at Marche to meet the Duke of
Brunswick, arrived in Luxembourg with some horse ; the number
of which are diversely reported. The reconciling of la Motte is
desperate, wherefore they look more narrowly to the fortifying of
Arras, St. Omer, Bourbourg, 'Winoxberg,' and Dunkirk. The
interposition of Gourdon, the captain of Calais, in the traffic
with la Motte, having, as it is well known, fetched his instructions
from the French Court, makes the French course more suspicious.
Count la Marche, a Liegeois, is lately dead, not without suspicion
of poison. A great part of our reiters are appointed to
be to-morrow upon the Rhine, where their rendezvous is.
Les moyens généraux are this month begun to be levied, but they
come slowly forward.
At Maestricht, since the hanging, drowning, and slaughter of 7
or 8 mutinous soldiers, all is quiet. Mr. Rogers can tell you the
circumstances. The placards inhibiting the exercise of religion
publicly and privately have 'altered' many. At Ghent the three
councillors of the Council of Troubles lately apprehended, remain
prisoners in their houses, but nothing else 'innovated' there,
except that they have translated the other prisoners to the King's
house, where they are like to await the issue of these troubles.
Draft, rather damaged. Endd. 3 pp. [Ibid. VI. 60.]
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May 11.
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859. The EMPEROR to the STATES-GENERAL.
We wrote to you some weeks ago, to wit, on March 22,
touching upon the steps we had up till then taken for your welfare
and that of the Low Countries, and showed that we had the
same end in view by sending Otto, Count of Schwarzenberg, and
calling an Electoral convention. As, however, we learn that our
actions have been otherwise taken, and as though the matter
were not serious, and that you have in view extreme measures,
and such as being unworthy of your integrity and of the duty
you owe to the Catholic King will surely bring ruin upon you,
to the great detriment of the Christian commonwealth, we hold
it incumbent on us to send a special legate to you, both to
assure you of our good will, and remind you of the dangers
involved in those extreme counsels. Our messenger will not
take many days to reach you, and we beg you to await him
patiently, and do nothing fresh in the meantime. We doubt
not that when you know the proposals he has to make you
will acquiesce, and will have no cause to enter upon any other
dangerous courses. We are also writing to Don John, and exhorting
him to take no further steps in the meantime, and enjoining
upon the King's ambassador with us to do such offices as may be
fitting in the circumstances.—Vienna, 11 May 1578. (Signed)
Rudolf. (Countersigned) Obernburger.
Copy. Latin. 1½ pp. [Ibid. VI. 61.]
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May 12.
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860. RANDOLPH to DAVISON.
I send herewith the letter from Scotland promised in my last,
which I forgot to enclose. More news of the country than you
find there, I think no man here can advertise you. You may
assure yourself that we may do then what we will if we
ways in due time.—London, 12 May 1578.
Add. ½ p. [Ibid. VI. 62.]
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May.
K. d. L. x.
464.
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861. DAVISON to H. K[ILLIGREW?].
Though the bearer came to me at a very unseasonable hour,
finding me otherwise overcharged with business, I would not let
him return to you empty-handed.
We are half distracted here with our French traffic, now in
some unlikely terms of concluding. The Duke's commissioners
arrived at Brussels are there met by the Prince and others
authorised by the States to treat with them. What end it will
take is yet in expectation. The matter in the meantime is so
forward on the part of the French that 4,000 or 5,000 harquebusiers
are already entered, the rest following à la 'fille.' You
may guess what effect this is likely to bring forth in time.
The enemy is still lying about Philippeville, hoping within
six or seven days to constrain it by famine. We look to hear
of the arrival of 3,000 or 4,000 reiters in Gueldres, besides
Schenck's 900 already entered. We hear of a supply brought
to the enemy by the Duke of Brunswick.
Lord Seton is released from his troubles at Bruges, and either
gone or about to depart home to do as good offices there in the
'altered' estate of his country at he has been ready to do here.—
Antwerp.
Draft. Endd. : To Mr. H. K. 86. ½ p. [Ibid. VI. 63.]
