America and West Indies: August 1676

Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 9, 1675-1676 and Addenda 1574-1674. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1893.

This free content was digitised by double rekeying. Public Domain.

Citation:

'America and West Indies: August 1676', in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 9, 1675-1676 and Addenda 1574-1674, ed. W Noel Sainsbury( London, 1893), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/america-west-indies/vol9/pp435-446 [accessed 29 November 2024].

'America and West Indies: August 1676', in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 9, 1675-1676 and Addenda 1574-1674. Edited by W Noel Sainsbury( London, 1893), British History Online, accessed November 29, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/america-west-indies/vol9/pp435-446.

"America and West Indies: August 1676". Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 9, 1675-1676 and Addenda 1574-1674. Ed. W Noel Sainsbury(London, 1893), , British History Online. Web. 29 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/america-west-indies/vol9/pp435-446.

August 1676

July—Aug.
Whitehall.
1004. Journal of the Lords and Plantations. Reports read from Commissioners of Customs, and ordered that passes be granted for the Scanderbeg of Barnstaple, the Rachel, the Katherine of Southampton, the Prosperous, the Turkey frigate, and the Youngman's Endeavour of Plymouth, all going to Newfoundland. Also for the Lant frigate, the Society of Bristol, the Resolution of Bristol, the Prosperous of Lymington, the Mary of Bristol, and the Sara of Plymouth. [Col. Entry Bk., Vol. CIV., pp. 171, 173, 184, 198, 205.]
Aug. 2.
Croydon.
1005. Archbishop of Canterbury to Bishop of London. Received the enclosed from a person altogether unknown. The design of the writer seems very honest and so laudable that I conceive it concerns us by all means to promote it. If his Lordship will remember it when Lord Baltimore's affair is considered at the Council Table, makes no question but there may be a convenient opportunity to obtain some settled revenue for the ministry of that place as well as the other plantations. When that is once done it will be no difficult matter for us to supply them with those of competent abilities both regular and conformable. Endorsed, "Recd. from the Ld. London, 8 Aug. 1676, with a letter from John Yeo, minister in Maryland, to the Archbp. of Canterbury. Read, 19 July 1677." Encloses,—
1005. i. John Yeo to Archbishop of Canterbury. Deplorable condition of Maryland for want of an established ministry. Ten or twelve counties in this Province with at least 20,000 souls, and but three Protestant ministers of the Church of England, though there are others who pretend to be ministers of the gospel that never had a legal ordination and sow seeds of division amongst the people, so here is a great necessity of able and learned men to confute the gainsayer. The Popish priests and Jesuits are provided for, and the Quaker provides for the speakers in their conventicles, but no care is taken for those of the Protestant religion. The Lord's Day is prophaned, religion despised, and notorious vices committed, so that it is become a Sodom of uncleanness and a pest house of iniquity. Now is the time for his Grace to be an instrument of universal reformation amongst them, Cecil, Lord Baltimore, being dead, and Charles, Lord Baltimore, their Governor, bound for England to receive the King's confirmation of the Province. Doubts not his Grace may prevail for the maintenance of a Protestant ministry as in Virginia, Barbadoes, and all other his Majesty's Plantations which will encourage able men to come amongst them. Neither can be obtained here consecration of churches and churchyards to the end Christians may be decently buried. Maryland, Petuxant river, 1676, May 25. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXXVII., Nos. 38, 38 I., and Col. Entry Bk., Vol. LII., pp. 27–30.]
Aug. 2.
Jamaica.
