America and West Indies: November 1711, 16-30

Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 26, 1711-1712. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1925.

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'America and West Indies: November 1711, 16-30', in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 26, 1711-1712, ed. Cecil Headlam( London, 1925), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/america-west-indies/vol26/pp147-170 [accessed 29 November 2024].

'America and West Indies: November 1711, 16-30', in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 26, 1711-1712. Edited by Cecil Headlam( London, 1925), British History Online, accessed November 29, 2024, https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/america-west-indies/vol26/pp147-170.

"America and West Indies: November 1711, 16-30". Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 26, 1711-1712. Ed. Cecil Headlam(London, 1925), , British History Online. Web. 29 November 2024. https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/america-west-indies/vol26/pp147-170.

November 1711, 16-30

Nov. 16.
Nevis.
173. Council of Nevis to the Council of Trade and Plantations. We do hereby certify that Lt. General Walter Hamilton hath on all occasions during the time he had the honour to command as Governor in Chiefe, Dec. 1710—July 1711, acted with all candour, justice and honour; that he with utmost vigour did persue the enemy from one Island to the other, which were then dayly threatned to be attacked; that he hath oppressed none, nor given any person any just cause (that wee know of) to complaine, but by a diligent application to the bussiness of that honourable post did keep all quiet, easy and unanimous here; that he so managed matters with the Generall of the French Islands by discountenanceing Irish Papists that usually betrayed the affaires of the Leeward Islands to the enemy, and by suffering none to command Flaggs of Truce but men of honour and reputation that would not trade with the enemy: that they respected him with an awfull regard, which tended much to H.M. honour and service, and was a great satisfaction to Her Protestant subjects of these Islands. Signed, Dan. Smith, Richd. Abbott, J. Bevon, Aza. Pinney, Law. Brodbelt, Jno. Richardson, Rob. Eleis, Mich. Smith. 1 large p. [C.O. 152, 42. No. 80.]
[Nov. 16.] 174. Sir Thomas Laurence to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Representation on behalf of Christopher Vernon, of Maryland. Mr. Vernon did about 8 years agoe purchase some land of the heir apparent of Thomas Knighton decd. for £95 sterl. and 4000lb. of tobacco. Part of the said land had been formerly bought of Knighton by John Hall (who is at present a Member of the Councill of Maryland), and he being unable or unwilling to make good his contract for performance of which he entred into bond to Knighton to the value of 61000lb. of tobacco, did by his interest and power, and his false suggestions (in order to make void Vernon's purchase) prevail upon the Assembly in April, 1707, of which he was then a member, to pass an Act for confirming the last will of Thomas Knighton decd., though no such will was ever made by Knighton, as Mr. Vernon hath witnesses to prove. The said Vernon had before cast Hall in two fair tryals in the Provincial Court, where he was then one of the Justices, and also in one other action after the passing of the said Act. Whilest Mr. Hall was soliciting the passing of the Act in the Assembly, Vernon endeavoured by his Attorney, who was a member thereof, to have a hearing against the passing of it, but was not allowed the same. The Act is not only repugnant to an Act of Parliament of England for preventing of frauds and perjury, but also contrary to two Acts passed in Maryland for quieting possessions, and preventing vexatious suits at law. Mr. Vernon understanding that Hall is endeavouring to get the said Act confirmed here, which if obtained will be the ruine of him, humbly prays your Lordshipps to deferr the making any report untill he shall be heard by your Lordshipps, in order to which he is prepareing to come to England. Signed, Thomas Laurence. Endorsed, Recd. 16th, Read 25th Nov. 17 11/12 (sic). Holograph. 1 p. [C.O. 5, 717. No. 47; and 5, 727. pp. 308–310.]
Nov. 16.
Boston.
175. Col. Vetch to the Earl of Dartmouth. My last to your Lordship was of Sept. 10th from Spanish River by the Leopard man of warr, wherein I only hinted in short att our misfortune in Canada River, knowing your Lordship will have a full account of that affair from severall hands. I sent likewise a coppy of my letter to the Admirall after our desaster, which I likewise herewith transmitt by Generall Nicholson, for the other may be miscaried. I shall not in this give your Lordship the trouble to relate anything concerning that tragecall desaster, since the pilots and others' who I understand are goeing for Brittan will fully inform your Lordship and the Ministry of all that affair. Refers to Journal enclosed. What I am now to trouble your Lordship which [? with] is a short account of the state of the garison of Annapolis Royall under my command togither with the inhabitants. Refers to enclosures. As soon a[s] Generall Hill had ordred thiss detachment to be made, he both spoke and wrote the Admirall to provide for their transeportation to Annapolis, and victualling. The Admirall accordingly by his agent of transeports destributed them amongest all the New England transeports that were capeable to receive any, which were about 16 in all. But after wee had been some days att sea being seperate or rather losing the convoy designedly, severall of the transeports who had on board to the number of near 150 were carryed to Boston, together with the company of Indians, which the Generall had ordred me to detain att Annapolis, untill I should see if Major Livingston with ane hundred of the Five Nations of Indians in New York Government could be gott to relive them. But the Governour of New England knowing nothing of Generall Hill's order about his Indians had disbanded and dispersed before the Genll's. letters or mine relateing to them came to his hand. I went to Annapolis Royall with the Enterprize man of warr and about 12 transeports with some of our garison and the New England troops that were upon the Expedition. And after haveing exchanged the Garison and placed Major Cawfield commissioned by General Hill to be my Deputy Governour of Annapolis Royall, I embarqued the old garison which consisted of about 200 of the troops raised in New England and about 40 marines, all the rest with their officers having been sent of some time befor to joyn us att Quebeck. I was under a necessity to victuall the old garison to Boston with provisions from the Fort. The Admireall having desiered me to cause the Commissary of the New England troops who were under my command to victuall our garison troops as they did there own men untill there arrivall there, and for this reimbursement gave me ane order upon the Agent Victualler att Boston to repay the New England Commissary. But as to the old Garison that was to be transeported to Boston, the said Agent cannot he says medle with. So I have [? told] the Agent for the garison to charge it amongst the other contingencys of the garison. Thiss I thought fitt to acquaint your Lordship withall, in case any objection should be made to that artickle in the accounts. I ordred the Engineer to carry on the reparations of the works, which are in a pretty good forwardness with all possible dilligence whilst the season of the year would allow of the same. During my stay there severall of the inhabitants came in and took the oath of aledgance to H.M. upon the proclamation by Generall Hill and Admirall Walker sent thither and dispersed amongest them in French. There came likewise in to me two severall messages by two severall Indians att a time who sayd they came in the name of the Indians nearest to the garison, and sayd that as they heard wee had promised the French all freedom of trade and priviledges as the English themselves, if wee would allow them the same liberty as they had from the French garison, and sell them all sorts of goods for their furrs particularly pouder and small shott without which they could not subsist, they would never go no more to Canada. To which I answered them that while they behaved themselves peaceably they might come with as much freedom and safety to us as they did to the French: and doubted not but they would find all sorts of goods in a litle time cheaper then they had them from the French: as to pouder and shott, I