America and West Indies: December 1723, 26-31

Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 33, 1722-1723. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1934.

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Citation:

'America and West Indies: December 1723, 26-31', in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 33, 1722-1723, ed. Cecil Headlam( London, 1934), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/america-west-indies/vol33/pp405-423 [accessed 29 November 2024].

December 1723, 26–31



Dec. 26. Boston in New England.	805. Address of the Lt. Governor, Council and Representatives of the Massachusetts Bay. Your Majesty's Government of this Province after much and long bearing with the hostilitys of the Indians inhabiting the Eastern parts of this Province and towards Nova Scotia, found themselves at length under a necessity of proclaiming the said Eastern Indians rebels, traitors and enemies to your Majesty; and accordingly in July, 1722, issued out enclosed Declaration of War etc. In the prosecution of this warr, your Majesties Government here, considering the strict allyance between your Majesty and the French King, justly expected the friendship, or at least the neutrality of the French Government of Canada; and for that purpose even before the war began, tho' under the expectation of it, your Majesty's Governour of this Province, by a letter expressed for that purpose, acquainted Monsr. Vaudreuil the French Governour of Canada, with the barbarous insults of the Eastern Indians; earnestly pressing his friendship to this Government on that occasion, agreeable to the Treaty of Utrecht, more especially the 12th and 15th Articles thereof; But to the great surprise of your Majesties Government, and as they conceive contrary to the said Treaty of Utrecht, the said French Governour not only encouraged and supplyed the said Indians, but also rewarded them for their invading and insulting your Majesties good subjects inhabiting the frontiers, more especially in their hostile appearance at George Town on the Island of Arowsick in the year 1721, when the said Indians were headed by a French Officer, accompanied with two French Jesuits etc. Refer to enclosures, "which were happily taken at one of the Indian villages, and in the lodgings of the French Jesuit." [etc. cf. March 13, 1722.] This conduct of the said French Governor, was so very unaccountable that your Majesties Government of this Province, thought it proper to send him a second letter by way of remonstrance upon that occasion; In answer to which, the said French Governour had the assurance by letters to this Government in express terms to say that he had such orders from his Master that would justify him in every step that he had taken in that affair, particularly in supplying the said Indians with arm's and ammunition, defying any complaint that should be made against him upon that account. And in a letter which your Majesties Lt. Governour very lately received from the said French Governor, by two French officers that came express from Canada, he declares in stronger terms yet; that sooner or later, he shall be obliged to engage in their quarrel: And to confirm it he does upon all occasions very much encourage the Indian enemy, when they bring into Canada any of the scalps of your Majesties good subjects slain by them. Besides which, when ever this Government have been endeavouring by messages and treaties to bring the said Eastern Indians to a true sense of their injustice and barbarities in a proper submission to your Majesties Govermt. that so we and they might live in Peace, the said French Governor has ad[vis]ed them to the contrary, and by his arts and influence has hitherto prevented it, and very much by imploying and incouraging of Jesuits among them. And a few months since the said French Governour has armed and excited a great number of the Canada Indians, even beyond their inclinations, to make an Expedition of some hundreds of miles, who actually attacked an English town upon our Western Frontiers killing and carrying away captive your Majesties good subjects. These proceedings of the said French Governor, your Majesties Government of this Province look upon themselves in duty bound to represent to your Majesty and most humbly to supplicate, as for your Majesties wise and powerful interposition in order to prevent the like treatment for the future, so for your most g racious favour and compassion to us under the present distress of a war, which was at first engaged in for your Majesties honour and our own necessary defence. And that your Majesties most loyal and dutiful subjects of this Province, may happily obtain your Royal care and goodness to them in this great affair, we humbly represent to your Majesty, that the claim or pretension of the French Governour to the allyance of these Indian Tribes is manifestly unjust and groundless; for that the principal places of their residence are undoubtedly within your Majesties territory's, and cannot possibly fall within the French Boundaries. Besides which the said Tribes have frequently and solemnly as well in former, as later times by Treaties for that purpose, put themselves under the protection of the Crown of Great Britain, and your Majesties Government of New England. That your Majesties Government of this Province, are under such discouragements in prosecuting the war, by reason of the Indian enemys retiring to the French Settlements in Canada, as soon as ever they have committed their ravages and barbarities in our Frontiers, that unless the French Governours in Canada, by your Royal influence, be restrained from giving any protection or assistance to them for the future, we can have but little hopes of success in the war, or of putting a speedy and happy end to it. That the plain design of the French Governour in all this management is to deprive your Majesty of your just Dominion over those Indian Tribes; your undoubted right to their allegiance, and if possible to seduce and carry them over to the French interest. By this method also he hopes to prevent your Majesties subjects from settling those parts of the countrey, and to sett up a title to it in the French Crown, his success therein would be an unspeakable loss and damage, not only to your Majesties rightfull and extended Dominion in North America, and the several Provinces and Governments thereunto adjoining; but also soon prove very prejudicial to the trade and commerce of Great Britain etc. Signed, By Order, Josiah Willard, Secretary. Endorsed, R. in March, 1723/4 . 1 large p. torn. Enclosed,