1006. Governor Lord Vaughan to Secretary Coventry. According to his commands cited Sir Henry Morgan and Lieutenant Colonel Robert Byndlosse to appear before the Council on 24th July last; the matter the Governor charged them with and the manner of proceeding he will see in the enclosed exemplification, containing the whole charge with the proofs relating to each part of it. Soon after Lord Vaughan's arrival, seeing how imprudently and rashly Sir Harry did begin to act, the Governor demanded copies of all letters he had written since the Governor's coming, and told him he ought not without the Governor's order to use his name, nor should he have written any such letters to the Privateers without acquainting the Governor. But afterwards, taking notice how little he regarded what I said to him, and that his brother Byndlosse and he were only continuing to act by themselves, and privately set up a privateer faction, I thought it my duty to lay the whole matter before his Honor in December last. Details very fully the Articles that were exhibited against Morgan, and the "full and pregnant proofs produced before the Council" so that his Majesty and his Honor, the Governor believes, will be fully satisfied in his endeavours to do his duty. The Privateers have been strangely encouraged by Sir Henry and Byndlosse, and would not be persuaded but what they did was lawful. All the papers were signed in Council, and has now faithfully exemplified them, submitting all to his Majesty's determination. Remarks concerning Lieutenant-Colonel Byndlosse and the French deputation, "and when I told him of the danger of such a foreign power he publicly justified the lawfulness of it, and said the Spaniards had done the same at Cadiz and St. Sebastians." The gentlemen much concerned at the manner of Byndlosse's behaviour at the Council table, which was indeed very rude and insolent, and his refusal to leave his written answer to the charges against him, saying he would trust nobody, on which the Governor ordered the Marshal to take him into custody, and then rather than be committed he delivered in his answer. Advice of the coming into the Indies of a squadron of the States' ships under the command of Jacob Binckes.
[N.B.—What follows as also concerning a battle between a fleet of Dutch privateers, assisted by States men-of-war, and the French fleet at Petit Guavos, is abstracted in Governor Vaughan's letter to Sir Robert Southwell, ante No. 967.] The Dutch continue still in the road, but do not land, if Admiral Binckes comes down with his fleet the whole coast will be certainly reduced. "Rec. 9 Nov. 1676, by Capt. Alford, Commander of the St. George." 4 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXXVII., No. 39; Col. Entry Bk., Vol. XXIX., pp. 95–101.]
Aug. 2.
Jamaica.
1007. P. Beckford to Secretary Sir Joseph Williamson. Account of news that seven Dutch sail had taken Cape Francis, and made all the French there swear allegiance to the States General, and then sailed for Petit Guavos. Account of their fight with the French fleet (see ante, No. 967). The fight over, the Dutch invited the French aboard, treated them civilly, and used all their endeavours to bring them to take the oath of allegiance to the States General, and sent letters ashore to that purpose, but the French frustrated their design, and the Dutch did not think themselves strong enough to land, for the French dared them to that. The interrogatories and answers of Lieutenant-General Morgan and Colonel Byndlosse go by this conveyance. Captain Coxen about the Island with a French Commission. My Lord uses all possible means to take him, and proclaimed mercy to all his men if they delivered their Captain up, who was declared a pirate, but they refused, so my Lord sent to take him, but he ran away immediately. 2 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXXVII., No. 40.]
Aug. 3.
Whitehall.
1008. Journal of Committee of Trade and Plantations. Petition and case of Rowland Simpson, late planter in Surinam, read, referred by an Order of Council of 28th July last (see Nos. 1018 VII., VIII.]
Aug. 10. Report in the case of Simpson presented (see No. 1018 IX.), but before reading their Lordships ask Cranfield what he had to say against Simpson. He accused him of having been the cause why several English planters in Surinam had not left that Colony, and had enriched himself during the late wars by deserting the English interest. The Lords do not acquit Simpson of these imputations, however find them not of such a nature as to stop the course of his Majesty's justice, so Cranfield having nothing to say against the merits of the present case the report is approved. [Col. Entry Bk., Vol. CIV., pp. 191, 197.]