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May 12.
|
862. Another copy of the negotiations between the commissioners
of the Duke of Anjou and those of the States (No. 803). A
letter is appended, dated Bruges, May 12, 1578, headed, Praise
to God, and continuing, Dear lord and friend, my last to you was
of the 2nd inst. I have received yours of the 3rd. My private
affairs are prospering. For news I send you copies of what is
passing between the Estates and the Duke of Alençon, which
seems to me very strange. We are almost obliged to obey him
for fear, lest he should come to terms with Don John. The King
will end by losing these countries, and it would be better he should
lose them than that we should remain under a King without
reason, God, [a piece torn out]. . . . . . . Don Matthias
[sic] and the Prince . . . for excuse that one must have
patience, and that if necessity commands it 4,000 reiters will
soon be in Brabant. Don John has burnt three little towns,
Diest, Arschot, and Sichem. I hear from Antwerp that Duke
Casimir will be in this country with 12,000 men in less than
six weeks, 6,000 reiters, and 6,000 Swiss. Don John had various
intelligences in Philippeville, Hallois, Vilvorde, Lire, and Maestricht ;
but thank God, all have failed him.
Fr. 6½ pp. Marked on back : N M° 22. [Ibid. VI. 64.]
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May 12.
|
863. Power of attorney, executed by James Desmond, lord
of Imokilly, captain for the Apostolic See in Ireland, on behalf of
himself and Patrick O'Hely, Bishop of Mayo, to Me. Henry Fian,
and others ; reciting that his claim against 'Sire Thomas Lestrubec,'
is true and 'sans calomnie,' which he will declare on
oath, and empowering his attorneys to proceed to Nantes and
there receive from the said Thomas the property which he has
to restore, and give him a valid discharge for the same.—Guérande,
12 May, 1578. [Signed] Spes nostra Jesus et Maria, Jacques
Desmond ; and below : François Jego, Pichon, notaries royal ;
sealed with royal arms of France.
Fr. 1½ pp. [France II. 38.]
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May 13.
|
864. POULET to the QUEEN.
One Dampmartin came to me on the 14th inst., and after long
talk plainly my opinion in a matter he would 'propose' to me.
Then discoursing at length of the present state of the Low
Countries, he concluded that as it was honourable to their neighbours
to aid the Estates in expelling the Spaniards, so the operation
was most easy, and asked me if I did not think that my mistress
would be content to join the French in this enterprise. I have
known this man for a long time, and was not ignorant of his
late negotiation in Flanders, or that he now depends wholly on the
Queen of Navarre ; Pibracq, his only patron, being lately chosen to
be her Chancellor. Therefore, taking no knowledge of his dealing
for Monsieur, I told him that the matter would require to be
answered with great deliberation ; but having regard to the circumstances
of this time, I should do him wrong to crave a longer
term in a thing already decided in the judgement of all men. I
said that not only the experience of many years, but also the
doings of this last winter, proved sufficiently that the amity
between France and Spain was indissoluble, so that nothing could
be expected from the French that could be to the hurt of the
Spaniard ; and consequently this motion was fully answered by
the impossibility of the execution.
He said that to judge of the amity between France and Spain
by the mutual good will between their Kings, and the results
both lately and for many years past, it must be confessed that
I had said truly. "But," says he, "leaving the King and his
affections to himself, some other, perchance, may be found in
France that has no less power and ability than earnest good will
to perform this enterprise ;" affirming that some great personages
had assured him thereof. I answered that when he was authorised
to name this party to me, and to assure me of his disposition
therein, I would not fail to tell him plainly my opinion, and
would advertise your Majesty if occasion offered. He said I
should hear in three or four days.
Two days afterwards he came again, to assure me that Monsieur
was the person who would play this part, and that shortly I
should understand it from himself ; letting me know in covert
terms that the Queen of Navarre had said thus much to him.
Then he took occasion to tell me that the French and English
are the only men fit to give succour to the Estates, and that the
reiters would be their ruin ; alleging that in less than three
months they would spoil all the fields and villages, and then being
received into the towns for want of forage 'abroad,' would be
more dangerous than profitable, being by nature mutinous, and
ready to quarrel for every trifle. He concluded that I should
hear from Monsieur very shortly.