	805. i. Alexander Hamilton's relation of Monsr. Vaudriel's proceedings whilst he was prisoner at Canada. Sworn before the Lt. Governor and Council, Boston, 7th Dec., 1723. Halfway House on Kennebec River, June 14th, 1722. This night at ten a clock Alexander Hamilton was beset at his dwelling house by a great number of Indians, with divers canno's, who took said Hamilton out of his bed, and tyed him and fell a plundering his shop and warehouse until they left nothing. After a dispute amongst the Indians as to whose prisoner he was, he was put in a canoe and proceeded to Norridgewack and stopt at the Chapps of Merry meeting Bay, where were a great number of captives in the House of Capt. Robert Temple, they having robb'd sundry houses that night, and brought the owners and families captive. Next morning, the Indians chose five persons out of the said captives., vizt. Zachariah Trescott, Alexander Hamilton, Henry Edgar, Robert Love and William Handsord, and having stript the rest let them go. And suddenly the whole body of Indians being forty two in number all arm'd and painted for warr attended with 19 canno's were ordered by Wewarena, an Indian, who was their Commander to embark for Norridgewack, and setting fire to Capt. Robert Temple's house went off, and landed presently at Abagadasset Point, where there was dispatcht a number of Indians to rob a house belonging to Mr. John Jeffries. Said Indians returned greatly loaden, and threw that plunder along with the rest, which they had landed in one heap, and so divided the spoil, and then imbarqued again, and proceeded up to Swan Island House, where appeared a number of soldiers. The Indians ordered Hamelton to hale the English and desire them to come to the shore, two of which immediately came, and talked awhile and so went off: as also the Indians without doing any damage, save killing one dogg and cutting a hole or two in a whale boat etc., so proceeded to Richmond Fort, whom Hamilton hailed and begged they would not fire upon us etc. Some of the soldiers came out to us on the parole of the Indians, and talked awhile. The Indians told them they need not be afraid, for they would kill none; but the Governour of Canada had given them orders to take captives in lieu of theirs whom the English wrongfully detained in Boston etc. We went off, and arrived at a place called Browns Farm, where we slept that night, and two days after got to Norridgewack where we were received with great joy by a number of squaws papooses and the Jesuit. Norridgewack, June 21st, 1722. Two Indians were dispatcht away to Canada, with an account of the Indians taking of five captives as also burning one house and robbing of several families, and killing of many creatures. July 22. The two Indians returned and reported they were kindly received by Governour De Vaudreuile and shewing the presents he had given them, for carrying the agreeable news of this action being a blue laced coat and a silver meddal, which was sent to another Indian named Carabousset, as also commissioning him Captain for his distinguishing activity in that Expedition. The 29th day arrived here Captn. Moses Moxus, or King at Norrincowook from Canada, and brought great quantities of tobacco, and told us, he was sent from Quebec with great honour, and had the respect of having the guns firing and trumpets sounding upon his departure. Sept. 3rd. This day arrived severall cannos from Canada bringing French Mawhawks who live within 3 miles of Quebec at a place called Lorret. They joined more of their Nation who had been here before, who made in all 35 and brought 3 casks of powder and a great quantity of tobacco. On their arrival, at one of their dances Alexander Hamilton was made a present of to them as a slave forever, as a reward of their fatigue in coming to assis t in the war. 17th day. The above Indians took their departure with their above slave Hamilton bound for Canada, and at several carrying places the ad. Hamilton observed them raise out of the ground sundry quantities of meal, pork and tobacco, which they had been supplyed with from the Governour of Canada for that Expedition. 28th day. The Indians and Hamilton arrived at Canada, and went by the town of Quebec without calling, but great hoping and hallowing of the Indians, and the Captain of them had a scalp in the nature of a Jack in the head of his canno, which was got at the onset at Arowsick. 29th day. The Indians and Hamilton marched into the Town of Quebec having assembled the whole Indians belonging to that Tribe living at Lorett as aforesd. and moving procession like with that scalp on one end of long stick, Hamilton the captive marched after all the Indians who went one after another making great hoping and hallowing, which gathered all the mobb and people in the Town and with an infinite number of spectators were conducted to the Governor who received the Indians very cheerfully, and congratulated them, and immediately sent for an Interpreter, who related their success and for their reward in assisting their Brethren the Eastern Indians, they the said Eastern Indians had made a present of that captive as a slave shewing the said Hamilton to Governour De Vaudreuil, which they further added not only contented them but also made an atonement to sd. Eastern Indians for a hostage called Brasaway who dyed in Boston, and also declared their further intention that they would dispose of said Hamilton to an Indian Squaw seventy five leagues distant from Quebec in order to be her slave she having lost her husband in the former war with the English. All which was related before Governour Vaudreuil who gave his concurrence and wrote a note by the Indians to the King's Bakehouse, ordering every Indian there present a loaf of bread and a considerable quantity of tobacco, and so dismist them. After the receipt of which, the Indians, and said Hamilton marched after the usual order to their Town and were received there with much Indian ceremony, the said Hamelton continuing there in a very melancholly condition for about fourteen days and then got liberty to go to Quebec, in order to beg for as much money as would buy them shoes and happened to meet with a Lady who took compassion on him, and sent an Interpreter whom she desir'd to ask if sd. Hamilton would live with her if she should get him released from the Indians. It being so agreeable an offer was soon embraced by sd. Hamelton. And in some short time after the Lady made interest among the Jesuits and the Governour who suddenly got him released from the Indians, and entertained him the whole winter. October. All the numerous families of Eastern Indians withdrew from Norridgewack and wintered at the Town of Wewanack and St. Francis, the former being 30 leagues distant from Quebec up the River, and the latter 42. At their arrival were presented with 500 bushels of Indian corn and four oxen. Quebec, Feb. the 4th day. Arrived here Abomazeen Wewarana Westamint, Capt. John and several other Indians from Weewanuck who were conducted to the Governor by one of the Jesuits that headed the numerous army of Indians at Arowsick in 1721 they were received very kindly and entertained while in Town plentifully, and sent off with a quantity of blankets, new guns, their old repaired and a consider deal of ammunition, together with presents of laced capp to Weewarena, and sundry presents to the rest