had not allowed the merchants to bring any to sell, untill I see the country more peaceable, but told them if I found they would continue peaceable and trew to the Queen of great Brittan, they should want for nothing. Thiss submission of the French togither with the message from the Indians being I know the effect of their belief Canada would be taken, and then they would have no retreat, but as soon as they hear of our disaster, and have had fresh orders from Canada, I doubt not but wee shall have all the force they cann raise both of French and Indians about our garison early in the Spring, if not sooner, so that I give no trust to them, and have in my Instructions to the Deputy Governour cautioned him of the same. Refers to enclosure. After having done all that could be done att that juncture, I came to thiss place both to dismiss the New England troops that were under my command togither with the old garison, which was to be cleared of here, and to hasten some part of the new garison thither from hence. But the weather hath been so excessive stormy ever since my arrivall that it hath not been possible for them to gett thither, though they were sayled befor my arrivall here (I pray God wee may have a good account of them). I shall endeavour with all possible dilligence to gett a company of some Indians under Major Livingston to compleat the garison, but fear shall not be able to gett any of the Five Nations, since the French Indians have already begunn to committ hostilitys one that side. I hope by the mast convoy to give your Lordship a more full account of all affairs relating to the garison then I cann now, Generall Nicholson being to sayle so soon. I some time since transemitted home to your Lordship and the Ministry a proposeall for forming the troops and officers in the garison of Annapolis Royall unto a Regiment, which as it would be no more expensive to the Crown, there being both the number of troops and officers to compleat a regiment, and as it would be vastly more advantagous to the service then as they now are, for besides the many jarrs that happens betwixt the officers and cors with relation to preceedency and command, which may some time or other prove [?] to the service, there is not that care taken of the men, nor indeed cannot be as when they every one have their particular and respective charge in companys and a regiment: and another great unconveniency is with relation to recruiting the garison: when men either dy, desert or are killed, there cann be no method taken to recruit them, unless they were formed unto companys and a regiment. Then some officers might be sent every year to Brittain to recruite there being none had in thiss country. I would intreat your Lordship's favour in this affair, and that I may have the honour to command the Regiment: and the rest of the officers according to their severall ranks, etc. Wee had a great many dyed thiss year past, but as your Lordship may observe by the difference of the number drawn for both with regard to pay and provisions, I never drew for any save the effectives upon the place; and as it is impossible for thiss garison to subsist without H.M. allowing them provisions gratis besides there pay, untill the country be for some time peaceable, so I assure your Lordship that I shall take all care imagineable that H.M. be putt to as little expense with the garison while under my command as the absolute necessity of the service will allow of; etc. I intreat your Lordship's favour with my Lord High Treasurer that the Bills may be punctually payed: and if there be anything either with regard to the form or matter of the accounts that is amiss, I begg your Lordship's commands with regard to the same. This comes by Generall Nicholson, who will more fully informe your Lordship of all the affairs both of Annapolis Royall and the whole Brittish Continent, over all which his zeall to serve his Soveraigne and country hath been without a parallel, and particularly these three years last past in which his vast fatigue and matchless generosity hath been verry conspicuous to all whom he had to doe, etc. Signed, Sam. Vetch. 3 pp. Enclosed,
175. i. Admiral Walker to Col. Vetch. I thanck you for your caution concerning the French pilot, but I never intended to trust him any farther then I could throw him. I am satisfyed with what you propose of standing to and lying off Cape Britton, and in case of a fog when you hear my guns to fire as you say a gunn every two minutes till I am joyn'd by you. P.S. Enclosed I send ye signalls of the crusers that you may know them if you meet them. Signed, Hovenden Walker. Off Cansa, Aug. 8, 1711. Copy. ½ p.
175. ii. Col. Vetch to Admiral Walker. Cape Gaspée. Aug. 26, 1711. I could not excuse myself from giveing you the trouble of this line, with my humblest advice that befor you send away the Saphyre you would be pleased to consult once more with your captains and pilots with relation to our proceeding to Quibeck. As to the late fateal disaster that hath happned, it cannot in my humble oppinion be anyways imputed to the difficulty of the navigation, but to the wrong course wee steered, which most unavoidably carry'd us upon the north shoare. Who directed that course you best know: as to the navigation from hence to Tadousac, it was never thought upon to be any difficulty att all, more then to return to Cape Brittoune: and when it shall please God wee are there, let all the transeports proceed first, and by sending 3 or 4 meats or midshipmen out of every man of warr to be each to them putt aboard of different transeports in order to take exact notice of the difficultys of the passage: and causeing buoy them out as they go along: I doubt not but the passage will be made verry practicable for the men of warr: and when once wee are gott up to the Toune, I look the greatest part if not all the difficulty to be over. I doubt not but Generall Hill and all the Collonells will be oppinion that wee have as yett force enough left to reduce the place, and as our returne back without any further attempt would be a vast reflection upon the conduct of this affair (the averseness and unsufficiency of the pilots being knowen before wee left Boston) so it would be of a verry fateal consequence to the intrest of the Crown and all the Brittish Colonys upon thiss Continent. Sr. I hope you will pardon thiss freedom: which nothing but a trew zeall and concern for the honour and intrest of my Soveraigne and Country would have prevailed with me to have taken with you. P.S. I presumed some time ago to give you a caution in a letter I wrote you with relation to your French pilots. I wish they may have no hand in our late disaster. Signed, Sam. Vetch. Copy. 1 p.
175. iii. General Hill to Col. Vetch. From on board the Windsor in Spanish River thiss 13th August, 1711. In answer to your letter of the 11th of thiss month, I had some dayes before made a detachment of 350 private men, with a proportionable number of officers to garrison H.M. Fort of Annapolis Royall, and appointed a Deputy Governour, an engeneer, two bombardiers, 4 gunners, 6 montrosses, and a sufficiant quantity of ordnance stores, as also one company of New England Indians for scowring the woods etc., which Indians you are to take with you, and to cause them to be subjected in the same manner as H.M. regular troops till farther orders, and the Admirll. having ordred the Saphire a 40 gunn ship to attend the garrison, I doubt not but hee has given the necessary orders to hir Commander. I agree with you about preserving the armes of the New England forces, and shall not fail to write to the Governour of New England upon their arrivall there to cause their armes to be secured and kept in good order till H.M. farther pleasure be known. As to the marines that may now be in the garrison, or which you may meet with in the Province gally on your way to Annapolis, I desire you will order them to be embarqued on board H.M.S. Enterprize, in order to their being sent by the mast convoy to England, etc. Signed, J. Hill. Copy. 1½ pp.
175. iv. Col. Vetch to General Hill. Proposes that a company of the New England Indians now under his command "be detained att Annapolis untill Major Livingston (now upon command with Generall Nicholson) bring a company of Mohoks to relieve them. I also intreat your Excellency's favour with the Admirall to appoynt a man of warr to attend the garison to keep the communication open with Boston, from whence we have all our provisions, so if a privateer of 10 gunns lys att the Gutt wee are intirely blockt up," etc. Signed, Sam. Vetch. Spanish River, Sept. 11th, 1711. 1¼ pp.