Two days later he returned, and told me that it is high time
that England and the Protestants of France should provide for
their safety. The Pope, the King of Spain, and the French King
were already leagued against them, with full resolution to raise
new troubles, alike in England by means of Scotland, and against
the Protestants of France. The Duke of Guise, seeing the King
unwilling to enter into any war, had persuaded him to accept
the League as his only means of safety against the practices of
Monsieur and those of the religion ; tending thereby to breed
such distrust in the hearts of Monsieur and the Protestants as
may force the King to renew civil war, a thing which the house
of Guise desire as the only ground of their greatness. He seeks
all means to hinder the expedition to the Low Countries ;
notwithstanding, he makes fair weather with Monsieur, has offered
himself to him largely and liberally, and has assured him of
towns in his government. He has not spared to make his disposition
herein evident to the King, both by 'banding' against
his minions and by often repairing to the Queen of Navarre.
He thinks to deceive Monsieur and the Queen of Navarre, but
indeed they would deceive him ; they did not trust him, and
care not for him. He had no credit with the soldiers out of his
government. There is closer amity at present between Monsieur,
the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Condé. The late change
in Scotland is due altogether to the Spaniard and not to the
French ; and he was very vehement in affirming this.
This is a brief summary of my communication with this gentleman
at our third meeting. It did not come in order from
him as here set down, but fell out upon occasion of our talk.
I found nothing more strange than the vehemence with which he
persuaded me that the late change in Scotland did not grow
from hence ; which may seem to argue some intelligence between
the Queen of Navarre, the author and founder of this message,
and the Queen her mother, who has always professed to be nothing
affected that way. And doubting lest some jealousy might be
conceived of the amity between Monsieur and the Duke of Guise
he was no less earnest to assure me that the Duke thinking to
deceive Monsieur and the Queen of Navarre, they would not fail
to deceive him, I told him that as the Duke had proffered his
service to Monsieur against the King, his brother, it was to be
supposed that he would not refuse him against any foreign King,
and therefore I doubted not but that Monsieur had acquainted
him with his intention of touching the Low Countries, not only
to have the benefit of his credit with the soldiers, but to prevent
his secret dealing to his hindrance, being not ignorant how much
easier it is to hinder than to further any purpose. This question
troubled him, as seeking above all things to induce me to believe
that Monsieur had no trust in the Duke of Guise ; and therefore
he used many words to persuade me that the Duke knew nothing
of this journey, and that having, as has been said, no credit
with the soldiers out of his government, as he could do no good,
so he could do no harm if he would.
Among other things he told me that neither your Majesty
nor any of your Council had so much as one word of communication
with the messenger lately sent into England, touching the
Low Countries, and that your silence was found very strange.
The truth is that the messenger had informed me both of what
had been said to him in England by Mr. Walsingham, and of
his answer, though I would not 'take upon me' the knowledge
thereof. But this was spoken in my opinion to prevent the
challenge which might be made for those dealings touching the
Low Countries, as if your Majesty's pleasure had not been known
therein ; and so the fault should have been imputed to the forgetfulness
of the messenger, who is now arrived, so that being better
informed of what has passed, they have changed opinion, as will
appear. I have thought it my duty to report all such particulars
as may seem to carry any suspicion of any dangerous cunning,
for the consideration of your Highness ; and omit many things
that passed, as unnecessary to be rehearsed.
