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May 2.
K. d. L. x.
439.
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834. DAVISON to the SECRETARIES.
I mentioned in my last the arrival of M. de Rochepot and des
Pruneaux at St. Ghislain to renew and determine in some sort
the long-continued traffic between the Duke of Alençon and the
States. At the instance of Count Lalaing (who rather because
the conference is in his government than for any sound opinion
that is held of him, is joined with MM. de Fresin and Liesvelt,
the States' commissioners) they have removed to Mons ; where
they have proceeded so far that the treaty will probably go
forward, however it end. The Duke's commissioners, after a long
insinuative discourse of their master's great affection, have stated
the occasion of their coming as follows : First, to renew the offers
of assistance heretofore made by him ; to let them understand
what troops he had ready to be employed in their defence ; to
assure them of his resolute mind to take both them and their
cause into his protection ; and finally, if the States intended to
use him, to treat of the conditions ; offering and undertaking
within three weeks after their decision to fight with their enemy
and 'expulse' him the country. They concluded that having
these forces at his charge he could not suffer a long delay like
those he had heretofore had at their hands, and therefore required
a speedy resolution ; letting fall in plain enough terms that their
master was 'well offered' by the other side, and that he was
resolved to enter into the action either for them or against them.
To this overture, as I hear, the States' commissioners replied
that the countries could not sufficiently acknowledge their obligation
to the Duke for his goodwill to their cause, and desired
nothing more than to show their thankfulness by effects, as they
had come to testify. They had sufficient authority, they thought,
to offer him matter of contentment ; but that they might proceed
more effectually, and because they could not well conclude upon
generalities, they asked the deputies to set down their master's
particular offers and demands.
His offers, they answered, are to take them and their cause into
his protection and to undertake, as I said before, to drive the
enemy out of the country within three weeks. If he effected this,
he would know how the States were resolved to deal with him
in recompense.
The others answered that they had authority to make a threefold
offer ; either that he should take the Duchy of Burgundy
and anything else he could conquer on the other side of the Maes,
or the reimbursement of his expenses, and otherwise trust to their
thankfulness, or a yearly pension of 100,000 crowns.
To the first the deputies replied that it was an offer out of
the States' power to perform, the thing being none of theirs, and
therefore not worthy the speech. As for the second, they thought
their master would be ill-advised to incur the enmity of his brother
and the King of Spain, together with hazard to his own person,
for the moon shining in the water. Touching the third, he was
so great a prince and in so good case that he needed not to become
their mercenary man. So these offers, they said, were utterly
impertinent. If they would treat with the Duke as they ought,
they would first declare him their protector. Afterwards, having
effected his promise, since they must necessarily either reconcile
themselves with the King, change their form of government, or
change their master, and seeing no safety in the first nor profit
in the second, they were likely to take the third course, he would
be preferred to any other.
To this the States' deputies answered that they wist not what
to reply, the matter being outside their instructions ; but they
offered to report it to the States and give an answer as soon as
they might. But because the Prince had been two or three
days at Dendermonde to treat with the deputies of Ghent as to
the release of the prisoners (who however are not likely to obtain
their liberty yet), and for other reasons, the answer has been
deferred till his return to Antwerp, which was last night ; the
States having in the meantime excused themselves to the French
deputies and desired a little patience.
This is all that I can learn was done at Mons ; but I learn
that the wisest of them are singularly perplexed, scarce knowing
on which side to turn. If they break with him, they reckon it
certain that he will either take part with the enemy, as his commissioners
plainly threatened, or else fall upon Hainault and
Artois, the greater part of which is already won to his devotion ;
and how dangerous either of these would be, any man can guess.
On the other hand, if they conclude with him, it is a question
whether he means plainly or doubly. If he mean doubly, every
man can judge the peril ; and though he mean plainly, they must
declare him their protector, and how that title would be digested
by their neighbours, and especially by our sovereign, they are
in doubt. Besides that he must be possessed of two good towns,
which the deputies have demanded in general terms, though not
yet in particular ; contenting themselves that they be consigned
into the hands of Count Lalaing as a neutral between their master
and the States.