some of them as they said were bound to the great pond distant from Quebec S.S.E. about 150 miles where they and several others and the Jesuit winter'd. March the 5th day. Arrived here from Norridgewack Wesememis als. Cap. Job Abagahansetts son and sundry other Indians who were conducted by the Jesuit, and received with all marks of favour by the Governour and while they stayed in town entertained plentifully and had sundry presents, and were fitted out with quantities of ammunition all their guns repaired, and some new ones given them, and so departed. March the15th day. Departed hence twelve of the aforementioned Mohawks known here by the names of Lorett Indians directly bound for Norridgewack who were fitted out with all necessaries for war. The 20th day. The said Hamilton being desirous to go to Mount Royall in order to get home as soon as the Lake was clear of the ice, acquainted the Govr. who said he should not go until he heard from New England, which hindred his intended journey. April 19th 1723 N.S. A son of Colo. John Schuyler of Albany arrived here, who made inquiry for the English captives, who was informed there was two of them in town, namely Hamilton and Handsord, etc. They desired him to speak to the Governour in their favour, who readily undertook it, and prevailed for Hamilton to go directly home, but for Handsord, the Governour said, he could not answer that to the Indians for letting their prisoner go, for the sd. Handsord was only left in trust with a French Gentn. in Town, and when ever the Indians demanded him, sd. Gentn. was lyable to produce him; But the Governour added to shew his willingness to oblige Mr. Schuyler, that he in his way to Mount Royal where he was suddenly bound was to meet with a great number of Indians at a Town called Troi River, and there he would speak in favour of said Handsford to the Indians, and endeavour to get him returned; and desired sd. Schuyler to take said Handsord in his canno along with sd. Hamilton that length etc. They accompany the Governour to Troi River, where was a great quantity of Indians assembled and several Jesuits, all whom held a great Council, the Governour making his request in favour of Handsord, had it readily granted by the Indians, and some of the Head Indians attended the Governour to Mr. Schuyler's lodging, the Governour told him he had prevailed for said Handsord, the Indians taking said Handsord by the hand, delivered him to the Governour as a present. The Governour presently after embarqued and next day sd. Handsord and Hamilton proceeded after him to Mount Royal, and when arrived there the sd. Mr. Schuyler placed sd. Hamilton and Handsord in a lodging, and told them he should not go in 14 days, but contrary to expectation the sd. Schuyler was ordered out of the countrey the next morning, and was told by sd. Governor he should not take the captives along with him. The sd. Hamilton and Handsord meeting with a gentleman named Deautell who could speak English, made known their condition to him who answered he had formerly received great friendship in New England; and in return he would let them want nothing; and accordingly took lodgings and got them cloaths etc. St. Francis May 22, 1721 (sic). A Great Council was held there by the Eastern Indians who concluded to bury their ax, and accordingly performed it; and at sd. Council to shew their willingness to come into a Peace with the English, concluded to send three of their English captives, home, namely Hamilton Handsord and Trescot, in order to which they brought sd. Trescott on 29th May to Mount Royal etc. The next day they held a great Council in the Governours hall where were present the three Governours vizt. De Vaudreuil, Deramsey and Languile several Jesuits and Gentn. before whom they discovered their intention with respect to sending home the English captives which was presently discountenanced by the sd. Governours especially Governor Vaudreuil, who told them they had sent 40 or 50 captives home to the English when first the war begun, and desired them to declare how many of their captives they had reced. in return (the Indians answer'd none). Therefore says Governour Vaudreuil I think it a peice of inadvertency of you to trust the English generosity by sending these captives to them until you first have yours delivered here which speach took with the Indians and stopt the delivery of sd. captives and Trescott was ordered down to St. Francis to his wigwam. Their friend M. Deautell spoke on his behalf, saying he admired that the Governor suffered King George's subjects to be tossed about Canada by the Indians with such barbarity, contrary to the Treaty of Utrecht etc., whereupon the Governor ordered him to depart the town and go to Quebec. May 30th the Indians and Trescott went from Mount Royall bound for St. Francis, and before his departure, declared to the English captives, that they would do anything to send them home, but could not for the Governour of Canada. June 2nd. Two Indians named Abraham and Abagahamak were dispatched to Albany. June 10th. Eleven of the Lorett Indians returned to Mount Royall and declared they lost one of their number, but brought in seven English scalps; being Indians which were fitted out from Quebec the 15th of February. June 15th. Twenty Indians arrived here from Lorett, and were fitted out with all necessaries for war, and in two days took their departure for the Eastward of New England, in order to revenge the blood of the man they had lost at North Yarmouth the last spring. Four cannos with eight Indians arrived here from New England, and brought three scalps and presently departed, having first received some presents. Mount Royal, July 8th, 1723. Abagahamak (v. supra) returned and was immediately hasted away by the Governour to Cahanawagan a town of Mohawk Indians distant from Mount Royall four leagues up the River. And at his return informed the captives, that he had a message from the Governour desiring the aforesd. Indians to aid the Eastern Indians; for the English had engaged the five Nations of Mohawks against them; and likewise said the Indians intirely declined it, and was resolved to stand neuter. July 9th. Hamilton having a former promise of the Governor of Canada, that upon the first news he had from New England he would let him go home, upon the return of a message from Albany, asked H.E. to let him go home. The Governour answered it was unreasonable of him to expect he should let him go, considering the English had engaged the five Nations of Mohawks to come and kill his Abnakees als. Eastern Indians. And in a great passion very much blamed the English for their extravagancy in giving one hundred pounds beaver for one scalp and sixty pounds for a prisoner. Hamilton hoped H.E. would not resent the step the English took to justify themselves on him, in regard he had been the main instrument of getting him clear from the Indians etc. H.E. refused to let him take a passage to Europe, and when he told him his credit