Aug. 3. 1010. Declaration of the people of Virginia [against the Governor], signed "Nath. Bacon, General, by the consent of the people." For having, on pretence of public works, raised unjust taxes for advancement of favourites; for during his long government not having advanced the Colony by fortifications, towns, or trade; for having abused and rendered justice contemptible by raising scandalous and ignorant favourites to places of judicature; for assuming the monopoly of the beaver trade contrary to his Majesty's prerogative and interest; for having for unjust gain bartered and sold the lives of his Majesty's subjects to the barbarous heathen; for having protected and emboldened the Indians against his Majesty's subjects; for having countermanded and sent back our army when just on the track of those Indians, who now burn, spoil, and murder, when they might have been destroyed; for having with the privity of favourites forged a Commission against the consent of the people for effecting civil war, which happily was prevented. Of all these articles we accuse Sir William Berkeley and the following persons, his wicked and pernicious councillors and assistants, viz.: Sir Henry Chicheley, Colonel Charles Wormeley, Phillip Dalowell, Robert Beverley, Robert Lee, Thomas Ballard, William Cole, Richard Whitacre, Nicholas Spencer, Jos. Bridger, William Claiborne, junior, Thos. Hawkins, William Sherwood, Jos. Page, clerk, Jo. Cliffe, clerk, Hubbert Farrell, John West, Thomas Roade, and Mat. Kemp. And further demand that Sir William Berkeley and all said persons surrender themselves within four days, otherwise we declare that the owners or inhabiters of places where said persons shall reside or hide to be confederates and traitors to the people, and their estates to be confiscated. These are in his Majesty's name to seize said persons as traitors to the King and country, and to bring them to the Middle Plantation, and secure them till further order. 2 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXXVII., No. 41.]
Aug. 3. 1011. Declaration signed by Thomas Swann and 69 others. That the country has raised an army against the common enemy, the Indians, under the command of Nathaniel Bacon, but that Governor Berkeley, assisted, counselled, and abetted by evil-disposed persons, hath actually fomented and stirred up the people to civil wars, and failing of success hath withdrawn himself, to the great astonishment of the people and the unsettlement of the country. So said gentlemen swear among other things to join with said Bacon against the common enemy in all points. 2 pp. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXXVII., No. 42.]
Aug. 4. 1012. Declaration signed by Thomas Swann and 29 others. That great quantity of arms and ammunition is commanded away from various parts of the country; that several persons have lately fled; the evils likely to ensue; that the subscription made yesterday at the Middle Plantations be sent to all the counties in the country; and that the General [Bacon] effectually prosecute the Indian wars, and suppress with open hostility any attempt against his authority. 1 p. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXXVII., No. 42.]
Aug. 4. 1013. Proclamation by Nathaniel Bacon, addressed to Colonel John Washington and the rest of the Commissioners for Westmorland county. For a general voluntary enrolment of all housekeepers and freemen capable of bearing arms. 1 p. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXXVII., No. 43.]
Aug. 5. 1014. Proclamation by Nathaniel Bacon, addressed to Colonel John Washington and the rest of the Commissioners for Washington county. Requiring them to administer the oath and take the subscription of every freeholder in said county, according to the engagement of the 3rd instant of the principal gentlemen at the Middle Plantation. 1 p. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXXVII., No. 43.]
Aug. 8.
Whitehall.
1015. Journal of the Lords of Trade and Plantations. Sir John Berry and Captain Davies attended to give account of the present condition of Newfoundland, with their opinions concerning the removal or encouragement of inhabitants there. Sir John Berry's letter of 12th September last again read (see ante, No. 666), and Sir John asserts all is true, and Captain Davies is of the same opinion for encouragement of a Colony for security of the fishing trade, or else the French would take the advantage to make themselves masters of all the harbours and fishing places, or would entice the English to settle amongst them. That the abuses complained of are wholly occasioned by the West country adventurers. That the masters of ships at their departure pull down their stages for firing on board their ships, and leave their men merely to save charges of returning them to England. Captain Davies says he had orders some few years past to carry guns thither for strengthening the harbours, but by reasons of the war with Holland those designs were laid aside. Further consideration deferred till next winter, since no ships go for Newfoundland till next spring, when the West countrymen are to be summoned to give answer, and, in the meantime, Sir John Berry to see their former reasons for removal of the Colony. [Col. Entry Bk., Vol. CIV., pp. 193, 194.]