What the States will resolve is in doubt, though for my own
part I think they will proceed to no conclusion ; carrying this
persuasion, as I conjecture, that if he means well and fights with
their enemy it will cause a breach between the two Kings or
between the two brothers, either of which would advantage them ;
besides that being quit of their enemy, they could make their
party good enough with the other. On the other hand, if he
means to abuse them—a thing affirmed in advertisements from
France—he will be able to do them no more hurt as their 'inward'
enemy than if he had declared himself against them. I pray the
'success' be not worse than they look for. If it happen ill, they
will not stick at imputing the fault to the result of their long
negotiation with her Majesty, who as they say already might
have remedied all this danger if she had gone through with her
first resolve. And as far as I see that opinion will not be altered
by the success of the Marquis, who is returned, as I observe and
hear, very ill satisfied.
The matter of Gravelines and reconciliation of La Motte is out
of all hope. It is proved that he has had 6,000 or 7,000 crowns
from the enemy through Spanish merchants ; but while he does
not deny having had such a sum, though he says that he borrowed
it to supply his needs, he offers to repay it, if the States will
send him wherewithal. But they do not intend to try his honesty
in that behalf.
Nine hundred reiters of Schenck's regiment are arrived, and
'furryed' about Antwerp. The rest, except the troops of Duke
Casimir, of whose intention they yet learn nothing, will be by
the 12th on the Rhine, to take their directions for entering the
country.—Ghent, 2 May 1578.
P.S.—The Almaynes intended for the King of Portugal's
alleged service in Africa are departed thitherward. If they keep
that course, they deceive the opinion of divers here of good
judgement.
Add. Endd. by Walsingham. 2½ pp. [Ibid. VI. 41.]
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May 2.
K. d. L. x.
438.
|
835. WALSINGHAM to DAVISON.
Certain speeches have lately been uttered much to your disadvantage,
as that you suffer her Majesty to be evil spoken of
in your hearing without standing to the defence of her honour
as the place you hold requires ; that instead of justifying her
stay in granting the assistance promised to the Marquis, which
is grounded on very good reasons, you have concurred with such
as have condemned her for it ; that you find great fault with the
insufficiency of the directions you receive from the secretaries as
fond and childish ; that you very coldly recommend the causes
of her Majesty's subjects to the Prince and States, rather allowing
justice to be denied them than to procure satisfaction ; and lastly
that you deal rather as an agent for the Prince than for her
Majesty. To condemn you as guilty in these points before you
are heard, were neither agreeable to justice, nor answerable to
the good will I have professed towards you, for I can hardly
think you so undutiful towards her Majesty, so unthankful towards
your friends, or so indiscreet as to forget yourself in the way
imported by these accusations. I am resolved, therefore, not only
to suspend my judgement till I hear your answer, but also to hold
you faultless in that behalf. Sorry I am that these reports should
hinder the good opinion conceived of your sufficiency to fill a place
of better calling. I know you will take it as a cross from above
to teach you that this worldly reputation that earthly men so
greedily thirst after carries no perpetuity, and therefore to repose
yourself on Him who can and will defend you from these blasts
of envy.—Greenwich, 2 May 1578.
P.S.—You will do well in future to forbear to set down your
private opinion in your public letters to the secretaries, for some
give out that you are more careful to set down your own discourses
than to search out the bottom of proceedings there, or to
state such details as are fit for her Majesty's knowledge. This
mislike proceeds partly of malice and partly from the merchants'
letters, containing more matter than yours touching the state of
things there.
Add. Holograph. Endd. 2 pp. [Ibid. VI. 42.]
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May 3.
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836. POULET to BURGHLEY.