was exhausted, answered his maintenance was none of his business. July 10. Mr. Dotell arrived from Quebec, and went to pay his respects to H.E., who ordered him directly to goal etc. July 30th. Governor Vaudreuil sent for Hamilton and embarked with him for Quebec etc. On the 15th arrived at St. Francis where was a great number of Indians together with a Jesuit drawn up on the shore, expressing their joy by a dance for H.E. safe arrival; presently after they held a Council, and as soon as it was finished, said Hamilton was ordered to come before them, and desir'd by H.E. to give attention to what the Indians said, and relate it to his Governour and Council when he should go hence. The said Hamilton made answer he chose to take in writing by reason it would be too burthensome to his memory. The Governor desired him to go next day and take the Interpreter along with him to the Indian Town where the Jesuit lived, and he would repeat the whole sentiments of the Indians which they told to him, as also his willingness to assist in making a Peace for the English. Hamilton enquired if there should be a cessation of arms until he got home to inform his Government of what was proposed by the Indians; and H.E. turned to the Jesuit whose opinion he wanted, who immediately shew his dislike, and instantly answered Hamilton the war must go on. Wanagungus the 16th day. This morning the Interpreter and Hamilton got here, and with much difficulty obtained the Indians' Speech to be translated into English, but the Jesuit would have it after his manner of broken English, least he should add more than the intent of the matter mentioned, and was so exact, that he took the copy of what was drawn up by sd. Hamilton. The same evening Captain Nathaniel an Eastern Indian and Hamilton happened to discourse on several passages. Nathaniel told said Hamilton that he in some few sleeps would visit the western parts of New England with the army that he saw the day before at the Council which consisted of between 50 and 60 men. Hamilton declares that the ammunition and bisket (as he has reason to believe) were brought into the canno from Mount Royall for to fit out the said Indians for that Expedition, as also a fat cow ordered them at St. Francis for the same purpose. July 18th. Sett out for Albany in company with three Indians and arrived the 17th July at Fort Chambly. Hamilton shewed his passport to the Commander there, and so proceeded towards the Lake. The 19th July we met with four Indians with four Indian cannos laden with beaver bound for Albany, and about 10 a clock at night were questioned by a large canno manned with eight soldiers, who imagined we had been laden with beaver bound to Albana which trade by the Law of Canada is prohibited, and demanded a passport which was produced and perused by them and Hamilton and Compa. was dismist. July 21st Hamilton observed one of the Indians perusing a paper which was wrote in Indian, and demanded what it was. The Indian made answer it was a Speech from the Governour of Canada and the Indian Council which was lately held at St. Francis, which Speech he was to deliver to the Mahawks, and that his order from the Governour and Jesuits was first to go to the Mahawks Countrey and then to proceed to Albany with Hamilton. July 22nd. We met on the Lake two cannos with several Indians on board having a great quantity of barque for canno's. One of which Indians told Hamilton in English, that all the old Indians were for peace, but the young men were for war, as also the Governour of Canada as the Depont. understood. On the 23rd we arrived at the Head of the Lake Superiour where were several Eastern Indians with whom we had a long Conference, who perswaded our Indians to go first to Albany and after to proceed to the Mohawks, assuring them and Hamilton that the road they were taking would be more fatiguing of the the two. Upon which they proceeded to Albany where we arrived the 17th O.S. and were received kindly by Coll. Schuyler, who informed Hamilton that several Commissioners from Boston had lately been there, and that they had a promise from a great number of Sachems belonging to the five Nations that they would meet in Boston in 60 days together with the Eastern Indians in order to make a Peace. Hamilton assured Coll. Schuyler that none of the Eastern Indians would attend there, giving them his reasons and informing him, that the Indians Speech with the Governor of Canada to our Government was quite the reverse. By Collo. Schuyler and Mr. Jacob Wendell of Boston mercht. their advice, the Commissioners for managing the Eastern affair at Albany were made acquainted with the premisses; and Hamilton informed the Commissioners, that one of those Indians which conducted them from Canada had a Speech from the Governour of Canada, Jesuits and Eastern Indians, and that he was of the opinion, if care were not taken, would oversett what the Commissioners of Boston had transacted with the Mahawks. Whereupon the sd. Indian was questioned closely concerning the same; who at first denyed it, but soon after confessed the fact, upon which the Commissioners resolved to send an Interpreter with the said Indian to hear the Speech and to hinder the Mawhawks from breaking their word to the Boston Commissioners, which after three days they dispatched with the said Indian, and Hamelton was advised, by Collo. Schuyler and Mr. Wendell to wait until news of the reception and return of the sd. Indian, which they judged was highly convenient to be brought to the Governour at Boston. Hamilton waited 18 days for the answer, which was that the Indian had brought two pieces of wampom, which he presented to the Mohawks, and begun a speech which was put to an end by the interruption of one Hendrick a Head Sachem of the Mohawks, who bid the sd. Indian to return, and if he had anything to say to come to Boston and there they would hear him, and upon failure, they would take him by the hair. Aug. 5th. Hamilton took his departure for Boston, attended by an Indian sent pr. Collo. John Schuyler, as also a horse as far as Westfield etc. There Capt. Ashley procured him a man and two horses to conduct him to Boston, where he arrived 12th Aug., and the next morning waited on H.E. and informed the House of Representatives of his conference with Capt. Nathaniel etc. on Aug. 16th. N.S. Boston, Sept. 23rd, 1723. Monsr. La Longue informed Hamilton that M. de Ramsey told Philip Schuyler at his departure, that had not Monsr. De Vaudreuil been then present in Mount Royall, he, M. de Ramsey, would have sent him to goal. Le Langue attended Mr. Schuyler, as the deponent imagined after he had got his discharge to leave the countrey in the nature of a guard until he took his departure from Mount Royall; immediately after which he the said la Langue posted to the house of Monsr. De Vaudreuile and informed H.E. that Schuyler was gone, etc. Signed, Alexander Hamilton. Copy. Attested, J. Willard, Secry. Endorsed, Rd. in March 1723/4. 19 ½ pp.