175. v. Col. Vetch's Journall of a voyage designed to Quibeck from Boston in New England in July, 1711. Upon Monday the 30th July I left Boston about 8 o'clock in the morning att which time the whole fleet under the command of Sir Hovenden Walker as Admirall who was aboard the Edgar with the Union Flagg att the maintopmasthead were under sayle and gott without the Brewsters. I went directly aboard the Flagg, and carry'd one Capt. John Bonner who was appoynted to be his pilot for the said Expedition: who being verry unwilling to go occasioned me a great deall of trouble to gett him along with me: after having delivered him to the Admirall and concerted a method to gett some marines and stores of warr from Annapolis Royall, I went on board the Windsor and waited upon Generall Hill, where having concerted with him the necessary orders for the marines and stores being embarked aboard such ships as the Admirall should order to bring them after us, and delivered the said orders and letters to the Deputy Governour of Annapolis Royall to Mr. Capoon, Lt. to the Company of mattrosses att Annapolis Royall, who was to have the charge of said stores: I went and acquainted the Admirall with the same, and so went aboard of the ship Dispatch friggatt, in which I was to make the voyage. The wind being then fair, in the evening wee made ane easy sayle and so wee continued to doe for severall days: the wind still favourable and moderate: the flagg bringing frequently too, untill the heavy transeports came up, upon Aug. 3rd, the fleet being then as wee judged abrest of Cape Sables. The Admirall bringing too for the ships that were astern; he sent the Lieutenant of the Swiftsure with their boat to desier I would go aboard and speak with him, which I immediatly did, as soon as I came aboard, the Admirall told me he had a peice of service to propose to me which he doubted not but I could verry well perform if I would undertake it, and which would be very much for the good of the service, if I would undertake it. I answered he might be assured there was nothing I was capeable of but what I would readily doe to forward H.M. service and more particularly the present Expedition in which I was so much concerned. Then he told me that I having some knowledge of the coast, but more particularly of the River St. Laurence, and where the difficultys were, and the friggatt I was aboard of being about 300 tunns mounted with 24 gunns sayling tolerably well was a proper ship to lead the fleet, and if I would pitch upon three small proper vessells that sayled well to attend upon me, he would give me directions in writting what I should doe, that so by keeping about a league ahead of the fleet with one of the tenders upon each bow about a mile ahead of me and one right ahead, should not only poynt out the fleet their way, prevent their running into any dangers, but by the three small vessells when wee were to anchor to make out the anchorage for the three divisions, those vessells carrying two of them pendents of the colour of the two broad pendents that led two divisions of the fleet, and the third a Jack flagg att the maintopmasthead to mark the flag's division: as is seen more att length in the flagg's Instructions (enclosed): after having received the said Instructions from the flagg and orders for the three small vessells to attend me, I went immediatly aboard my own ship, and sending to the said three vessells there orders, I [accordingly with these ?] three attending me made sayle [? and went a] head the Fleet, keeping att the distance abovesaid. The Flagg having [? sent] to me as a [pi]lot a Frenchman he had brought with him from Brittain, whom he told me was a verry good pilot for both coast and river, which indeed the fellow did pretend to be. Upon Aug. 8 when wee were abreast of Cancer, the Flagg sent his boat aboard of me for thiss pilot, whom I accordingly sent him and wrote to him att the same time that he was of no use to me, for I found him to be a verry ignorant fellow; and I feared he was a rogue, and therefor advised him to have no dependance upon him: for which he afterwards thanked me (encl. 1). The weather being then foggy, I proposed to the flagg to runn ahead and make Cape Brittoune, and so ly of it to let the fleet know when to steer away for St. Pauls, and proposed to fire a gunn every two minutes, as soon as the Fleet came so near us as to hear their fogg signalls. Accordingly wee proceeded to Cape Brittoun. The Flagg having sent me the cruiser's signells to know them by. The weather proveing clear two three days after this wee meet the three cruisers Saphyre, Chester, Leopard: the Saphyre two days befor the others: who came to us near the Isle of St. Pauls: to which Island I went aboard the Flagg and discoursed him with relation to the voyage up the river, att which time he told me the Saphyre then to be commanded by Capt. Rouse (who was then exchangeing ships with Capt. Cockburn formerly in the Saphyre) being the smallest friggatt in the Fleet should likewise go ahead the Fleet along with me: and proposed to me to go on board of her: I told him all my stores and baggage being aboard the Dispatch it would be too much trouble to remove in so stormy blowing weather; so I continued aboard the Dispatch. The next day he sent me in writting orders that when he would have me go ahead he would make the signall mentioned in the said Order herewith transmitted: but never after made any such signall: but about two days after, the Lieutenant of the Saphyre came aboard and brought Capt. Perkins the master of the vessell orders from the Flagg to obey Capt. Rouse, and brought att the same time orders from said Rouse to observe such and such signalls: the said Lieutenant brought the said papers and shewed them me, and told me that the Captain expected I would come aboard his ship: I told him I had excused myself of that to the Admirall: so I never after had any more instructions or directions from the Flagg. The wind being att thiss time fair, wee steered for the mouth of the River, but upon the —about 12 att night the Admirall made a signall to tack; which accordingly most of the fleet did (some being farr ahead and to windward, they could not hear the signalls) and for about six hours wee runn back directly to the great surprizall of all the fleet: and which indeed proved the accedentall cause att least of all our misfortunes: for loseing so much time of the fair wind, which would have carried us onto the River. The wind comeing about just as wee came to the mouth of the River, oblidged us to putt into Gaspée harbour, with a wind which had wee gott into the River, would have been verry fair for us. I went aboard of the Flagg while wee were beating of the mouth of the River; and in discourse asked him what was the reason of his tacking and standing back two or three nights ago: he told me in these words, it was a whimm of Captain Paddon's and old Bonner for fear, as they said, of some shoal of the Isle of Anticosty. Next day wee went into Gaspée harbour, where wee found a French ship makeing fish, which they burnt, not having time, I suppose, to bring her off. Wee anchored there about 40 hours: and then the wind offering fair, wee all weighed and turned out, it being verry late in the night before some of the sternmost ships gott out; as to the particulars of the winds, courses and currents I shall not here medle withall, that being the masters' and pilots' province, as well as the particular circumstances of our desaster, which I suppose will be by most of them exactly layed befor H.M. and the Ministry, only thiss much I doe say, that Col. Dudley and Capt. Perkin, Commander of the Dispatch friggatt where I was aboard will attess how uneasy I was att the course the Flagg steered that night the disaster happned: and that I often told them that I wondred what the Flagg meant by that course, and why he did not steer away west and west and by south. However, wee were so cautious as to keep astern by which wee escaped the missfortune that happned to severall: all that I cann say upon the matter is, that had the Flagg continued to let me go ahead of the Fleet, as I did for some time with the small vessells one head of us, it would have been almost impossible thiss disaster could have happned: for as wee would have never steered that course unless positively commanded by the Flagg so to doe, so the small vessells that would have been ahead would have given me sufficient warning and I consequently the Fleet to avoid the danger. Upon Aug. 25th, being three days after the desaster, most of the Fleet being close in with the north shoare wee see a great many signalls aboard the Windsor where Generall Hill was: one of them being to speak with me, upon which I caused immediatly hoist out our boat, the sea being extreamly rough, when I gott aboard the Generall, which was with much difficulty, I found there was a generall consultation to be with relation to the late disaster and our proceeding. Here it was I meet with the first certain account of the late fateal desaster: for though wee had heard some fireing of gunns that night, which wee did conclude to be ships near the shoare, yett wee did not untill that day know that there were any totally lost. I confess the account I had on board of the Generall of thet terrible trajedy did extreamly surprize and affect me: the Admirall and most of the sea-captains and some of the pilots being then aboard the Windsor, the Generall desiered the Flagg and sea-captains to consult about our proceeding up the River (that being their Province) expressing att the same time both a great concern for the late misfortune and a great deall of zeall to proceed, not doubting but wee had still force enough left to effectuate the designs, all the Collonells of the land forces being likewise ther present seemed to be of the same oppinion. As to the particulars of the consultation and examination of the pilots I shall not enter into, knowing that will be transemitted more exactly then I cann pretend to: all I shall say as to that affair is, that while they seem'd to make the difficulty of the navigation so great, I told the Admirall that Sr. William Phips went up 20 years ago with 40 sayle much later than wee, for he did not arrive before the place untill Oct. 9th: and gott all up safe: though there was not one man aboard the fleet (as I am informed) ever was there before: upon which the Flagg asked me, if I would undertake to carry up the Fleet: I told him I never was bredd to sea, nor was it any part of my Province: but I would doe my best by goeing ahead and shewing them where' the difficultys of the River was, which I knew pretty well. As soon as it was resolved to turn back, the Admirall ordred the Saphyre to make ready to go with an express to Boston, to be from thence sent to Lieutenant Generall Nicholson to prevent his crossing the Lake with the army under his command. The Admirall said also he would go with the Fleet to Gaspée, there to consult further about attacking Placentia: as soon as I had gott aboard my own ship, and seriously pondred the vast disadvantages and fatall consequences would attend such a [? retreat I wrote a letter to ?] the Admirall that verry night which I sent him early in the morning, (v. encl. ii.): wee stood along to Gaspée and from thence to Spanish River, where after some beating in blustring weather, the fleet all gott in: upon the — of September there was a Councell of warr called to consult about attacking Placentia: but as I had allways declared my oppinion that unless some of the heaviest men of warr would resolve to go in and break the boom, it was but in vain to offer to go thither so late in the year, so accordingly that attempt was laid aside etc. So upon Sept. 15 the whole Fleet sailed from Spanish River, the Admirall with the Brittish troops and transeports for Brittan, the New England troops and transeports under convoy of H.M.S. Enterprize for Annapolis Royall: with the new garison: where wee arrived with some part of them (severalls having lost company and gone directly to Boston) about the beginning of October, and after having exchanged the garisons proceeded to Boston with the New England troops and old garison, where wee arrived safe about Oct. 20, 1711. Signed, Sam. Vetch. Copy. 3¼ pp. [C.O. 5, 9. Nos. 103, 82, 82a., 83, 101, 102.]