You need not look to hear of any good things hence, where
all is corrupted, where nothing is sound, where divisions and
jealousies bring forth daily their bloody effects, where the subversion
of the whole state is threatened. The private quarrels
and murders of this country are many and lamentable ; and now
we are levying men in every corner, we pretend several causes,
one will make war abroad, the other fears lest this war may
fall upon him, the third doubts of the other two, and thus we
arm on every side. The end is uncertain, but I think nothing
is more certain than that this country will not be long without
some new troubles. Monsieur threatens to do great things in the
Low Countries ; but there are so many willing and well able to
break this enterprise that I think it will be turned some other
way. When I consider how things are at present, I have no great
opinion that these treacheries will reach us, yet we are so
threatened on every side that I know not whom we may trust.
Manderville will be dispatched to Scotland ; a man greatly
affected to the house of Guise, and now depending on Queen
Mother. I cannot hope that his negotiation tends to our benefit,
and therefore wish him to be straitly observed.
Great provision is made here of tents, lances, and the like.
The Duke of Mayne has taken the oath of Admiral of France.
The King of Navarre sent a gentleman lately to this Court with
many grievous complaints ; and indeed Biron has used such
insolences as tend manifestly to new troubles.
Queen Mother has taken her journey towards Bourges to speak
with Monsieur ; and gives out that she fears he may turn his
forces against the King. I rather doubt lest they will agree to
join together against religion at home or abroad.
We are threatened on every side, Spanish, Irish, Scottish ; and
the house of Guise have their daily whisperings against us. The
late alteration in Scotland, and the backward dealings in the Low
Countries have increased their pride. The French pretend to be
afraid of harm at home, and not without cause ; yet I wish these
to be suspected so long as they are armed and linked in amity
with the Spaniard.—Paris, 3 May 1578.
P.S.—I trust you think that two years' service in this place,
by one that has the better part of his living out of his hands,
may be sufficient ; and therefore pray you to have my revocation
in remembrance as time and occasion shall serve.
Add. Endd. 1½ pp. [France II. 34.]
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May 3.
|
837. POULET to the SECRETARIES.
On the 25th of this present [sic] I received from Queen Mother
a command to repair to her garden of the Tuileries, where I
should find her at the hour appointed ; but after two hours' waiting
she sent word that being ready to come out of her chamber the
King came to her and carried her to his Council. She therefore
prayed me to come next day at the same hour ; when I told her
that not long since, conferring with Mazin Delbene, I had given
him my opinion as to the present state of the Low Countries,
and that I thought it so probable that I was willing to have
said something of it to her also. I refrained, however, till I had
some better warrant for proceeding, and therefore thought good
to impart my views to you, Mr. Walsingham, and pray your
advice, referring to your consideration, whether to break it to her
Majesty or otherwise. I told her you had considered, and reported
it to her Majesty, who had returned her pleasure to me to this
effect ; that she had sought all convenient means to mediate some
composition between the King of Spain and his subjects of the Low
Countries, and to that purpose had sent long since sundry
messengers both to the King and to Don John, but had hitherto
received nothing from them giving hope of good success. Yet
she persists in this friendly course, and has lately sent one of her
servants to Don John to persuade an abstinence of arms ; but Don
John, being now strongest in the field, seems to be no ways
inclined to peace, and is not likely to change his opinion till he
is forced to do by fear of assistance being given to the States
by their neighbours. If she liked this and could persuade the
King, her son, to think the same, upon hearing from them how
it would please the King to proceed, the Queen, my mistress,
would be glad to concur with him, and join her best means for
the furtherance of that purpose.
Queen Mother answered that it was the duty of all Christian
princes to be inclined to peace, and she could not enough commend
her Majesty's honourable disposition. For her part, she also was
a woman, and as became her sex, desired nothing more than a
general quietness. She knew her, too, to be of like mind ; she had
sent and written to the King of Spain to like purpose, and had
dealt earnestly with the King's ambassador. She would not fail
to communicate with her son, and I should hear from her shortly.