	805. ii. Copy of Governor Shute's Declaration of War against the Eastern Indians, 25th July, 1722. v. July 27th, 1722. Encl. i.
	805. iii. Governor Shute to M. de Vaudreuil, Governor of Canada. Boston, July 21, 1721. Being informed that your Excellency has orders sent you immediately to release the English captives that are in your hands etc., I need not observe to you how agreeable it is to the Law of Nations and the strict allyance between the two Crowns (which God long continue) that the remnant of the captivity of this Governmt. should at length be returned; and I perswade myself you will be glad of this occasion of shewing your justice and humanity in this matter; I would acquaint you that this Government has lately been insulted by our Eastern Indians without any provocation and contrary to their own repeated and solemn stipulations and treaties, a number of 200 of them entering in a hostile manner into an English town under French colours, and treating the English inhabitants after a very insolent manner. This is such a breach upon H.M. Government to which these Indians have subjected themselves, as we shall by no means endure, and are determined to have satisfaction for: I the rather acquaint your Excellency with this affair because the Indians were headed by two French Officers, one of them said to be from Canada (his name I have lost) and two Jesuits: This last circumstance, I look upon as an infraction of the Treaty of Peace and Friendship between the two Crowns concluded at Utrecht, unto which I assure myself you will most strictly conform; and therefore I do very earnestly desire you would enquire after this Officer and proceed with him according to his deserts; and also that you will do your part to recall Monsr. Rallé and the other Jesuit from residing in any part of the territory belonging to the Crown of Great Britain so contrary to the Treaty aforesaid, H.M. Laws at home, and the Laws of this Province. And in case any of our Eastern Indians should make their application to your Excellency you will use your influence and advise them to behave loyally and peaceably towards H.M. Government wherein they be, that so the English people on the frontiers may live in peace and not be troubled and abused by the salvages; and in case the present rupture with the Eastern Indians should come to a warr, I shall then notify your Excellency of it, and expect your friendship and assistance. Signed, Saml. Shute. Copy. 2 ¼ pp.
	805. iv. Same to Same. Boston, March 14, 1721(2?). In the month of September last, I did myself the honour of writing to you a letter by the way of Albany, which I hope came safe to your hand; however for fear of a miscarriage, I have now sent you a copy of it. Therein you will observe the great confidence I had at that time in your justice and friendship with respect to the Indians at Norrigewack, but I am sorry to find I was so much mistaken; you have convinced me by letters under your own hand, that I was in the wrong to expect the least service from you upon that occasion, for it appears over and over again, that the hostile appearance and insolent behaviour of the Indians at Arowsick in the summer last past, was not only with your allowance but even of your projecting from the beginning; and your approbation of it afterwards, that you excited them to it, supplyed them in it, with officers and stores of war, and after all was done, mightily applauded and rewarded them, and least they should be at a loss what to say to the English, you even put words into their mouths, and prepared Instructions for their conduct in that affair; I must needs say, Sir, I should not easily have been brought to believe these things of a Gentleman, a Christian, and a Governor of a French Colony, and who as such, is obliged to live in peace and friendship with the English Government; But what shall I say? I have your original Instructions, and letters now before me, as you may see by the copies of some of them, which I now inclose; the originals I shall send home to H.M. my Great Master; you do indeed suggest, that you have orders for what you have done or shall do further in this affair; His Majesty will soon discover the truth and validity of that pretence, and how agreeable your conduct has been both to the letter and spirit of the Treaty of Utrecht, more especially to the xiith and xvith Articles: Is it thus, we are to imitate the examples of our Masters at home, who live in such strict allyance and friendship? Should I have offered to stir up the Indian tribes at St. Francois or Besancourt, or any other within the bounds of your Government to commit such affronts and hostilities to the Govermt. and people of Canada, would you not justly and greatly have complained of it etc. I could easily convince you how very much you are in the wrong to concern yourself with an Indian tribe that are setled upon one of the principal rivers of New England, that live in the neighbourhood of our English towns and garrisons, and until very lately have constantly conversed and traded with them, and pass by the English Settlements every time they come to the sea for their Fishery, and their lands or place of settlement must of necessity fall within the English Pale or Territory, inasmuch as the Crown of Great Britain have now the Right and Dominion of Nova Scotia etc. But above all, this tribe of the Indians, as well as that of Penobscot, have for a great number of years last past, by frequent and solemn treaties, willingly and joyfully put themselves under the protection of the Crown of Great Britain and the Govermt. of New England, and on these occasions have had tokens of H.M. kindness and friendship presented to them; And you may depend upon it H.M. will never quit his right and interest with respect to those Indian tribes, but insist upon it to the last, etc. I suppose Mr. Ralle, who has been the great incendiary in all this affair has acquainted you with his narrow escape; he will do well to take warning by it, and return to his own countrey, or at least to Canada, and no longer abuse his profession by stirring up the Indians of this countrey to acts of hostility, which if continued in, will finally end in their ruin, etc. Signed, Saml. Shute. Copy. Attested, J. Willard, Secry.