Nov. 17. 176. Opinion of the Attorney General. I have perused the two affidavits of Charles Bowes and Michael Ayon agst. Henry Smith, and am of opinion their appeares by you sufficient matter to commit Smith for High Treason in leavying warr against H.M. in the Island of Antegoa in America, Antegoa being one of H.M. Plantations. Signed, Edw. Northey. ¼ p. [C.O. 152, 42. No. 78.]
Nov. 17.
Virginia.
177. Lt. Governor Spotswood to the Council of Trade and Plantations. The last letter I had the honour to write to your Lordps. (of which the inclosed is a copy) gave an account of my intended progress to our Southern frontiers to meet the Deputys of the Tuscaruro Indians. Accordingly having drawn together to Nottoway town against the time appointed the Militia of the three neighbouring countys, consisting of upwards of 600 men; five of the great men of that Nation arrived very opportunely just at the time I had brought the Militia under some discipline; and were not a little surprized to find there so great a body of men in such good order. After entring into conference with them, I found both by their discourse and also from what my Messenger assured me of his observations whilst he was in their towns, that they were very desirous to continue in peace with this Government, and seemed much concern'd that any of their Nation should have joined in the massacre in Carolina. I then proposed to them either to carry on a war against those Indians upon the promise of rewards to be paid them, or to join with H.M. subjects of Carolina for extirpating those Assassines, and that for the better assuring us of their future good behaviour they should deliver two children of the great men of each town to remain as hostages and to be educated at our Colleges. But as they had no authority to conclude anything without the concurrence of the rest of their Nation, they desired time to informe their towns and promised to return with an answer by the 20th of this month, and I'm in great hopes to obtain what I have proposed by the readiness they have already showed in this meeting, as well as their frankness in procuring the liberty of the Baron de Graffenried upon the demand I made of him, who was to be conducted home to Carolina the next day after my Messenger left their country. The delivering their children as hostages will not only prove the most effectual security for their fidelity, but may be a good step towards the conversion of that whole Nation to the Christian faith, and I could not hope for a more favourable conjuncture to make this demand than now when they are under great apprehensions of our resentment for the late barbaritys committed in Carolina, and the impressions made on them by the appearance of so great a force as I then show'd them. I took this occasion to renew a proposal I formerly made to our tributary Indians for sending some of their children to be brought up at the College, and though it has hitherto been judged a matter so impracticable that the Governors of the College have thought it in vain to attempt it, and have chosen rather to be at a great expence for buying Indians of remote Nations taken in war to be educated in pursuance of a donation left for that purpose by Mr. Boyle; yet I have prevailed so far by offering to remitt their whole tribute of skins so long as they kept their children at the College, that the King of the Nansemonds has already sent his son and cousin. The Nottoway and Maherines have sent each two of their chief men's sons to be brought up to learning and Christianity, and the Queen of Pamunky upon seeing how well those Indian children are treated has engaged to send her son and the son of one of the cheif men upon the same foot and I also expect another boy from the Chicohominys. As the remitting their tribute is one of the conditions for their keeping their children at the College, and I beleive a strong motive to engage their compliance, so if it should happen to be disapproved and revoked, by succeeding Governors, because it lessens their income, it may occasion their recalling their children, and consequently prove a discouragement to the design of their conversion. And therefore I humbly offer to your Lordps.' consideration that H.M. may be moved to signify her approbation of my yeilding this branch of the Governor's perquisites, and if that be thought too great a prejudice to my successors, I shall if your Lordps. think fitt, propose another fund by which H.M. may be enabled to give an equivalent for this loss, which I shall begg leave in that case to lay before your Lordships, and I hope the example I have sett, with what I have recommended in my speech to the Assembly on that subject, will prompt them to settle some fund towards the education of the Indians, since that already given to the College by the deceased Mr. Boyle, will be too small for the maintenance of so great a number as are like to be there in a short time. That your Lordps. may be informed of the affairs under the consideration of this Assembly, I inclose a copy of my Speech at the opening this Session, and shal by the next opportunity (wch. I expect in a short time) give your Lordps. an exact account of their proceedings, together with the progress of my negotiations with the Tuscoruro Indians, which I am now obliged to break off by reason of the sudden departure of the ship, in which this is intended. Signed, A. Spotswood. Endorsed, Recd. 24th May, Read 11th Dec., 1712. 3¾ pp. Enclosed,
177. i. Copy of Lt. Governor Spotswood's Speech to the Assembly of Virginia, Nov. 8, 1711, urging them to make provision for defence of the frontiers, etc. 2¾ pp. [C.O. 5, 1316. Nos. 85, 85 i.; and (without enclosure) 5, 1363. pp. 421–425.]
Nov. 17.
Virginia.
178. Lt. Governor Spotswood to [? the Earl of Dartmouth]. Duplicate of preceding covering letter. [C.O. 5, 1337. No. 16.]
Nov. 20. 179. Mr. Attorney and Mr. Solicitor General to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Reply to queries of Oct. 26th q.v. (1) Wee are of opinion that reasonably stocking and managing a Plantation mentioned in the Act is a settlement within that Act; (2) The prove may be by oaths made before your Lordps., or by oaths made in those Plantations and transmitted under the Seal of those Islands, or by the return of a Commission which your Lordps. might have sent thither. (3) As to the third querie, the Act seems to have restrained the bounty to such inhabitants and Proprietors who should resettle their Plantations and to exclude all that had not Plantations to resettle. But since according to the Address of the House of Commons near the end of the last Sessions, your Lordps. are to lay an account before that House the beginning of next Sessions, how you intend to make the distribution, wee are of opinion it may be proper to lay this matter as a doubt before the house, and its probable the sufferers may then apply for a bill to enlarge their time for making their proof of their resettling, for that by the Act all that so resettle before the 25th Dec. seem to be intituled for a share of the Bounty, the Act giving the same to such as had or should resettle, without mentioning any time, other than the time for making out the Debentures. Signed, Edw. Northey, Rob. Raymond. Endorsed, Recd. 21st, Read 28th Nov., 1711. 1¼ pp. Enclosed,
179. i. Duplicate of No. 137.