I told her I could not be ignorant that a princess of her
experience, who had governed the Crown of France so many
years, saw as far into this matter as the policy, reason or judgement
of man could permit, and she might justly condemn me
of folly and presumption if I were to take upon me to lay before
her the danger likely to ensue to neighbours if the controversy
of the Low Countries were not appeased ; yet I prayed her to
pardon me for reminding her that if Don John proceeded in his
conquest of the Low Countries without let, the same being
finished, his army composed of 30,000 or 40,000 strangers would
not be contained within those strait bands, and it was most likely
that England or France would taste of their fury. If she thought
they would assail England, I knew she would be the first that
would persuade the King, her son, to defend us against the
Spaniard, while if anything were attempted against France, she
might be assured that her Majesty would have like care of their
safety. These dangers were not yet as great as the remedy was
easy ; but the same neglected a year or two, I doubted if they
might be easily avoided. The amity between these two Crowns
was necessary for the benefit of both parties ; if they were well
united they might easily give the law to all other parts of
Christendom.
The Queen heard me very willingly and seemed to allow of
all that I said, saying that in good policy these two realms ought
to defend one another.
I concluded that if the King liked to take this course, it would
be well to send a messenger to Don John to agree to an abstinence
of arms, to recall such of his subjects as were already drawn into
his service, and restrain others from entering it ; and also to give
order that no victuals or other munitions be transported out of
this realm for Don John's use.
The Queen answered that I could not be ignorant of the disorders
of this realm. The subjects were grown so licentious that
the King could not command them ; he had restrained them from
this service, upon great penalties ; but she would move him, and
I should have his answer by Delbene.
It was easy to judge that this answer would have no great
importance, if it was thought sufficient to send it by Delbene.
Yet I looked for something when on the evening of April 30
Delbene came to me from Queen Mother, praying me to think
it no fault in her that I had not yet received an answer, and to
impute it to the malice of this bad time ; the King having
spent these three or four days past in visiting and comforting
Quaylus, so that she had no opportunity of conferring with him.
As Delbene had occasion at that time to ride out of the town,
I should receive my answer by the 'Abbot of Guadania.' He
prayed me further to believe that Queen Mother was 'at the end
of her Latin,' that she could not tell what to do, that she had no
credit with the King ; affirming that in her own opinion she
desired nothing so much as the performance of what I had proposed
to her. Two days before I had heard that in five or six
days she would go after Monsieur ; but on the 1st inst., at four
in the afternoon, she took her coach, accompanied only by the
'Abbot' of Vendôme, the Countess of Fiesco, Mme de Lansac,
two maids of her chamber, and a small number of her other
servants, and started for Bourges [qy. Bourgueil], where Monsieur
is at present, intending to be there before noon on the 4th.
I am persuaded that what has passed in this matter will serve
you to great purpose to judge of the state of things here, and what
may be expected from hence.
When I consider the daily consultations between the King of
Spain's ambassador, the agent for 'the Portugal,' the Bishop of
Glasgow, and that Irish Bishop, of the frequent conferences of
these men with the house of Guise ; of the sending into Scotland
of Manderville, a Guisard from his infancy, and brought up by
the old Duke of Aumâle, and now a dependent of Queen Mother ;
of the great favour shown here to Fitzmorris, who by letters from
the King has obtained a hard and cruel sentence against the
Bretons, and is shortly repairing, as I am informed, to his country ;
of the cold dealing of the French in this proposal as to the Low
Countries ; of these Irish letters enclosed ; of the preparations
made in Portugal, which some affirm to be intended against
us ; of the great number of galleys said to be in readiness in
Spain ; of the general bruits of this time, and especially of the
present state of Scotland, I can easily believe that our enemies
hope to give us some notable check very shortly. I trust her
Majesty is providing for it, and then there is 'no doubt to avoid
it.' I say nothing of the forces levied in all parts of France,
which were greatly to be feared if their own factions were not
so many and so irreconcilable ; yet it cannot be hurtful to distrust
the lightness and inconstancy of the French humour.
The Court here is in great division. The King is wholly
possessed by some young men lately advanced by himself. The
old counsellors and other noblemen disdain it ; such as depend
on Queen Mother do the like. These factions are so greatly
increased that some dangerous result is expected.