	805. v. Same to Same. Boston, April 23, 1722. Since finishing preceding, I have the honour to receive one of yours dated at Quebec 22nd Dec. etc., to which I shall endeavour to give a particular answer. As to the Order of the Regent of France for the return of the English captives, I enclose you a faithful translation etc. Notwithstanding what you are pleased to say of the liberty that was given to the prisoners to return yet I am well informed there was such pains taken and arts used to disswade them that they could not be said to act at full liberty etc. You are pleased to call Arowsick (where the Indians made their hostile appearance) a place of the Indians own lands; I perswade myself, if you knew the circumstances of that part of the Province, you would not be of that opinion: Arowsick is a small Island at the mouth of one of our chief Rivers, purchased by good deeds from the natives near seventy years agone, and setled with a good English village above fifty years since; Besides a patent of confirmation from the Crown of Great Britain to the purchasers; since my arrival in this Government the inhabitants of that place have sent a Burgess to represent them in the General Assembly of this Province, and yet you are pleased to call this town a place of the Indians own lands. That the Indians will deny their own deeds tho' never so solemnly ratified and justly obtained, I am very apt to believe, but in the mean time that does not destroy the title to such lands; neither can I be of your opinion, as to their treaties, that they are null, because the body of their Nation shall please afterwards to disavow it; I am sure it is otherwise by the Law of Nations and usage of all civillized Governments in the world; all treaties, stipulations and transactions that are managed and concluded by plenipotentiaries or delegates being obligatory to the Nation or Government that imploy them; Now it is notorious, that at all times when this Governmt. accepted the submission of, or treated with those Eastern Indians, their Delegates, or some of their chiefs were present, and produced their powers or credentials from the tribe; and it is very wrong and unjust in them to insinuate that they were ever menaced or forced into any of their deeds, treaties, or submissions. They have also misinformed you in saying, that I had appointed to meet them the last year; for on the contrary I sent them word by an express, that some of the principal Gentlemen of this Government would see and treat with them at Arowsick, who accordingly went thither, but finding no Indians returned. As to their insolent letter, I shall say no more of it in this, having taken particular notice of it in my other. I am obliged to you for your grave advice against a war with those salvages, and am very sensible of the hazards, mischiefs, and expence of it, and I assure you, I have no design at present to enter into a war with them, unless they force the Government upon it. All that I design at present, and which I am firmly resolved in is, to defend and protect the English inhabitants of this Governmt. in their just rights and possessions from the injuries and insults of the Indians, and I hope for the Divine assistance and blessing in so doing, having my Great Master's possitive orders to maintain all the English garrisons and settlements in those parts of the Province. You are pleased to say that the Abanakis Nation are under the protection of the Crown of France; If you intend the Indians at Norridgewack, it is the first time I have heard the French pretend any such thing, much less can I conceive upon what foundation it subsists. If they chuse the allyance and protection of the French, in God's name, let them move into the confines of the Government of Canada; I am very sure the place of their residence at present, vizt., Norridgewack is within the territory of Great Britain, and accordingly they have actually by many solemn treaties upon record in this Government, put themselves under H.M. protection, and received marks of his Royal favour; As you may depend upon it, I shall never concern my self with any of the Indian tribes that live within the bounds of Canada, or any French Government; so I except to be treated on your part. You are very particular in your account of Monsr. Bellisle, who it seems was not with the Indians; But then you are very silent as to Monsr. Croissel, who was a French Officer and under your command, and yet at the head of the Indians at Arowsick. This even by your own letter was not agreeable to the Treaty of Peace and Friendship between the two Crowns. As to Monsr. Casteen, before the receiving of your letter, I had by the consent of the General Assembly of this Province, given orders for his discharge and return; But then it was upon his humble submission and parole of good behaviour for the future towards this Government, as to himself personally, so also very much with respect to the Indian tribe at Penobscot; and tho' you seem to be of opinion, that the sending for him was so very wrong and unjustifyable; yet he himself was sensible of the contrary, and has acknowledged by a memorial under his hand, that by his appearance with the Indians at Arowsick he had given just occasion to this Governmt. to call him to an account. As to Mons. Ralle's Mission among the Indians, I shall be glad, if by his preaching he has brought those poor salvages any thing nearer to the Kingdom of Heaven, than they were before he went thither; But that which I have to say to him, and to you upon his account is, that Norridgewack the seat of his Mission, is within the territory of H.M. King George, and that it is contrary to an Act of Parliament of Great Britain, and a Law of this Province for a Jesuit or Romish priest to preach or even reside in any part of the British Dominions etc. I shall be very glad to live in perfect peace with our Eastern Indians etc. I must intreat you to use all your interest and influence for the same good purpose etc. Signed, Samll. Shute. Copy. 5 ½ pp.
	805. vi. Governor M. de Vaudreuil to Father Rallé. Sept. 25 (N.S.) 1721. A translation of letter given C.S.P. March 13, 1722, No. i. 2 pp.
	805. vii. M. Bagon, Intendant of Canada, to Father Rallé. Translation of letter given C.S.P., March 13, 1722. No. ii. 3 ¾ pp.