Aug. 8. 1016. Journal of the Council of Barbadoes. The Assembly having by their Speaker proposed yesterday to this Board three of their members to examine the laws of this Island, ordered that three of their Council be a Committee for the same purpose, with power to either Council or Assembly to appoint other members to be joined with them, and that summons issue to said Committee to inspect the laws of this country. [Col. Entry Bk., Vol. XI., p. 293.]
Aug. 10.
Nevis.
1017. Governor Stapleton to Lords of Trade and Plantations. Recommends the bearer, a Frenchman, and of the Protestant religion, who is married to an English gentlewoman who has a considerable plantation in the King's part of St. Christopher's, to become his Majesty's subject by denization. Endorsed, "Rec. 31 Oct. 1676." 1 p. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXXVII., No. 44, and Col. Entry Bk., Vol. XLVI., p. 136.]
Aug. 10. 1018. Petition of Rowland Simpson [late a Planter in Surinam] to the King and Council. That in October 1674 he shipped from Surinam 309 hogsheads of sugar, the product of his plantation, on board the Golden Lion, which was taken off Scilly by a French privateer, the Golden Fleece, Barnardo Lemoyne, commander, but petitioner caused said ship to be arrested at Milford Haven by an Admiralty warrant. That said Lemoyne broke the arrest and carried petitioner's ship and sugars into France. That his Majesty recommended petitioner's case to Lord Lockhart, Ambassador in France, but he could not obtain satisfaction. That petitioner then on 29th June 1675 by way of petition informed Mons. Ruvigny the French Ambassador in England with his case, and prayed reparation for damages but could never obtain any answer, whereupon petitioner in December 1675 took an edict out of the High Court of Admiralty against Lemoyne, and certified his damages were above 6,000l. That on 28th July 1676 petitioner prayed his Majesty to grant him letters of reprisal, and on 10th August following the Lords of Trade reported they had nothing to oppose to the petitioner's prayer, and his Majesty approved said report, but ordered Mr. Secretary Coventry to represent same to the French Ambassador, who sent the papers to France, but petitioner has waited almost six months for answer, and conceives such delays amount to absolute denial. Wherefore prays for letters of reprisal according to law. Annexed,
1018. i. The petition of Rowland Simpson to Mons. Ruvigny, French Ambassador in England, above referred to. [1675, June 29.] "Read 3 August 1676."
1018. ii. Report of Sir L. Jenkins, Judge of the Admiralty, to Mons. Ruvigny, French Ambassador, on the case of Rowland Simpson. To appoint some person to take care of this business on behalf of Captain Lemoyne, that witnesses may be examined on such interrogatories as may be thought fit according to the rules of justice. Doctors Commons, 1675, December 8. "Read 3 Aug. 1676."
1018. iii. Mem. that petition with copy of report of the Judge of the Admiralty, both in English and French, was presented to the French Ambassador by Rowland Simpson, in presence of Major Samuel John Wright and Peter Cooper. "Read 3 Aug. 1676."
1018. iv. Three letters from Réné Augier, English agent in Paris, to Mr. Cooper. In reference to his not being able to get M. Limbry's papers (in Rowland Simpson's case) out of Mons. Colbert's office. Paris, 1675, Oct. 9, Nov. 2, Dec. 28.
1018. v. Depositions in the case of Rowland Simpson taken in the Admiralty. 1676, Feb. 26. "Read at the Committee, 3 Aug. 1676."
1018. vi. Depositions of John Lymbrey and others in Rowland Simpson's case. 1676, March 10. "Read at the Committee, 3 Aug. 1676."