179. ii. Copy of clauses from the Act for licensing hackney coaches and chairs etc. enacting that £103, 003 11s. 4d. shall be distributed amongst such proprietors and inhabitants only of Nevis and St. Kitts who have resettled or shall resettle their plantations damaged by the French etc. The Commissioners of Trade to issue debentures for the same on or before Dec. 25, 1711, etc. 3 pp. [C.O. 152, 9. Nos. 91, 91 i., ii.; and (without enclosures) 153, 11. pp. 405, 406.]
[Nov. 20.] 180. Capt. Simson and the Widow Gandy to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Being held responsible by the Assembly of Jamaica, as securities, for the defalcations of Thomas Finch (v. Sept. 17), they pray that the bill for the sale of Finch's estate for the payment of the sum embezzled may be passed, etc. Signed, on their behalf, George Daniell. Endorsed, Recd. 20th, Read 22nd Nov., 1711. 1 large p. [C.O. 137, 9. No. 50.]
Nov. 20.
Whitehall.
181. Council of Trade and Plantations to the Earl of Dartmouth. Forward Lt. Governor Spotswood's request for gunpowder etc. (July 28) to be laid before H.M. Autograph signatures. 1½ pp. [C.O. 5, 1341. No. 17; and 5, 1363. pp. 367, 368; and 5, 1335. pp. 142, 143.]
Nov. 20.
Whitehall.
182. Same to the Lord High Treasurer. Enclose Lt. Governor Spotswood's remarks and enclosures concerning the method of sale of tobacco for quit-rents, etc. (July 28) for H.M. pleasure thereon. [C.O. 5, 1363. p. 369; and 5, 1335. p. 146.]
Nov. 21.
Whitehall.
183. Mr. Popple to Richard Tilden. Forwards to him, as Governor Lowther's agent, his application (v. Aug. 20) for a Commission of Vice-Admiralty, "that you may apply to the Lords Commrs. of the Admiralty for such a Commission, which when you have procured you are to signify to me." etc. [C.O. 29, 12. p. 383.]
[Nov. 21.] 184. Thomas Finch, of Kingstowne, to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Petitioner was inveigled by Charles Chaplin (v. Sept. 17), by menaces and fair promises, into giving him receipts for £3,800 public money. On April 17 following, Chaplin and Simpson's interest in the Assembly prevailed so farr as not only to expell him from the Assembly (soon after which he was confined a close prisoner) but also under pretence of a letter written to one of the Assembly by him, signifying that he had sent them an abstract of what estate he had, which he hoped would prove sufficient to pay the money he had given Mr. Chaplin receipts for, if the House would give a little time, for collecting so much as would pay for it, which he thereby offered to put into Trustees' hands, praying a delay of 3 or 4 months for that purpose (which letter was by Chaplin and Simpson artificially expounded to amount to a request to have a law passed for the sale of his real and personal estate) they brought in a bill to vest not only his personal estate but also his real estate (which by the ordinary course of law could not have been subjected to the payment of debts) in Samuel Vassall, John Clarke, and William Norris to pay the said £3800 in the first place to Simpson and Martha Gandy (his securities) without having any regard to the rest of the creditors of Finch, otherwise than to be paid out of the residue of his estate, and without any regard to Finch's family, who by this extraordinary interposition of the Legislature are deprived of that provision which by the standing Laws of the said Island could have been made for them out of the real estate of Finch. Prays that H.M. may disapprove the Act for above reasons. Endorsed, Recd. 21st, Read 22nd. Nov. 1711. 1 large p. [C.O. 137, 9. No. 51.]
[Nov. 21.] 185. Henry Soames and other London Merchants, creditors of Thomas Finch of Kingstown to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Pray that H.M. may disapprove the Act of Jamaica for vesting the estate of Thomas Finch for the payment of £3800, etc. (v. preceding). The remainder of Finch's creditors are by this law put in a worse condition than they were by the ordinary course of law. It will destroy the credit and consequently trade of the Island, if merchants' goods and credits in the hands of factors and the estates of persons to whom they give credits, are thus subjected to new rules of law, etc. Signed, Henry Soames and six others. Endorsed, Recd. 21st, Read 23rd. Nov. 1711. 1 large p. [C.O. 137, 9. No. 52.]
Nov. 22.
Whitehall.
186. Council of Trade and Plantations to Governor Lowther. Acknowledge letters of July 16 and Aug. 20. We are very sorry to see such a number of British ships taken (v. Aug. 20. No. i). We cannot but think that if the ships of war H.M. is pleased to send for the protection of Barbados, were kept to their duty in cruising in the most proper stations, they might in a great measure protect and secure the trade of that Island. You ought to have had an Admiralty Commission before you went from hence; for without it you have no power over the captains of ships of war; and therefore we have acquainted your agent etc. (v. Nov. 21). We approve of your reasons against a cartel for exchange of prisoners with the French, and think you are very much in the right to refuse the sending the prisoners of theirs you had to Martinico. [C.O. 29, 12. pp. 383, 384.]
Nov. 22.
Whitehall.
187. Council of Trade and Plantations to Governor Lord A. Hamilton. Acknowledge letters of Aug. 15th and 29th. As to what your Lordship writes, relating to the duties on prize goods, your Lordship will perceive by the Act for the encouragement of the trade to America, inclosed Oct. 26th, what has been done therein. The Assembly's pretence of a power to adjourn themselves without your leave, for a longer time than de die in diem, is altogether groundless. The Assembly being called, and sitting as an Assembly by virtue of H.M. authority, vested in your Lordship by Commissn. under the Broad Seal of this Kingdom, they ought not to assume a power never lodged or intended to be lodged to them; and therefore we doubt not but your Lordship will upon any future occasion of that nature assert H.M. Prerogative, and not allow of their adjourning themselves as aforesaid. We shall suddenly take into consideration the Acts relating to fees, and for quieting of possessions, and shall not fail of giving your Lordship our thoughts thereupon. We are very glad to find by your Lordship's letter Aug. 29th, that the Assembly met in so good a temper, and doubt not from your prudent management, but at their next meeting they will, as your Lordship believes, compleat their session to satisfaction. We think your Lordship has done well in rejecting the Cartel offered by the French, for the French may take more British prisoners than we take of theirs, yet as their Islands subsist during this war chiefly by privateering, the sending of the French prisoners to this Kingdom will be a greater loss and disappointment to them, than ye sending H.M. subjects to France, can be to H.M. Plantations. As to your Lordship's desire of having the nomination of persons to fill up vacancies in the Council, we shall always have a due regard to your Lordship's recommendation and the publick service. P.S. We have received ye broken seal your Lordp. mentions. [C.O. 138, 13. pp. 375, 376.]
Nov. 22.
Treasury Chambers.
188. Lord High Treasurer's Warrant directing H.M. Remembrancer to take Mr. Hyde's security (v. June 14). Signed, Oxford. Endorsed, Recd., Read Nov. 23, 1711. ½ p. [C.O. 5, 1264. No. 125; and 5, 1292. p. 329.]