If there be no plain intention to invade the Low Countries,
or if it is hindered by sinister means, it seems certain that
either some dangerous enterprise will break out against the King,
or that there is some secret understanding against the King of
Navarre and his adherents, which is feared, or rather believed,
by men of best judgement in these parts, and the late course of
proceedings here seems to confirm it.
A gentleman is arrived from the King of Navarre with many
complaints of things done of late in Guienne and Languedoc
repugnant to the Edict of Pacification, and of things done by
Biron tending manifestly to new troubles, which they think would
not have been done by him, an old courtier, and ready to please
all parties, without orders from hence.
Many 'take upon them to know' that Bussy spoke with the
Duke of Guise at his late secret visit to this court, and no man
doubts but that there is close intelligence between Monsieur and
the Duke of Guise. Many think that this link will breed new
troubles in this realm, and yet our 'best discoursing heads' cannot
determine when this union shall fall. La Roche professes to
continue his voyage, and many think that it depends on Monsieur.
Ten pieces of ordnance with new stocks and wheels were laden
here last week by night and sent to Rouen. Two hundred tents
and more are in making about this town, besides sacks, lances,
and other like munitions. The Duke of Mayne has taken the
oath of Admiral of France in reversion to his father-in-law, which
is as much as real possession. The said Duke, on pretence of
seeing his father-in-law, has been at Angiers with Monsieur.
These things past together show that some notable mischief is
brewing.
The late bloody quarrels here are suspected to reach further
than is outwardly asserted, and it will not be amiss for you to
understand somewhat of them. Upon a very simple occasion
Quaylus, accompanied by the young Maugeron and Lyverrocq,
and the young d'Entragues, assisted by Count Ryberacq and
the young 'Shambergh,' met by appointment in the field at four
in the morning, where Maugeron and Shambergh lay dead in the
place, Quaylus, Riberacq, and Lyverrocq having received many
deadly wounds, Riberacq is deceased, and the others not likely to
escape, only d'Entragues is fled with two wounds in his hand
and arm.
I am told that the letters sent by Manderville are superscribed
to the Prince of Scotland, and that this matter has been debated
here at great length. Some think that on this account the letters
will not be received there. Manderville is not get gone, but is on
the point to be dispatched.
There is lately come to this town an Englishman of Newcastle,
as he says, calling himself Harry Graye. He landed at Dieppe
and there dined with Cigognes, the governor, which is not usual
to English travellers. After he had been here eight or ten
days, he writes a solemn Latin letter to me, and indeed he seems
to be a good scholar, desiring me to receive him into my service,
either as steward for my house, or schoolmaster for my children,
or as my clerk ; and rather than be refused he desires only meat
and drink among my meanest servants. Some doubt lest he be
sent into this country with some secret advertisement, and I doubt
it the more because when I asked him if he had ever been in
France he answered no, and when I asked him the same question
again on purpose, he made the like answer, yet I can prove that
he was seen in 'Newhaven' three years ago. I fear lest he was
sent to live as a spy in my house. He seems to be of good
understanding, and is 30 years of age or thereabouts, well-faced,
and with a red beard. His double dealing gives good cause to
examine him at his return.
Although it may appear by one of the copies enclosed that
young Mr. Browne is gone from hence into Spain, yet I would not
have believed it if it had not been constantly affirmed to me by
the party of whom I had this copy. This gentleman has long
given out that he would travel into Italy ; all the English
Protestants in this town, and many of the English Papists believe
that he is gone thither. He told me no less at his departure, and
that he had been with the ambassador at Venice in hope to have
had the company of two Venetian gentlemen who came lately
from England. This double dealing does not proceed of good
meaning, and I refer it to your better consideration. The Irish
Bishop takes great care for his safe passage, and I hear that
he is laden with letters.
One of the other copies shows plainly that there is intelligence
between the French and the Spaniards.