1018. vii. Order of the King in Council on petition of Rowland Simpson for relief either by granting him letters of reprisal or such other ways as shall be thought meet. Referring same to the Lords Committee of Trade to report what they judge most proper to be done for petitioner's relief. Also Rowland Simpson's petition. 1676, July 28.
1018. viii. Case of Rowland Simpson showing his damages amount to 6,206l. Also Judge Jenkins' report. 1676, July 31.
1018. ix. Report of the Lords Committee of Trade to the King. In obedience to an Order in Council of 28th July 1676 have considered the case of Rowland Simpson praying letters of marque against the French, and because this method of redress is the most severe of all others it has engaged them in a more strict examination of the merits of his cause. Recapitulates his case [as shown in pre ceding papers]. "We know not what to oppose to the petitioner's prayer for letters of marque, seeing he hath run all the methods of ordinary justice for his redress. But because the resolving upon letters of marque comes to be a point of State as well as of justice, we humbly submit the determination thereof to your Majesty." Council Chamber, 1676, Aug. 10. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXXVII., Nos. 45, 45 1.–x.]
Aug. 11.
James City.
1019. Proclamation by Nathaniel Bacon, Thomas Swanne, Thomas Beale, Thomas Ballard, and James Bray, addressed to the sheriff of Westmorland county. Governor Berkeley having absented himself from the Government, to proceed to the election of Burgesses to meet at James City the fourth of September next. 1 p. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXXVII., No. 43.]
1020. Names of two ships. The Prince, Robert Conaway, commander, and the Daniel, Thomas Warren, commander, both bound to York River in Virginia. Endorsed by Secretary Williamson, "Tobacco to Sir W. Berkeley." [Col. Papers, Vol. XXXVII., No. 46.]
Aug. 12. 1021. William Harris to [Sir Joseph Williamson]. Has been prevented from writing before by the Indian war and by the desire to send certain information, but has been in the most dangerous place, where the Indians killed his son and a negro man, burned the house, drove away fifty head of "cowkind cattle and four score horsekind," and burned 50 loads of hay. The country has been in a lamentable condition, the wisest men at their wits' end, the Indians doing so many mischiefs in a secret way, and had it not been for some other Indians the English might have been driven to great straits, for had all the Indians been hostile and had gotten powder they might have forced the English to islands for safety. The war was on the English part just; Philip, an Indian great man, living in Plymouth Patent, refused to submit to the King's wish to make answer concerning the death of an Indian, and appeared in arms, having previously told John Easton, Deputy Governor of Rhode Island, that the Plymouth Government had laid fines on him, but he was resolved not to pay; these fines were for a war plotted to destroy the English unawares, which was compassing to fight against the King's authority, and therefore high treason; the war was intended by Philip long before, as appeared by the Indians laying up corn in a secret manner in barns made in the ground over which grass was grown. The Indians' predecessors submitted for the sake of privilege and safety against their enemies, and the present Indians "matter not subjection" when it is to their loss, and had formerly told Philip that he of all other Indians should lose the English as the Plymouth old planters had saved his father Mas-sa-soyt, afterwards called Osa-mea-quen, from the Narragansetts, and reasoned for the maintenance of the Indian customs against the King's law, and yet they have many monstrous customs contrary to all humanity, such as killing their children, their aged parents, and for a man's murdering another to kill his brother or kinsman, with many such like, for these they were resolved to fight and to destroy all Englishmen. Some stick not to say that the English have caused the war by their oppressions in defrauding the Indians of their land and trespassing on their corn by cattle; these accusers are either those intending to buy their neighbours' lands, as some have been bought four or five times over, or men who envy their countrymen, or some that flatter the Indians to buy their land, and sometimes to draw the Indians' trade to them. To these the answer is that the Indians were at the beginning of the war far more supplied than when the English came, for then they were in great wants, having only stone axes and hoes of wood and tortoise and other fish shells, and but little corn, and only flint drills, but since, they