	805. viii. Governor M. de Vaudreuil to Governor Shute. Quebec, Oct. 28th (N.S.), 1723. I know not what you now think of the war with the Abanakeys which you have drawn upon yourselves, in taking and possessing (against all right) their land; you may see that it is not so easy a thing as you thought at first to reduce those Indians, I can likewise assure you, that you will find more difficulty in the pursuit than ever, for that besides their resolution of defending their country as long as any of them remains and not to hearken to any accommodation until you entirely abandon all their rivers, and that things be set on the same foot, as they were before the Treaty of Utrecht, all the Indians of other Nations to whom they have reported the evil treatment which they have received from you, have taken up the hatchet, for their help or succour, and are ready to strike the blow on all sides, to revenge the Abanakeys their countreys and friends, and to deliver them from the yoke and oppression which you would reduce them unto; have they not in effect reason, what new right have you acquired upon the Abanakeys and their lands; I know not of any; the Treaty of Utrecht do's conceed to you L'Accadie, conformable to it's ancient limits; the lands of the Abanakeys are they comprehended? if so, wherefore do's the same Treaty add in the 15th Article that there shall be named on each part Commissioners for the regulation of the limits between the two Crowns, and to determine the Indians that are subjects or friends to either one or the other, etc. You have in fact put yourselves in possession of these lands which you did me the honour to write that the Indian inhabitants were subjects and rebells, notwithstanding you ought not to be ignorant of the strict allyance that has been at all times between us. I leave it to you to judge, Sir, whether you or I do most conform to the said Treaty etc. In divers letters I represented the unhappy consequences that must infallibly follow the evil treatment you have used in regard to the Indians our Allies, for which I esteem you responsible etc. I cannot sooner or later hinder myself from engaging in their quarrel; were it not better, Sir, in the mean time until Commissioners be named for this purpose, as is expressed in the Treaty of Utrecht, to let the Indians enjoy peaceably their land in which they have always been in possession etc. Signed, Vaudreuil. Translation. Copy, examined pr. J. Willard, Secry. 3 pp.
	805. ix. John Schuyler to Samuel Partridge at Hatfield. Albany, 6th Dec., 1723. Encloses following. Continues: My son Philip Schuyler, who resides in Canada, writes me that it was very grievous unto him to see the French make so much of the Indians at their return from their onsett at Northfield. But yet was it harder unto him to see a scalp brought in and a prisoner, I believe Mr. Dickinson's son. I shall animate him to endeavour the release of so many prisoners as possibly he can. I have since again understood of the Indians that they have been 15 months ago, desired to go agt. your Government, but they are sorry for the same, and say will never do it again. The Cagnowagoes have received 15 guns and the Rundackses and Scawinadies 6. I have myself seen one of their guns each Indian has also had one pound powder and 20 balls and shot and a knife and provision etc. Signed, John Schuyler. Copy. 1 ½ pp. Enclosed,
	805. x. Same to Same. Albany, 28th Nov., 1723. I have yours of 19th instant. The two Indians that have been with the belt of wampam to Cagnowago, are come again, they found the Cagnowago Indians were gone to your parts, but the Sachems said they went agt. their will, and said they had no war agt. New England, but would live peaceably with the English, their young people having been deluded as vizt.—Three Cagnowago Indians who have been at Northfield arrived here yesterday, Saguanogras and Cahowasso two chief Captains and his brother in law, they tell me they had no design to do any harm, but Governour Vaudreuil perswaded them, and gave them powder and shot and ten guns, but they are very sorry and ashamed that they have gone; and say that they will never go again. All the Indians who have been upwards of 300 are come back again, except five Eastern Indians who returned back to your frontiers. I hope they may do no harm, the Cagnowagos have sent seven hands wampum, that they will come in the spring to hear further about their friendship. They Grey lock has killed the Minister, and the four brothers of which two are alive, and two scalpt, the youngest is given to the Cagnowagoes. I shall endeavour the interest of New England as much as lyes in my power. Pray let me know how these two French Gentlemen proceed at Boston. I agreed with bearer hereof for 30/– which I hope you will see paid etc. Signed, John Schuyler. Copy. 1 ½ pp.
	805. xi. Translation of notice "found upon the Church door at Norridgewack and in the handwriting of Father Rallé the Jesuit." Englishmen! I that am of Norridgewack have had thoughts that thou wilt come and burn our Church and our Fathers house to revenge thyself without cause for the houses that I have burnt of thine. It was thou that didst force me to it, why didst thou build them upon my land without my consent. I have not yet burnt any, but what was upon my own land; thou mayest burn it, because thou knowest, that I am not there such is thy generosity, for if I were there, assuredly thou shouldst not burn it, altho' thou shouldest come with the number of many hundred men. It is ill built because the English don't work well; it is not finished, altho' five or six English men have wrought there during the space of four years, and the undertaker who is a great cheat, hath been paid in advance for to finish it. I tell the nevertheless, that if thou dost burn it in revenge, upon my land thou mayest depend upon it, that I will revenge my self also, and that upon thy land in such a manner as will be more sensible and more disadvantagious to the, for one of the meeting houses or temples is of more value beyond compare than our Church. And I shall not be satisfied with burning only one or two of thine, but many etc. This shall certainly be done sooner or later for the war is but just beginning, and if thou wouldst know when it will have an end I tell the it will not have an end but with the world. If thou canst not be driven out before I dye, our children and nephews will continue it till that time, without thy being able to enjoy it peaceably. This is what I say to the, who am of Norridgewack, in the name of all the Nation. Nos. i.–xi endorsed, Transmitted to the Lord Carteret etc. 2 pp. [C.O. 5, 10. ff. 269–282, 283–287v., 289, 289v., 291–294, 295, 295v., 297, 297v., 299, 299v.; and (copy of Address only) 5, 752. No. 22.]