Gourdan has had so good success in the matter of 'Graveling'
that some say he is proceeding to new dangerous practices, and
that to this end he will receive a round sum of money.
My friend has been extremely sick so that I have not seen
or heard of him since before Easter till last evening, when he
delivered me a bill written with his own hand, the true copy of
which I send enclosed for your consideration.
All the jewels of St. Denis were brought to this town yesterday.
'Mailleray,' brother to Clerevault, is arrived here from the Prince
of Orange, but if to speak with the king, or go to Monsieur, I
do not know.—Paris, 3 May 1578.
P.S.—I am now credibly informed that Bussy was secretly
in this town the 28th and 29th of last month, which has much
troubled the king, especially being advertised that the companies
levied by Monsieur have their rendezvous at two passages not far
distant from this town, and that Pontoise and Montereau-fault-Yon
hold for Monsieur. Five companies have already passed
Picquigny towards Gravelines in favour of the Estates. It is
said that Bussy has received money here from the Estates, and
has disbursed it freely to captains and soldiers. If it is true
that these five companies are gone towards the Estates, there is
no fear of anything being attempted this year against the
Protestants of this country. The two gentlemen sent from the
King of Navarre, as was before said, one following the other in
great haste, have been heard at great length, and have received
favourable answers, it being ordained that Bordeaux shall be
the first town of those parts where the Edict shall be duly accomplished,
and then the like shall be done in one of the towns that
hold for the Protestants, and then again in one of the Catholic
towns, and so from town to town, beginning with the Catholics
till all be reformed.
Address and endorsement lost. 9 pp. [Ibid. II. 35.]
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May 3.
|
838. POULET to WALSINGHAM.
I thank you for your letter sent by Mr. Attorney's cook.
Having written by this bearer to my Lord of Leicester and my
Lord Treasurer to further my revocation, I trust her Majesty
will consider of me. If not, I will not be so importunate as to
procure her displeasure for a matter concerning only my commodity.
Please be careful that these copies may be kept secret,
on which depends a good part of the substance of my service here,
besides the credit of the parties and my discredit towards them.
I will do what I can to entertain my friend for present causes,
although I come not to the ripping up of old sores.—Paris,
3 May, 1578.
Add. Endd. ½ p. [Ibid. II. 36.]
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May 3.
|
839. RANDOLPH to DAVISON.
I may chance some time to hear the state of things there
from you or some other. It is as necessary for you to know
what we do at home, or what is done abroad. M. de Gondi,
ambassador from the French king to our sovereign, solicited
greatly his going to the Scottish Queen, with a further intent
than he uttered ; if he had not been shortly taken up at the
first bound, and in plain refusal of that by her Majesty pursued
not the rest of his purpose. Having therefore little prevailed in
that which he looked for, he returns, as I suppose, infecta re.
What else he has got by privy intelligence, either to the advancement
of his master's service or his own credit, I know not ;
and this is all I can write of him, save that he is courteous
and of good behaviour, the son of an Italian, Spanish mother,
brought up in France under Queen Mother, friend to the house
of Guise, a good servant to the King, his master.
In what state I left Scotland you know by such letters as I
wrote to you since my return ; how subject that country is to
alterations, all men know who mark their doings. What has
fallen out of late, and in what danger that poor King is like
to be may easily be seen, unless God provide for him. I send
you a copy of the last letter thence to me.—London, 3 May
1578.
Add. 1 p. [Holl. and Fl. VI. 43.]
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May 3.
|
840. R. LEMAÇON to DAVISON.
The present bearer asks me to send a line. Please give him
your authority to transact certain business which he has with
your merchants there equitably. M. de Villiers will tell you what
I think of it, so I will not detain you longer.—London, 3 May 1578.
Add. Fr. ½ p. [Ibid. VI. 44.]
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May 4.