On the 9th one came to me, from the messenger that was lately
sent to England from Monsieur, to tell me that he had [somewhat]
to say to me from Monsieur, and would not fail to be with me
the next morning ; when he sent again to pray me to excuse him
till next morning, because the Queen of Navarre had commanded
him to repair to her. At the time appointed he came, and after
a long discourse of the report he had made to Monsieur of his
negotiation with your Majesty, of the good acceptance of your
grave, friendly, and honourable Council, and especially of your
promise of friendship, of Monsieur's joy thereof, such that he
has your Highness often in remembrance, of the great account
which he makes of your unity, he told me that Monsieur had
resolved to send him again to confer with your Highness touching
the Low Countries. He would have already set out if this
journey of Queen Mother had not stayed him, but he would not
fail to be returned from Monsieur within ten or twelve days ;
and if occasion served me to write to your Majesty, Monsieur
prayed me to assure you that he had hitherto done nothing
touching the Low Countries, and would do nothing without your
advice. Before this messenger's return he had given leave to
Rochepot, the chamberlain of his house and one of his council,
to repair thither with two companies of horse and ten of foot ;
these companies are now in the service of the States, and are
received into St. Omer and some other towns. He 'avowed' them
for no longer than they were in France, but now had nothing
to do with them. He intends to make such offers to your Majesty
as are reasonable and honourable. He had found your counsel
true touching the choice of his counsellors, and one in good
credit about him had immediately given advertisement to the
King of the particulars of his dispatches to your Majesty.
I thought it my duty both to nourish Monsieur's good dispositions
towards you and to assure him of your like inclination
towards him, and many words passed between the messenger and
me to that effect, as also many promises to further this good
intelligence to the utmost of our power. I said I had received
letters from England of the 2nd inst., and did not perceive that
your Majesty was then informed of anything done by Monsieur
touching the Low Countries. But I told him that being credibly
informed of the companies which passed on every side towards
Flanders, I suspected some practice between Monsieur and the
Estates, and was persuaded that those things could not be done if
there were not some secret intelligence between them. He prayed
me to believe that nothing was done other than he had said, and
doubted not he would satisfy your Majesty at his arrival in
England.
Then he told me that the Queen of Navarre had informed
him of some things which he would not hide from me, though
he had no commission to reveal them. Hereupon he entered
into a long discourse of your Majesty's wisdom, learning, and
other rare and excellent virtues, affirming that you were the
only princess of this world, and that after the service of his
master he would serve you as faithfully as the truest subject in
your dominions. His information was this : that under the colour
of other pretences, the late negotiation of Gondi in England
has hatched some notable mischief against that state ; that captains
and soldiers are entertained in Champagne, being the government
of the Duke of Guise ; that ships are sought in all places ; and
that some great thing is intended from hence in favour of the
Queen of Scots, either by way of Scotland or by descending on
England. He has prayed the Queen of Navarre to inform herself
of the secrets of these things, which she has promised to do ; and
at his return hither, I shall know all that she knows. I trust
your Majesty will believe that whatever this messenger says, he
was commanded by the Queen of Navarre to utter these things to
me ; which is the more likely because it agrees with the discourse
of Dampmartin. This messenger assures me that Queen Mother
'leeseth' her labour ; she thinks to divert Monsieur from this
enterprise of Flanders and bring him again to Court, and she
will be deceived in one and the other. He tells me that upon
the first levy of soldiers made by Monsieur, La Chapelle aux
Ursins, sent to him from the King, told him that if any companies
went into Flanders, the King would cause them to be cut
in pieces ; and that Monsieur bade him say to the King, that if
the King began he would make an end. Further I understand
from him that Monsieur would by now have been at Champigny,
a house belonging to the Duke of Montpensier, to meet the King
of Navarre, if this journey of Queen Mother had not prevented
it ; and that this appointment will be kept as soon as she
returns.
Thus I have told your Majesty the true substance of my
several conferences with these men, I am more than half persuaded,
upon my conference with my first man, Dampmartin,
that it was resolved between Monsieur and the Queen of Navarre
to have sent this messenger to your Majesty now ; and it may
seem that their resolution is broken by Queen Mother or else
that there is an intention of some further practice between
Monsieur and the Estates before the departure of this messenger,
and he may in the meantime make himself so strong that instead
of being ordered, he may take upon him to give the law to
others.