Dec. 27. Provce. N. Hampr.	806. Lt. Governor Wentworth to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Refers to letter etc. of 19th (? = 20th) Aug. Encloses accounts of Mr. Bacon, Collector, 25th June-25th Sept., 1723. Continues: I think it my duty to give your Lordships an account of a seizure made on 14th Oct. on a ship entred out for Lisbon, ship'd all his men for sd. voyage, and the vessel near fully laden wth. several sorts of timber, and six masts in the hole and one between decks, which measured about 21 inches diameter etc. The ship was properly seized by an information inclosed in a letter to me; so soon as seized a return was made to George Jaffreys Esq. Deputy to Judge Minzey who is Judge of the Admiralty; and accordingly a libel was drawn. But the Deputy Judge did not see cause to hear and determine until he had advis'd with Judge Meinzey, who dwels at Boston etc., who ordred a hearing on the 25th of same month. As your Lordships will see by the inclosed boath owner and master own'd to me and Mr. Collector Bacon that they had seven masts then on board. So that there was no want of proof. I think the Act of Parliament is verry plain etc. But that the case should be dismissed, because the particular paragraph and clauses was not referr'd to in the libel. The Judge sets free the vessel, after the expiration of 24 hours. Mr. Collector makes a second seizure; and upon that, went to Boston for advice in order to draw a second libel etc. But when he came to town he was advised to let all drop, fearing the judge should at a second tryal, lay the whole charge upon him etc. The ship wee seized the 14th Oct. about eleven of the clock forenoon and between nine and ten of the clock (the same day) Mr. Pepperil, the owner, came to Mr. Wibirds, the Naval Officer, and was admitted to boond. Which I tho't was verry extraordinary. The officer offers to make oath, that he did not hear of the seizure untill after bond was given; the owner insists that it has been the practice of this Govermt. as well the Massachusets, for ye officer, to wink at the shiping of small masts from twenty inches and downward, so that they went under the denomination of spars, (that lyes with ye officer), and I judge was taken from that Act of Parliament of the ninth of Queen Ann, which forbids cutting any white pine, above 24 inches diameter, but the second and eighth of King George prohibits cutting any mast trees from 12 inches and downwards, which Act took place Sept., 1722 etc. I am told Mr. Pepperill had two journeys to Boston cost him about £200, which represents the badness of his case. I assure your Lordps. I got not a penny of the money. If this seizure has no other effect: yet it will deter others etc. Encloses "a copy of notifications, which I caused to be publish'd in every town, where there is any trees fit for masts, also a copy of the oath, I gave my Deputy, who surveys and marks, as also a rideing officer, who is a check to ye Servayers and inland myself four times this winter season to visit them. My Lords, Wee are a number of ye principle men, of this Province; and the Government of Connecticut Coloney, that are desiriouss of setting up a new England Company for raising Naval Stores; as hemp pitch, tar, turpentine and of all sorts of lumber" etc. Wee have drawn up proposals, and about 180 signed the proposal, and wee propose to get as many or more to joyne us, in Great Brittain; and hope your Lordships will countenance and incourage such an undertaking that is like to be so beneficial to Great Brittain. Some of us in this Province have made an attempt on iron works etc., and have laid out £10,000 that way, but wee find the burden is heavier then we can well bear; your Lordship may be assured that Navil Stores will not come to any tolerable perfection in this country but by a Company. Our numbers now increase apace; and ye people bend themselves some to one thing some to others, not being settled to any, and in my opinion the only and surest way, to promote and advance the manufactory of Great Brittain at present and for the future is to give the minds of the people a turn by incourageing a Company for Naval Stores, wch. will divert them, in a great measure from raising there own cloathing, which the people in a few years will be obliged to do, otherwise starve unless something be done by a Compa., etc. Continues: I se but one difficulty, that lyes in the way, and that is the East country Company, who has always opposed anything of this nature, and have made intrest with some under officers in the King's Yards, (formerly) that have not been so strongly attached to the intrest of Great Brittain as they should have been to invalidate and lessen the goodness of such timber etc. as went from H.M. Plantations etc. About 1710 Mr. Bridger took perticular care to send over a shipload of choice timber, never better. It was landed at Dedford yard serveyed and reported, but not in favour of the Plantations etc. I have seen the timber of most parts of the Christian world, and the straight timber of this country is as good as the world affords, but for crooked timber Great Brittain and Ireland exceeds the whole world etc. The Plantations especially the Northern parts, takes of great quantityes of the woolin manufactury now, but were there a Company setled upon a good foundation, where we take £1000 now, we then should take off 5 of £6000 etc. We intend to prepare specimens of each sort, and send them for Great Brittain with a person to wait on your Lordships etc. Acknowledges letter of 5th July. Signed, Jno. Wentworth. Endorsed, Recd. 11th Feb., Read 22nd July, 1724. 7 pp. Enclosed,
	806. i. (a) Libel and information exhibited against the ship Prosperous, referred to in preceding. Oct. 15, 1723. Signed, Bulls Bacon. Copy.
	(b) Proceedings of Court of Admiralty relating to same, Oct. 25. Copy. The whole, 3 pp.
	806. ii. (a) Copy of Lt. Governor Wentworth's Deputation to Edward Hall to be Deputy Surveyor of H.M. Woods etc., 7th Nov., 1723; and Notice forbidding cutting of woods till surveyed and licence granted by him etc. 7th Nov., 1723. Signed, Jno. Wentworth.
	(b) Copy of Deputy Surveyor's Oath. The whole, endorsed, Recd. 11th Feb., 1723/4. 2 pp. [C.O. 5, 869. ff. 38–48v.]
Dec. 31. Boston.	807. Mr. Willard to Mr. Popple. Refers to Sessional papers and Treasurer's account sent to Governor Shute, to be laid before the Board. Signed, Josiah Willard. Endorsed, Recd. 11th Feb., Read 23rd July, 1723/4. 1 p. [C.O. 5, 869. ff. 27, 28v.]