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841. Copy of acknowledgement by Duke Casimir of the receipt
at Lautern, on 20 April, at the hands of Daniel Rogers, of a letter
of exchange bearing her Majesy's seal and addressed to Christopher
Hoddesdon, ordering him to deliver to bearer 20,000l. sterling ;
with a promise to let the Estates know as soon as the money
has been paid, and to give a receipt for it to them, as though
delivered by their order, for the pay of troops to be employed in
their country. 'The original of this has been received by his
Highness and handed for custody to Secretary Sille, 4 May 1578.'
Attested and signed by N. Sille.
Endd. by D. Rogers. Fr. ½ p. [Ibid. VI. 45.]
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May 5.
K. d. L. x.
446.
|
842. WALSINGHAM to DAVISON.
I recommended to you a suit of Sir Henry Ratclyf's, touching
a ship of his stayed in those parts, and you returned me certain
examinations taken there on behalf of one M. d'Asseliers to prove
the property to be his and not Sir Henry's. I procured the
consideration of these by Dr. Lewes, requesting him to inform
himself as thoroughly as he could on the case. He finds by
conference had with Mr. Holstock, that the said Asseliers, being
upon the sea in company of adventurers in a ship of one Captain
Oliver's, and one Captain Petain in the said ship, now called the
Star, and formerly the Minion Gale, and having spoiled, as Mr.
Holstock says, both merchants of the Steelyard and also Mr.
Alderman Hawes, was taken by Mr. Holstock on the seas 'thwart'
of the Isle of Wight, but escaped either by favour or otherwise.
Yet his ship was brought to Portsmouth, and 'seased' to my Lord
Admiral's use, who sold her to Sir Henry Ratclyf ; so that the
ground of his pretended claim to the ship is because he was by
favour let go without conviction or trial. You will do well to
acquaint the Prince with thus much, and by his means procure
such end to be made with Asseliers in Sir Henry's behalf that
displeasure be not taken by Sir Henry's friends, and worse inconveniences
follow as well towards such as shall be taken in like
disorders hereafter as against all that nation, either by way of
arrest or otherwise ; as is not unlikely to fall out if such order
be not provided as the quality of the person requires. Mr.
Holstock's credit is sufficient to prove the truth of the cause,
being one of the chief officers of her Majesty's navy. It appears
that the ship was lawful prize, and had not come in question if
Asseliers had been attainted for the piracy, which danger he
escaped by extraordinary friendship shown him.—Greenwich, 5
May 1578.
P.S. (autograph).—I see great inconvenience like to ensue if
Sir Henry be not reasonably satisfied ; which being procured by
you will make some here better affected than it appears they
are.
Add. Endd. 1 p. [Ibid. VI. 46.]
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May 5.
K. d. L. x.
445.
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843. The STATES-GENERAL to the QUEEN.
Having heard Dr. Rogers' report of his negotiation with Duke
Casimir we write to thank your Majesty for your good affection
to the common cause, and pray you to continue it, especially
as regards the advance of the other 20,000l. promised to Duke
Casimir at the place of muster, seeing that it appears impossible
to raise any money promptly on the obligations which you have
given us ; otherwise the said Duke's coming will be more to our
hurt than to the furtherance of our cause.—Antwerp, 5 May 1578.
Copy. Endd. by D. Rogers. Fr. 1 p. [Ibid. VI. 47.]
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May 5
and 6.
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844. NEGOTIATIONS between the ESTATES and CASIMIR.
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Matthieu de Carmy will declare
to the Prince of Orange
that his master, Duke John
Casimir, has accepted the offer
made to him by the Queen of
England, though there are
serious difficulties which might
have delayed the levy of troops.
His master is dealing roundly
in this matter, and handling it
in such sort as it were his own.
The Archduke, the Prince and
the Estates will not find it
strange if with a view of more
promptly rendering help and
getting the best men, Duke
Casimir has not strictly (ric à
ric) followed the capitulation
sent him. That was for 6,000
men only, while the levy will
be 12,000.
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His Highness and the Estates
thank Duke Casimir for his
good affection and promptitude.
As for his not having precisely
followed the bestalling, if one
point is changed a change must,
as he is aware, be made in the
case of all the other reiters, of
whom there are many, to the
great injury of the Estates.