have iron and steel and plenty of corn and wholesome food and physic. The Connecticut men lately found 700 bushels of corn and beans (like to the English beans) stored by the Indians; they have been slain by prosperity. The war was also just with the Narragansetts, many of whom were with Philip in the first fight about Mounthope, and on Philip's flight thence were received back with a great woman of Philip's party and her men; the Narragansetts, at the demand of the English, entered into articles to deliver them but did not, making large pretences of peace so as to delay the war till after their harvest, and receiving rewards from the English for the heads of persons said to be of Philip's party, but all in deceit, the heads being those of men killed by the English or of Narragansett deserters, or of certain of Philip's men against whom they had a grudge. This grudge arose out of a trial in Rhode Island, when a man (related to Philip) having killed his wife and her adulterer (of the Narragansetts) was condemned to death, but the sachems would have two (of Philip's party) condemned, but the court would not admit it, whereupon the Narragansetts were indignant, and said that before the English came they could do what they list with Philip's party. The Narragansetts had then many of Philip's men whom they did not deliver up, and all about Hadley and Deerfield they aided Philip's men against the English. Others hold the war unjust, as no war is just, and have some temptation to this pretence, as not aiding or willing in the defence. The war began about Mounthope about 20th June 1675. Philip was encountered by General Gaurdy (?) of the Massachusetts and Plymouth forces under Captain Cudworth, Major Winthrop coming to aid them on consideration stopped at Narragansett and sent his forces back to Connecticut; the rest differed about Philip's land before they had overcome him. They marched after Philip in a few files some miles long and shot at the green shrubs when they saw not the enemy, so the Indians, hearing their guns, had room to slide by them; at the last they found Philip in a swamp, but could not draw him out, so they marched back again. Philip having marched up the country and burnt some houses at Providence; the Providence men assembled 30 or 35 to lie in ambush but missed him; they were then joined by about 35 more of Rehoboth and Taunton in Plymouth, and 40 friendly Indians under Uncas, a sachem in Connecticut, and marching after Philip overtook and fought with him, killed about 50 of his men and pressed Philip hard so that he left powder and stuff for haste and fled up into the country, and did much hurt about Deerfield and Hadley. The Narragansetts again accused of sheltering the enemies of the English, entered into articles to deliver them up but did not. In the meantime the Indians in the East rose and did much hurt but are since come in. About 13th December the English, to the number of 1,000, went up to Narragansett, and after some parley with the Indians, fought them with great valour in a swamp at the distance of half-a-day's march; many of the English were slain and wounded, and from the severity of the season many of the wounded died, but more Indians than English were slain; in the spring 1,300 English marched up the country and slew about 60, but could not come up with the nimblest enemy. After this the Indians did many mischiefs to the towns of Massachusetts, and Captain Pierce fell into an ambush of one thousand of them at Blackstones River near Rehoboth, and his ammunition being spent all his men save a few were killed; the thousand Indians went to Rehoboth and Providence, where they burned houses and killed cattle and stragglers; at Patuxet after burning some houses they tried to set fire to a garrison with burning arrows, but these were put out, and the Indians went away in the night on news, it is supposed, of the Connecticut forces who were near and had taken the greatest man of the Narragansetts, Nau-naun-ta-nute, whom they gave over to Uncas' son to slay, Uncas himself having 30 years since slain Nau-naun-ta-nute's father. The news from every quarter is that the English prevail; within a few months there have been 700 Indians slain, taken, and come in, and they have little provision and ammunition and are lean and dismayed and pray that they may live. Philip is now supposed to be with about a thousand in the swamp where the first fight was, near Mounthope; it is hoped that this summer and the next winter may end the war. The English are supposed to have lost 1,500 souls in the war; at the Rehoboth they pressed for the war in the proportion of one out of six, at which time their whole forces (Indian and English) were about 1,300; such