Nov. 22.
Whitehall.
189. Council of Trade and Plantations to Lt. Governor Spotswood. Acknowledge letter of July 25 (=? 28). We are now to return an answer to that, and to your former letters of 6th and 20th of March, and Dec. 15, 1710. We have not yet had time to consider the Acts therein mentioned, but shall do it at the first opportunity. In the mean time you will perceive by our letter of April 13th last (duplicate whereof has been sent you) that H.M. has been pleased to repeal the Act pass'd in Oct. 1666 for declaring what is meant by seating of lands, so that Law being set aside, you are till further orders from H.M. to govern yourself in the granting of patents for lands by H.M. Instructions to you in that behalf. We have considered what you write in your letter of Dec. 15, (which is what you mean by Dec. 18th having none from you of that date) relating to the granting of lands on one side James's River, upon the ancient conditions of seating and planting. But as you have not explained to us what you mean by ancient conditions, we cannot lay that matter before H.M. If by ancient conditions you mean what was expressed in the repealed Act of 1666, we do not think it for H.M. service that any lands should be granted upon those terms, for the reasons set forth in our letter of April 13th. We have considered the rules prescribed by yourself and Council, relating to ye deciding differences between persons taking up the same tracts, or part of tracts of land, and have no objections thereunto. We are in expectation of the return from the Commissioners appointed to settle the boundaries between Carolina and Virginia, in order to our laying the same before H.M. for her pleasure therein. We have laid before my Lord Treasurer what you write in relation to the method of the selling the tobacco arising by quit-rents, and so soon as we shall know H.M. pleasure, we shall not fail of giving you timely notice thereof. You will have understood by our Secretary's letter of Jan. 29 and June 29 what was our opinion in relation to the working of the iron mines in Virginia. We are still of the same mind; and cannot think it for H.M. service or the advantage of this Kingdom (unless there be other reasons than do occur to us) that such a manufacture should be promoted in the Plantations. What you writ to my Lord Dartmouth in relation to the razure of the date of H.M. letter of licence to the Robinson frigat, was referred to us before receipt of your letter of July 25th, (= ? 28) whereupon having examined in the Secretary's office, we found an entry of H.M. said letter dated 18th Sept., 1708, in the 7th year of H.M. reign, whereas the copy is dated Feb. 18, 1709, in the 8th year of H.M. reign, so that it plainly appears that the word February the figure nine and the word eight (as you observe) have been razed, and accordingly we have reported our opinion. You mention an overture that had been made to you for altering the annual Quit-rents payable to H.M. into a fine; upon which we are of opinion the ancient method of annual Quit-rent is more for H.M. service. Your diligence in supplying Col. Hunter with the 700 barrils of pork you mention, is very commendable, but if you had inform'd us of the price of the said pork, and what mony you have been in disburse upon that account, we could have laid the same before my Lord High Treasurer. We agree with you that it is more for the service of the Plantations, to send home to this Kingdom such French prisoners as are there taken, than to exchange them in the West Indies, and therefore we cannot but approve of your sending the prisoners you mention to this Kingdom. [C.O. 5, 1363. pp. 370—373; and 5, 1335. pp. 150—155.]
[Nov. 23.] 190. Copy of bond entered into by Finch, Gandy and Simpson (v. Sept. 17). Endorsed, Recd. Read Nov. 23rd, 1711. 1 p. [C.O. 137, 9. No. 53.]
[Nov. 23.] 191. Copies of letters writ by Mr. Finch, and other papers relating to his case (v. Sept. 17, Nov. 21 etc.) Endorsed as preceding. 8 pp. [C.O. 137, 9. Nos. 54—58.]
Nov. 26.
Boston.
192. Col. Vetch, Governor of Annapolis, to the Council of Trade and Plantations. I have done myself the honour by severall opportunitys to acquaint your Lordships with the nature and state of Nova Scotia etc., though I have not been [? honour]ed with any return from your Lordships relating to the same, etc. In severalls of my former I informed your Lordships of the ferrtility of the soyle vast quantitys of minerals, particularly copper, lead and iron, and aboundance of verry fine marble of all colours, masts and navall stores to be had in plenty (of which I had cutt twenty from 18 to 26 inches, which being near the river-side were less expensive by much then the large ones which grow att a much greater distance, but these were all destroyed by the enemy during our late blockade), the vast plenty of fish and conveniency of harbours farr beyond Newfoundland. What I am now to lay before your Lordships is in my humble oppinion the most effectuall and easy way to make thiss a popolous and flourishing country. The first is: that your Lordships would be pleased to advise. H.M. to give as ane encouragement to all her protestant subjects of Brittan and Ireland who are willing to come over to settle in the cou[ntry] free transportation, tools and a twelve months subsistance as she was pleased to [? do for the] Palatines: which might be done without any great expense: for the masts ships cou[ld year ?]ly bring over 6 or 700 for a verry small consideration: and to make the [? matter] of their subsistance easy: all the men fitt to carry arms might be subsisted for [—] as a part of the garison: which would not only save H.M. their subsistance [? other]wise, but by exerciseing them twice a week teach them the use of arms and so make a good militia: for as it is unreasonable to suppose ever the garison to have any [? peace] or be capable to live upon their pay, while they are under almost a constant block[ade, as ?] they will ever be while Canada is not reduced: and no inhabitants in the Country save Roman Catholicks and savages yett more biggott then they: both of which notwithstanding all the oaths they cann take own themselves obliged to break them whenever the preis[ts] order them: and give them absolution as wee have already experienced: but if wee had once four or five hundred protestant familys setled in the nighbourhood of the garison as that would be a retreat and security for them: so no party could approach without their giving us intelligence of the same: whereas now not having one person in all the country our freinds: wee never know of the enimys approach untill they have done some mischeif: and if with the above supposed planters att first two able clergymen who [? underst]and french were sent over, I doubt not but by their means: and the veiu of interest many of them would become Protestants. The second thing I would humbly recommend, will be ane effectuall means to accomplish the former proposall: is to declare Annapolis Royall a free Port for all H.M. subjects and confederates to trade to. This, as it could no ways be prejudiciall to the entrest of either the Crown or subjects: so were it limited to seven or eleven years time, it would in one year after the expiration of that time be able to pay H.M. more revenue then it will doe in 20 as it now is, besides the vast advantage of peopleing the country and making it a known port and of considerable trade, and att the same time render it strong and secure from any insults of the enimy, etc. I must further begg your justice and favour in relation to the support of the garison itself: it having bein ordred by the Counsill of Warr (appoynted by H.M. and fully impowred by her Royall Instructions to doe everything that should be necessary for both the reduction and security of that garison when reduced) that 8 months' provisions should be immediatly putt into the garison for the number of troops appoynted for the same att H.M. charge (as is usual att Gibralter and other garisons in the enimy's countrys) before the expiration of which 8 months H.M. more particular commands was expected to the Governour of the said place, but none comming with relation to the same, and before the expiration of said time the garison being blockt up by land, oblidged the Governour (who was then commanded by H.M. especiall order to leave that Government to a Deputy and to come to Boston in New England, in order to take upon him the command of the American troops, who were raised to go by sea with Generall Hill against Canada) to cause the agent furnish the said garison with 8 months more provisions for the number of troops it then consisted of, which was judged absolutly necessary for the security of that place, during the absence of the fleet and army against Canada. For all which I had given the agent bills upon H.M. Treasury as well as for the necessary reparations of the garison with the particular accounts of the same signed by the Engineer and Clerk of the Works therewith transemitted, as are likewise the victualling accounts annexed to the bills for the same, none of which have as yet been accepted by my Lord Treasurer to the almost ruine of the agent and others concerned with him as well as the vast discredit of the publick and loss of every particular person upon the Brittish establishment, insomuch that bills upon the publick are here 20 p.c. worse then private bills. I earnestly therefor recommend it to your Lordships' serious consideration and intreat your favour with my Lord Treasurer that the bills drawn upon so important service with all possible vouchers accompanying them may be punctually payed. If there be any one article upon examination judged unreasonable, let an account of the same be transemitted over, and if all possible satisfaction be not given to the same, lett it be stopped out of the next bills, for the agent being allways 3 or £4000 in advance for the garison before ever the bills are drawn, he must be ruined if those bills lys six or eight months for acceptance, by which time he must be the like summ in advance before the first are accepted. And as it will be impossible the garison of Annapolis cann subsist without H.M. affording them provisions untill the country be both peaceable and better peopled, so unless the bills drawn for the same meet with a more punctuall acceptance and payment, it will be impossible for me to find any person to be agent for the same: and as I doe assure your Lordships I never drew for more then the effectives which the bills will make appear: there being 100 difference in 6 months time who dyed and deserted, which was a perquisite properly belonging to myself and the officers, yett I was resolved to be so just to the Crown as not to charge one man more then the effectives. The subsistance of the above I have hinted to my Lord Treasurer, but knowing his vast business will not allow him time to think upon such small matters, I must humbly intreat your favour and justice with regard to all the above premisses, and if their remains any difficulty either in the accounts or the above proposalls that your Lordships or the Ministry wants to be satisfied in, or with relation to the miscariage of the late Expedition, if your Lordships will obtain me H.M. leave to go to Brittain, hav[ing] now a Deputy Governour, I doubt not to give full satisfaction in every poynt, etc. Signed, Sam. Vetch. Endorsed, Recd., Read 24th April, 1712. Edges worn. 2¼ pp. [C.O. 217, 1. No. 1; and 218, 1. pp. 23—30.]