They therefore ask him kindly
to follow the terms of the
bestalling as sent him, his Highness
and the Estates being unable
for the reason aforesaid to
make any change. As for the
augmentation in numbers, it
must be taken on the same footing
of the bestalling.
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He will further lay the following
points before the Prince :—
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(1.) In order to be the sooner
ready and not to have the rittmeisters
on his hands, he has
given orders to two colonels,
of assured fidelity ; who were
unwilling to march without an
honourable personal allowance.
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(1.) Must be done according
to the bestalling, for the reasons
given.
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(2.) As the cavalry will start
in three regiments, it will be
proper to entertain officers and
the usual establishment for each
regiment.
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(2.) Same answer.
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(3.) As Duke Casimir will be
accompanied by certain noblemen
of experience it will be
proper to give them an establishment
to fit their quality.
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(3.) No objection will be
made (on ne regardera pas) to
1,000 dollars per month among
them all, though it is outside
the bestalling.
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(4.) The Duke having received
anrittgelt for 6,000 men only
and paid the rest on his own
[sic], will the Prince kindly
get the Estates to have it repaid
to him as soon as possible at
Cologne? As he is leaving his
own territories in person, it is
more than reasonable that he
should have something to relieve
their wants.
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(4.) He may take the anrittgelt
out of the £20,000 sent by
the Queen of England to meet
the 6,000 aforesaid.
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(5.) Point out also to the
Prince, that as he had to leave
a garrison at Lautern, it is fair
for the Estates to take that into
consideration.
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(5.) This is not usual. Will
he kindly be content not to
make a precedent ; especially
looking to the great expenses
that the Estates have to bear?
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(6.) Tell the Prince, too, that
as the war is likely to be long,
it will be well to send money,
or empower the Duke to give
wartgelt to some rittmeisters, as
was done with good results in
the French campaign.
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(6.) The Prince and Estates
find this article convenient ;
but as they have not got the
means to do it, and as they
hope to be sufficiently provided,
they decline with thanks.
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(7.) Ascertain from the Prince
if the Estates will furnish the
promised £20,000 at the place of
muster, seeing that the reiters
expect it. And if they do not
so intend will the Prince see
that the Queen of England furnishes
it.
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(7.) The Estates will do their
best to induce the Queen to
furnish the men as promised.
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(8.) The Duke having charged
M. de Argenlieu to levy 2,000
harquebusiers and 400 light
horse, begs the Prince to have
money furnished for such levy
on such terms as he may agree
to, without delay. The Duke
will repay it out of the first
money due to him, or out of
the £20,000.
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(8.) Referred to the Estates,
who will have power to commission
someone to treat with
M. d'Argenlieu.
The Estates have requested
his Excellency to treat with M.
d'Argenlieu as asked by Duke
Casimir.—Done at their meeting
of May 6, 1578.
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(9.) Ask the Prince which
route he thinks the Duke had
better take to join the forces
of the States.
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(9.) His Highness [sic] thinks
a place should be chosen beyond
the Rhine, where the troops can
assemble in four or five days ;
whence they may be led towards
Limburg and Faulquembourg
[Fauquemont, Valkenburg] beyond
the Meuse, where the
muster can take place, if nothing
supervenes.
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(10.) As regards the place of
muster, ask the Prince where he
thinks it may most conveniently
be, as the colonels are resolved
not to pass muster except on
this side the Meuse.
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(10.) Order will be taken as
best can be.
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(11.) Will the Prince see that
victuals are supplied at the place
of muster, to prevent pillage?
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(11.) Same answer.
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(12.) Will the Estates send
commissaries with full powers
to clear up and remove all
differences and difficulties?
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(12.) Same answer.—Done at
Antwerp, 5 May 1578.
The Estates find this reply to
Duke Casimir's proposals satisfactory,
and have ordered it to
be drafted, 6 May 1578.
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Copy. Fr. 3½ pp. [For. E.B. Misc. II.]
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