Your Majesty cannot be ignorant of the singular credit which
the Queen of Navarre has with Monsieur, and nothing is more
certain than that she orders and disposes of all his doings at her
pleasure. Many thought that her journey to her husband could no
longer be deferred, Miossans being arrived here from the King
of Navarre for that purpose. Wishing to sound her disposition
herein, I told the messenger that I heard the Queen of Navarre
was shortly going to her husband, and that I thought her absence
from the Court would greatly hinder the proceedings of Monsieur.
He wished me to assure myself that she was not going. The best
thing that I see in these broken dealings is this : that their
affections here are so composed that it behoves them to deal
well with your Majesty to serve their own turns.
The Duke of Lorraine, the Duke of Guise, the Duke of Mayne,
and others of that house departed from Court yesterday to their
countries and governments, and many from just experience think
that this departure gives cause to suspect that something bad is
brewing. It is thought that Queen Mother is on her way hither,
and therefore many reasons might move them not to depart till
she is arrived ; but perhaps they think there is no readier way
to lull their adversaries in careless security than by their absence ;
as if an opinion were conceived that no bad thing could be
attempted without their counsel.—Paris, 13 May 1578.
Add. Endd. by Walsingham. 9 pp. [Ibid. II. 39.]
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May 13.
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865. POULET to SIR F. KNOLLES.
There will be nothing stirring in this country till the negotiation
of Queen Mother with Monsieur is discovered. Her return
is daily expected, and I do not see how these French resolutions
can be to our advantage. If Monsieur holds his intended journey
into the Low Countries, it cannot 'stand' with our benefit ; if
he be dissuaded from it I fear some worse harm will ensue.
The Duke of Lorraine and the house of Guise left this Court on
the 12th, that all men may know no hurt is intended. We have
given ear so long to fair words that our good opportunities are
lost, and I doubt if ever we shall see them again. Others will
take them from us, and I pray God there be not some worse
matter in hand.—Paris, 13 May, 1578.
Add. Endd. by L. Tomson. ½ p. [Ibid. II. 40.]
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May 13.
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866. HODDESDON to WALSINGHAM.
I have received a letter from Duke Casimir, dated Kaiserslautern,
April 26, recommending one Isaac Wickern for the
receipt at my hands of the treasure in my charge. He has
delivered me her Majesty's letters touching it, which though
they are somewhat imperfect both through their staleness
and for want of the recital of the date of her former commission
to me, yet by means of your instructions I make no doubt of
anything, but have already delivered to Wickern this day 88
ingots of silver, weighing troy 3,056 lbs. 6 ozs. 21 grs. 3 mites,
which amounts to £9,666 4s. sterling. This he has already packed
in five barrels and left them in my custody. He shall have the
rest as fast as he can count it ; which being done and the quittance
made, for which he has a blank under the duke's hand, I
will according to your direction send a copy of it 'by the first.'
This money 'cometh him very evil to pass,' as it says, not being
coined, and very unfit to serve the expedition of the muster,
which he says is appointed to be the 25th inst. He says his
master means to have in force 6,000 horsemen, Dutches ; and
6,000 foot, Gascoins ; but hereof I need not treat for I have no
doubt of your intelligence. After I had given Wickern a note
of all the money that he has to receive of me, he requested me
to change as many of the angels as I can into 'hongars,' ducats,
pistolets, and prince-dollars ; for the angels are not so 'fete' for
his purpose. I mean to help him in all things in my power, for
the good duke, his master, in his letter has required me to do
so.—Hamburg, 13 May 1578.
P.S.—I cannot conceal from you that hitherto I have had no
consideration from the company of merchants adventurers for my
service here ; for I could not be bound to any time, but to serve
at pleasure. Yet at 'the lenkethe,' being divers ways urged, have
agreed to serve them from Midsummer next for one whole year,
and 'so longer' as they and I shall agree, in consideration of
£240 yearly stipend, and a house rent free to dwell in. When
I granted this I thought I should have had a longer time in her
Majesty's service here, and being without my wife thought good
to send my letter to her for her opinion, wishing her to confer
with you on the matter, for you are only he whom in this world
I most depend upon. The causes that moved me, over and above
those specified, are that I doubt the South Seas are dangerous
for merchants, and that in these east parts I can turn my stock
to more certain profit than southwards ; so I thought it not amiss
to do so till a quieter time southward. This being the chief
ground of my doings, I tell it you to the intent my wife should
the better direct herself to your good advice, to whom nothing
is unknown ; neither for hope of quietness, nor yet for possibility
of her Majesty's further service, which I would be loth to 'lesse'
through being here. Thus I remain at your direction, to whom
I will be bound while life lasts.