Nov. 26.
Treasury Chambers.
193. Mr. Lowndes to Mr. Popple. In reply to Nov. 13, the Lord Treasurer transmits enclosed for the consideration of the Lords Commissioners of Trade, and requests them to let him have a state of the affair relating to the Palatines, their numbers and the application of the £10,000 already paid to Col. Hunter for them; what agreement of promise was made on H.M. behalfe in relacon to their subsistence, together with their Lordps.' opinion what summs may be further necessary to advance for their subsistence before they begin to repay the publick by the produce of their labour in the manufacture of Naval stores. Signed, Wm. Lowndes. Endorsed, Recd. 27th, Read 28th Nov., 1711. Addressed. 1½ pp. Enclosed,
193. i. Earl of Clarendon to the Lord High Treasurer. Report upon two letters from Governor Hunter to the Earl of Dartmouth. I conceive it is your Lordp's. intent that I should give my opinion how farr I think it reasonable that the demand made by Col. Hunter of £15000 a year for two years for the subsistance of the Palatines etc. should be granted. Col Hunter in his letter of Oct. 13, 1710, says "I have setled the Palatines on Hudson's River etc.," but he not naming the place, I beg leave to acquaint your Lordp. that by letters I have lately recd. from New York he has setled them upon the lands of one Robert Levingston at a place called Rooloffe Jansen's Kill 110 miles above New York and 40 miles below Albany. It is most certain that great quantitys of pitch and tarr and other Navall stores may be brought from New York and some other of H.M. Collonys upon the Northern Continent of America much more than Britain can consume, and that might have been done as well without the Palatines as with them, had due encouragmt. been given; but I thinke it is unhappy that Col. Hunter at his first arrivall fell into soe ill hands, for this Levingston has been known many years in that Province for a very ill man, he formerly victualled the forces at Albany, in which he was guilty of most notorious frauds by which he greatly improved his estate, he has a mill and a brew house upon his land, and if he can get the victualing of those Palatines who are so conveniently posted for his purpose, he will make a very good addicon to his estate; and I am perswaded that the hopes he had of such a subsistence to be allow'd by H.M. were the cheife if not the only inducements that prevail'd with him to propose to Col. Hunter to setle them upon his land, which is not in the best place for pinetrees, the borders of Hudson's River above Albany, and the Mohacks River Schenectady are well known to be the best places for pines of all sorts both for numbers and largness of trees. Col. Hunter in his letter of Nov. 14, 1710 says, "I have with good husbandry saved as much out of their (the Palatines') allowance of 6d. and 4d. a day as will pay the officers' salarys and some part of the contingent charge, and as near as I can compute £15000 sterl. yearly for two years forward will be sufficient to compleat that great work. I have drawn bills on the Treary. for a quarter's subsistence, which I begg your Lordps. will please to recommend may be punctually complyed with, or that people must starve and I with them, and the most beneficiall scheme of wealth to the Nation that has been thought of in those latter times be nipt in the bud." The bills drawn by Col. Hunter for one quarters subsistance for 1764 adult at 6d. and 445 persons under age at 4d. a day in all making 2209 persons, and amounting to £4700 17s. 11d. seems to be computed according to the numbers that landed at New York in June 1710, which I think ought not to be, because its certain many of them are dead. It is most certain that no person that has his limbs, and will work can starve in that country, every man or woman above 15 years of age may earn 2s. 3d. New York money (wch. is 1s. 6d. sterl.) every day in the year except Sundays. Handycraftsmen, such as smiths, joyners, carpenters, masons and bricklayers may earn at least 5s. New York money every day they will work, so that nothing can bring those people into the danger of starving but willfull laziness. My Lord, upon the whole matter, I am of opinion that if the subsistence proposed is allowed, the consequence will be that Liveingston and some others will get estates, the Palatines will not be the richer, but will be confirm'd in that lazynesse they are already too prone to, besides they will very easily perswade themselves that the same interest that has obtain'd two years subsistance more than they expected when they were sent from Britain, will obtain two more, and soe on; I must begg leave to take notice that this beneficial scheme of wealth to the Nation is not new at this time, and that some years ago an Act of Parliament was passed for encouraging the exportation of naval stores from the Plantations, in that Act there was a reward promised for the importing such stores, but there was no fund appropriated for the payment of it, else that Act would have had a better effect then ten times the number of Palatines, etc. Signed, Clarendon. 2¾ pp. [C.O. 5, 1050. Nos. 30, 30 i.; and 5, 1122. pp. 458—464.]
Nov. 28.
St. Christophers.