resolution has there been that there would have gone out one of three; they now in furtherance of the war make powder. Acknowledges the power of God in punishing the blasphemies of the Indians; as fig leaves could not cover shame or sin, so the green leaves of the wilderness could not cover their unjust enemy. Draws religious lessons from the war. News has been brought from Virginia of destruction done by the Indians, which shows that the contrivance of the war went far. Uncas himself has confessed to have been once in the plot. All the houses in Warwick and Patuxet are burnt, almost all in Providence, and the rest of the houses in the Narragansett country. Till the Connecticut forces came there was little force made to defend the said country; the mischief has happened the rather for the dispute between Rhode Island and Connecticut for the country thereabout; Connecticut has had little mischief done in those parts which Rhode Island does not challenge; they have had the most success, go out constantly with English and Indian volunteers, and their little boys cry to go out against the Indians, and run on them without fear; this summer they have taken and come in 500 Indians. Potuck, the greatest councillor of the old Queen of the Narragansetts, came lately to Providence to enquire how he might get to Boston safe, pretending to peace, but some unadvisedly told him to go to Rhode Island which is not in the confederacy and could not make peace for the United Colonies; three men at Providence consented to his going and promised him safe return at three days' end to Warwick Point, but when he came to Rhode Island, the inhabitants girded on their swords and would not let him go, saying that by his counsel he had killed more English than any Indian by his weapons; about 80 Indians waited for him at the appointed place, but the Connecticut forces, who on their march met and killed the old Queen and many more, fell in with these Indians and slew most of them; Potuck is still at Rhode Island, in danger of being killed, it being objected that he was one of the men that slew Captain Pierce and burnt houses at Rehoboth, &c. Did not desire his going and did not promise his return. Yesterday 14 Indians came in to Rhode Island in great distress. By reason of the present wars the King's letter and order to the Governors cannot be put into execution. Knows of no other obstruction.
Postscript.—Since the capture of the great man of Narragansett the war has gone against the Indians; between March and August 2,000 have been killed, taken, and come in, and it is supposed 1,500 before; a thousand or fifteen hundred English slain from the first. Connecticut forces kill all save boys and girls, so that the Indians haste into Massachusetts and Plymouth; another occasion of their coming in is want of powder which they go to buy at great danger of their lives by reason of the Mohegans; formerly they said they had powder of the Dutch about Albany. There has been great loss among the Indians by sickness, from all causes they have lost about 7,000; many are kept as servants and well treated in Rhode Island, but they will run away as soon as peace is concluded as in the Pequot war 40 years since. The Indians before the war lived with more ease than poor labouring men and tradesmen in England, but before the English came once a year like to starve, and every day in danger from their enemies. News has come this 12th August that Philip was slain in a swamp with in a mile of Mounthope, being set upon by Captain Benjamin Church of Plymouth, and Captain Peleg Sanford of Rhode Island, each with forty men; Philip was shot through the heart by an Indian and his head and hands are now on Rhode island. Sends the letter by a Mr. Moore bound for the north of England. Thanks him for the King's letters on his behalf. Endorsed by Williamson, "R. 15 Jan. 1676–77." 5 pp., very closely written. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXXVII., No. 47.]
Aug. 15/25.
Barbadoes.
1022. Governor Sir Jonathan Atkins to the Lords of Trade and Plantations. Has formerly answered their letter of 11th August 1675; this is to theirs of 14th April 1676. Has endeavoured to answer their 32 inquiries to their Lordships' satisfaction, his sole design being to serve his master with zeal and fidelity. Perceives there are jealousies in England that many people are drawn to these parts. It is a mistake as to this place, for there is no encouragement and no land for them, nor anything but hard service for small wages. Most come from Ireland and prove very idle; three blacks work better and cheaper than one white man. 1 p. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXXVII., No. 48; also Col. Entry Bk., Vol. VI., pp. 91, 92.]