It is reported here that the 'Duke' of Schwarzburg has
mustered at Wilzhausen in Westphalia 3,000 horsemen to serve
the Estates.
It is also said that the King of Poland has fled in Transilvania,
and has left the government of the country ; which will cause
more trouble in those parts.
This bringer, 'Jeames' Holnnes [qu. Holmes] is our 'conserge'
here ; an Englishman born, and has divers children born here,
for whom he has a suit to you. He has requested me to commend
his cause, 'which I would do no less' ; with request that
you would be as favourable thereto as reason requires.
Add. Endd. (in L. Tomson's hand, but in Walsingham's
name : 'He has referred his wife to confer with me.'). 2 pp.
[Hanse Towns I. 39.]
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May 15.
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867. [M. DE BONNIVET] to —.
Nothing but very important affairs, chiefly in the service of
Monseigneur, could have made me delay visiting, in pursuance
of his orders, the principal lords and gentlemen, of whom there
are so many in our district of assured credit, in order to advertise
them by word of mouth of the good news which he has recently
received from the Low Countries, and of his resolution to go
thither at any cost as soon as possible with all good Frenchmen,
faithful servants alike of the Crown and himself. I am to that
end charged by him to summon all ; and he authorizes me to
give his word that he will there give them such gratifications
and honours as they may send him word through me that they
desire. In short, my friend, the enterprise is so generous, indeed
so necessary both for our internal repose and for the extirpation
of the causes of our past misfortunes, that I do not think there
is any nobleman in this realm, not being sixty years old, so apostate
to all valour, that he would venture to refuse his Highness
so reasonable a request.
Wherefore I pray you, as it were with clasped hands, to supply
the lack of my presence towards them, being confident that they
will so far honour me as favourably to accept this devolution
of my credit upon you ; begging you so to execute it that our
master may have more than legitimate cause to be content with
the signal service you will have done him. He has, for the rest,
ordered me to train for him 400 French pistoleers, and a regiment
of 1,200 which he intends to raise apart from my men-at-arms.
Of all which I have wished to advise you.—Bourgueil, 15 May
1578.
Copy. Fr. Added in Poulet's hand : This letter comes from
Bonnivet [name in cypher] to a gentleman of Picardy lying in
this town. This man is so carried away with the desire of this
voyage, that he forgets his old friends, having heard nothing
from him of long time. 1¼ pp. [France II. 41.]
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May 15.
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868. The QUEEN to DUKE CASIMIR.
As you have at our request embarked on the defence of the
Low Countries, which will be hopelessly ruined if not remedied
in time, you may be sure that you have increased the affection
which we bear you, and we shall not fail in all times and places
to which our means may extend, to acknowledge so singular
a benefit. And that you may know our care for you, we have
ordered that the 20,000l. for which you ask shall be furnished to
you at the place of muster ; assuring you that we will never
desert you, but aid you with all our favours and resources in
such sort that you shall be fully contented. We beg also that
besides the celerity required on all like occasions, you will take
care that we are not treated in such fashion as on your last
expedition into France, but that you will not enter into any
treaty of peace without our previous consent, and that we may
be advertised from day to day of all that takes place, as of a
matter touching us very nearly.
As for the meeting at Schmalkald, and the sending of some
one thither in our name to bring about some better resolution
than those of the Confession of Augsburg seem to have planned,
we have taken order for the dispatch of our deputies, though
the time is short, and they will find it hard to get there so soon.
We hope that our pains will be acceptable and our envoys well
received and heard ; though they will arrive when the meeting
has begun.—Wanstead, 15 May 1578.
Copy. Endd. Fr. 1½ pp. [Germ. States I. 60.]
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