194. Governor Douglas to the Council of Trade and Plantations. I cannot but lay hold on this opportunity of the Bridgewater merchant ship bound for London to repeat to your Lordships (the arrivall of the pacquets being so slow and uncertain) that I have taken all possible care to put the island in the best posture of defence, etc. I passed several useful bills into laws which the publick peace oblidged me to do to amuse these As-semblymen, tho' I much question if people under their misfortunes do deserve to be esteemed the Representatives of a country. I have in a great measure divided and broke the knot and body of the rebells, and have chose out a handful of this ill arm'd and almost unserviceable regiment to give some small assistance in putting H.M. commands in execution (especially hopeing the chief mutineers that might have prevented that horrid murder and the loss of so many subjects, who are sent for Great Britain, will meet with exemplary punishment) which I propose to use my utmost endeavours to do on the arrival of the next pacquet, that if possible all further charges might be saved from the Crown. I also reviewed the Militia at Mountserrat and summoned an Assembly there. I have also sat some time with the Assembly I called at Nevis, where I rectifyed the great disorders amongst their militia, and have thought it absolutely necessary to suspend one Milliken the Fort Major, not onely to do justice to the Assembly, whose enquiries run very high concerning the embezlements of the stores, but that I am well convinced he is the very reverse of such a person as is enjoin'd me by H.M. Instructions for such an office, and had John Butler, Lt. Col. of the Horse, sworne in his room, a man of honesty, courage and estate, and who was recommended to me by almost all the men of worth and experience in that Island. I also appointed Richard Abbott, being the eldest Colonel in this government, to be Brigadier General over these Islands, and humbly begg the Royal confirmation. In this Island I found their affairs had been long neglected and in great disorder. I have at length opened the Courts and established a due course of Justice amongst them, and passed a great many bills into Laws which will be laid before your Lordships with other accounts and transcripts with the first safe opportunity. I renewed Michael Lambert Esq. his commission (the Lt. Governor of this Island) as Major General of the Forces in those Islands, which is humbly begg'd to be confirmed by H.M., and since they have raised a small levy they begin to think of repairing their forts and platforms, and presume to inclose an account of what stores are cheifly wanting. They have begun to build some new churches and nothing is heard now but unanimity in their publick resolutions and all thoughts of daring any more to invade the Prerogative seem forgot, especially since the imprudence of one Cunningham is discovered, who has been lately a turbulent disturber of their Assemblys. He has the indiscretion to pretend a right by his wife, a French woman, to a certain plantation where it was formerly called the French quarter by a pretended grant of the late King William to one Mrs. Sulinave, tho' the Marquis d' Amblemont a subject of the French King's had purchased it from Sulinave's kinsman Monsieur L' Abadie and possessed it for some time. I therefore think it but justice towards the resettling and bringing more people upon the Island to approve of the advice of both Council and Assembly to suffer as many poor people as desire it to settle upon it and improve it for the present; our constant and hearty prayers are, that H.M. sacred Majesty may retaine the intire sovereignty of this fruitfull Island after the peace, without which it will prove very hard for H.M. subjects to continue their settlements and vie with a powerfully supported neighbour by reason of their having been so often harrassed and destroyed by the most inhumane manner of making warr which is still practised on this side the Tropick. The Council and Assembly presses me very hard to pass a Bill to lay a tax of 20 pound weight of gunpowder upon every tun of sugar shipp'd from hence to Nevis, which I have thought unreasonable, and shall not offer anything of so extraordinary a nature without directions from your Lordships. We are comforted with the hopes of a very good crop of sugar in all the Islands. By private intelligence and intercepted letters, Martinique is in a starving condition for want of provisions. I have received George Liddell and George Millward Esqs. into the Council of this Island, two very worthy gentlemen, in the room of two that were superannuated and infirm. The Islands suffer by having so few freeholders, many of the most considerable planters and traders not being qualifyed to be chosen Assemblymen, this makes their attendance the more expensive and troublesome besides other inconveniencies. A poor handful of Dutch settled at St. Eustatia are intollerable neighbours by protecting our negroes, deserters from the regiment and all malefactors who fly thither from justice, they also pretend to be masters of half the little Island of St. Martin's, another nest of French privateers and thieves. I humbly begg your Lordships' orders in this particular, if at least I might make reprisals to bring them to know their duty to the neighbouring subjects of that Sovereign by whose clemency they are suffered to settle in any part of H.M. Dominions. The poor people are transported with the liberty and protection I give them in their settling the French part of this Island (as it was formerly called), and these few of H.M. subjects that inhabit some of the lesser Islands in a roving course of life will soon be drawn to unite in strengthening this Island upon very small encouragement. Having received some very good intelligence that the French design to reattaque Mounserrat, I am resolved to embarque for that Island to-morrow, to make all possible defence if the storme should really fall there, which has cheifly its natural situation to trust unto. Signed, Walter Douglas. Endorsed, Recd., Read Feb. 12, 17 11/12. 3 pp. Enclosed,
194. i. List of Stores wanting in St. Kitts. Same endorsement. 1 p.
194. ii. Address of the Council and Assembly of Nevis to Governor Douglas. Our great misfortunes by the enemy in 1706, by the hurricane in 1707, and by two years of drought since, having rendred us unable to do for ourselves as we before did, pray H.E.'s good offices in procuring a grant of stores of war from H.M., enumerated. " These things being highly necessary, and we being not able to raise a fund for buying them, wee depend on H.M. bounty for them." Same endorsement, 1¼ pp. [C.O. 152, 9. Nos. 100, 100 i., ii.; and (without enclosures) 153, 11. pp. 430–435.]
Nov. 29.
Whitehall.
195. Council of Trade and Plantations to the Queen. Walter Hamilton, Lt. General of the Leeward, has informed us (v. July 17) that the Lt. Governor of Antego had disputed the Lieut. General's sitting in the Councill of that Island, he not being named in your Majesty's Instructions (to the Governor in Cheif) as one of that Councill. Upon which we humbly represent to your Majesty, that the said Hamilton having the honour of your Majesty's Commission to be Lieut. General of all your Majesty's Leeward Islands, we are humbly of opinion that it is but reasonable, and for your Majesty's service that he be admitted into the Councills of each respective Island, and that in the absence of the Captain General, he do preside in the Councills as he does command in cheif there. [C.O. 153, 11. pp. 407.]
[Nov. 29.] 196. Duplicate of H.M. Order granting Mr. Hodges leave of absence, Ap. 2, 1709 (v. Dec. 11). Endorsed, Recd. Nov. 29, Read Dec. 11, 1711. 1 p. [C.O. 28, 13. No. 75; and 29, 12. p. 393.]
[Nov. 29.] 197. Henry Newman to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Governor Dudley has represented the great difficulty he is under to procure a quorum for H.M. Council in New Hampshire, by reason of the great age of some, and the indisposition of others. Recommends John Wentworth for Councillor, he having one of the best estates in that Province and loyal to H.M. Endorsed, Recd. Nov. 29, Read Dec. 3, 1711. ¾ p. [C.O. 5, 865. No. 72; and 5, 913. p. 362.]
Nov. 29.
Whitehall.
198. Council of Trade and Plantations to the Earl of Dartmouth. Enclose extract from Lt. Governor Spotswood's letter of Oct. 15 relating to the rising of the Tuscaruro Indians, to be laid before H.M. [C.O. 5, 1363. p. 382; and 5, 1335. p. 158.]
Nov. 30.
Whitehall.
199. The Earl of Dartmouth to the Council of Trade and Plantations. Encloses following. Signed, Dartmouth. Endorsed, Recd. 1st, Read 3rd Dec., 1711. 1 p. Enclosed,
199. i. Report of the Board of Ordnance upon the proposed (v. Nov. 20) exchange of defective powder in Virginia. In June 1702, in pursuance of H.M. Order in Council, 80 barrels of powder, with other stores were sold for the use of that Colony, and paid for by the Agent thereof to the Treasurer of the Ordnance. What quantity of that powder remains, there does not appear to us, and we are humbly of opinion that if it be decayed, it is for want of care in keeping of it, and that it would be a very ill president to cause such powder to be exchanged, after it has been sold, and sent abroad so many years. Office of Ordnance. Nov. 29, 1711. Copy. 1¼ pp. [C.O. 5, 1316. Nos. 73, 73 i.; and (without enclosure) 5, 1363. p. 384.]