Aug. 22. 1023. The King to the Governor of the Massachusetts. Recommends that John Wampas have justice done and what favour the matter will fairly bear. 2 pp. [Col. Entry Bk., Vol. XCIII., p. 150.] Annexed,
1023. i. Petition of John Wampas alias White to the King. Is a poor Indian, having a certain parcel of land in "Massy Chusit Bay," which he has held for many years, having received the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and being now reduced to great distress was cast into prison six months since for a debt of 50s. where he hath remained ever since to his utter ruin. Prays for a letter to Sir John Leverett whereby he may be restored to his lands or else have liberty to sell them towards paying his debts. 1 p. [Col. Papers, Vol. XXXVII., No. 49.]
Aug. 31.
St. James.
1024. Sir John Werden to Major Andros. Acknowledges his letters, the freshest whereof bears date 21st May. The forbidding the sale of powder to any Indians except the Maquas (whose friendship is necessary to be preserved) is very well looked on here, since though their neighbour Christians deserve small courtesy, yet still their being Christians makes it charity not to furnish their enemies with opportunity to hurt them. Is glad to hear the Dutchmen have at last willingly submitted; supposed as much, not having heard more from the Dutch Ambassador. Both his and Dyre's account in August '75 or thereabouts of the revenue put them in hope of future advantages more than are like to be confirmed; if the present charges or losses be so great by reason of the war among his neighbours, will presume on better things when it is ended; believes it will give some satisfaction if his general account and Mr. Dyre's be constantly sent once a year at least. Answers questions about the Vice-Admiralty. As for Delaware plantation, his Royal Highness is not advised here to pass a patent singly for it, but when there shall be occasion of renewing or altering the New York patent, it will be a fit season to insert Delaware into it; in the interim it will be convenient that he should send the proper boundaries, taking care to have them large enough that way, that no other English claim a right. Will see what may be done to furnish him with the guns of 300 lbs. weight for small boats; his Royal Highness agrees that he should buy such a small vessel with deck as is needful, in hopes it may be of good use, especially for such masters of vessels as shall be refractory within the ports, but would have the charge as little as possible, viz., two or three men at most, and then on occasion he may clap in soldiers, as is daily used at Gravesend and many of the King's forts. The Duke is not pleased to give way to Captain Billopp's desire to part with his Commission of 2nd lieutenant, bat would have him be continued, if he demean himself as he ought, otherwise the Duke would have Captain Salisbury put in his room. The story of the small vessel from Boston ends well, in regard the master was bound to answer his contempt at New York, but Dyre writes of one Griffin at Virginia bound to answer in England, which puts them to play an after game there, whereas if the parties had been made to answer in New York, it would be far easier to satisfy the Duke's rights that in the other case to vindicate them from the arts and wiles of seafaring men. As regards Sir George Carteret, does not find the Duke at all inclined to let go part of his prerogative, and though at present in respect to Sir George they soften things all they may not to disturb his choler (for the passion of his inferior officers so far infects him as to put him on demands with no colour of right), should his foot chance to slip, those who succeed him must be content with less civility. 2 pp. Printed in New York Documents, III., 238–240. [Col. Entry Bk., Vol. LXX., pp. 22, 23.]
Aug. 31. 1025. Sir John Werden to Captain Billopp. Acknowledges his letter of 10th May, is glad to find he is in so probable a way of improving his plantation. His Royal Highness is wholly averse from his request to dispose of his command, and not without resentment that he should have presumed to make such a request, but is pleased to pass by now. If he shall either quit or be deprived of his service, the Duke has designed a person well qualified for it. ½ p. [Col. Entry Bk., Vol. LXX., p. 23.]
Aug. 31.
St. James.
1026. Sir John Werden to Mr. Dyre. Acknowledges letter of 10th June. It is the Duke's desire that he have at least yearly a full and clear estate of the Duke's receipts. Returns the paper with the three seals drawn upon it; the Duke approves most of that which the two circles are drawn about, being his own cypher. ½ p. [Col. Entry Bk., Vol. LXX., p. 23b.]