Cecil Papers: August 1594 | British History Online

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 4, 1590-1594. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1892.

Citation:

'Cecil Papers: August 1594', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 4, 1590-1594, ed. R A Roberts( London, 1892), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol4/pp575-601 [accessed 16 November 2024].

August 1594



	Officers of the Port of Southampton to Lord Burghley.
1594, Aug. 1.	As to the refusal of one Rowse, a French merchant, to give bond for the employment of 10l. on every tun of wine lately sold. They had placed a lock on the door of the cellar, but on an execution out of the Mayor's Court of Southampton, one King, by a letter of attorney from certain “Scotts,” had caused the door to be lifted out of the hooks, and had placed a man in possession.—Southampton, 1 Aug. 1594.
	Signed :—Fr : Smythe, colle ctor; Jno. Capelin, comptroller.
	1 p.
	Sir Henry Lee to Sir Robert Cecil.
1594, Aug. 2.	As to a house at Greenwich, belonging to the office of the armoury, held by himself, for his under-officer to dwell in, which had been intruded upon by one Carre, an inferior clerk of Her Majesty's household.—“Quaryngton,” 2 Aug. 1594.
1594, Aug. 2.	Signed. 1 p.
	Dr. Ce. Parkins to Sir Robert Cecil.
1594, Aug. 3.	There is one thing concerning my last employment to Praga remaining in suspense. The Emperor gave her Majesty to understand that, at my being at Praga, he sent into Spain of purpose to exhort that King to a general pacification for the good of Christendom, as he had then exhorted her Majesty. It was consequent in honour that her Majesty should in due time have been certified of the effect thereof. Now my motion is, that I who brought the message should write to some fit man about the Emperor (for Curtius is dead), complainiug that though her Majesty hath no cause to esteem of the hostility of the King of Spain, yet in all honour her Majesty might look to be certified of that which the Emperor so earnestly gave her to understand. It is not unlikely that an occasion of some honourable action might grow thereby, especially the Turkish forces and successes daily increasing in Hungary. I have begun a suit to my good lord, your Father, for my preferment, wherein I most earnestly beseech you to assist me. The matter is that now after 5 years' proof I may be admitted to her Majesty's service. I have been twice employed beyond the seas with good effect. And these 4 years I have been used extraordinarily for Latin despatches of the Dutch, the Easterlings and other strangers. My suit is that I may do with order what I do already extraordinarily, with some ability for my convenient maintenance, the which easily, without public charge or offence, may be yielded me by reason of divers spiritual livings which are to be disposed of.—London, from Mr. Al. Kadclifîv's house, 3 Aug. 1594.
1594, Aug. 3.	Signed. ¾ p.
	M. Moody to Mr. Thomas More.
1594, August 3/13.	Your letter of the 18 July I received, wherein you desire me to consider the grounds which were laid, which I do assure you I am not unmindful of them, but yet so much discouraged in the proceeding of them as there is nothing to hold me in the course of them but the duty I owe to her Majesty and the love and promise I made to Mr. Vice-Chamberlain, for I know (too well) the hard opinions which are daily put into her Majesty's head of me; but if the little wit I have be able to judge of anything, then I do say her Majesty is in a very dangerous course for her person, for hopes there is that one of these three will take place very shortly; her Majesty's death, the King of Scots to be drawn an enemy, or some of the competitors to make himself great. A fourth course there is which I understand not as yet, which is their last refuge, and therefore (I say) in my opinion, her Majesty might do well to seek the amity of this honourable prince by sending some to congratulate his coming in to these parts, as the like was done to Don John and to the Duke of Parma, for that I hold him to be a man very virtuous and much desiring a quietness in the state of Christendom; but at the least (I assure myself) by that means her Majesty should be free from all secret practices and getting herself a most honourable report if she could be contented to step a little farther. My meaning herein I shall lay open, if it please her to command me, and in the meantime look well to the back door that Bacon, your Lord Keeper, was want to warn you of, for Father Gordon, the Jesuit, came late from the Pope, and must work the King of Scots “ad omnia quare.” Besides, I pray you let her Majesty's pots in the kitchen be well skimmed, for cooks may be knaves as well as other christian men. Besides, you may not forget to have an eye more than ordinary to the Isle of Wight, for you have more ill neighbours coming to Brittany who mean to visit that place shortly. The Due de Maine is arrived here—men and money is that he seeketh, which he shall have. It is reported here that Marshal de “Berome” and the Count “Sweson” are joined with the League, and that the Due de Nemours is scaped out of Lyons, and that the King of France will be much troubled when the forces of Italy come, which are now upon their way. We hold for certain that Cardinal Allen will come presently into these parts. Count Mansfield and his son are gone to his government, not well pleased with the humours here. Craton, the Jesuit, and his confederates do feed themselves with more than hope that the King of Scots will turn to the Pope, but Bruste (?) is much displeased for that the Jesuits have taken the management of the Scots' affairs into their own hands. And so for this time I leave you, to hold me always faithful though never so poor.—Brussels, 13 Aug. '94.
	The words underlined are in cipher, and also the signature.
	1 p.
	Earl of Lincoln to Lord Burghley.
1594, Aug. 4.	Your comfort in sending to me by Mr. Hycks in these my grievous afflictions and weakness of body and mind, is better to me than all my physic, yet my grief and sore doth and ever will stick by me for that I know not how to satisfy or purge myself from this horrible infamy which her Majesty, her honourable Council, my country is possessed of, till you shall either enforce the plaintiffs to prove their complaints in some judicial court, or give me leave to commence some action against them for their slanders—which if you grant, in respect that they are maintained by my great and mighty adversaries (especially joining together in the country) as Sir Ed. Dymmock, Mr. John Savile, Mr. Armyn, Hussy Askew, and others, who knowing that I have good proof of more heinous matters against them, do practise by their substitutes to raise up and provide for every Sunday, whilst I am here, new matters to fill their ears with false slanders of purpose to stay me here—which, since the plaintiffs are never sworn to, nor they enforced to prove, nor I admitted to take the ordinary course of law to disprove, may be continued so long before the truth shall appear, that my grave shall first end my pain and griefs, and so the infamy remain behind me. I pray you, therefore, to prefer my suit to their lordships, for that some poor people are only sent up to move pity, and such as are fittest to exclaim with most audacity according to the instructions given them by those principal persons that are their ringleaders, that I may have leave to try the truth in some court of justice with the principal captains and stirrers of the rest, who have gathered great sums of money to maintain these suits, besides the help had privily from Sir Ed. Dymock, etc. I shall not trouble the poorer sort, except it be to use their depositions; will willingly pay their reasonable charges or procure your favour for them to sue or answer in forma pauperis, and be also content to remit all punishment and advantages, save only against those principal, persons which you shall allow me to take my remedy against.—4 Aug., 1594.
1594, Aug. 4.	Holograph. 1 p. closely written.
	Sir William Cornwallis to Sir Kobert Cecil.
1594, Aug. 5.	For a bridling cast, I cannot choose but cumber you with these few lines, moved by remembrance of the speech of my familiarity with Charles Arundel. At meals it is true we met many times, but in secret discourse never in my life, and the last appointment of meeting, and the last of seeing him almost, was in Islington Fields, where I stayed 2 hours to attend him upon appointment, he and I having fallen out the night before at Charterhouse at cards, and he having, out of good claret and wine and sugar, given me evil words : where, after long attendance, comes a messenger and brings me word he would not fight, except I would ride ten miles out of the town with him—so was it discovered to his and my friends, and he contented to say he was sorry for the evil words, and we were made friends. And this, Sir, of my faith to God, as I remember, was the last conference or conversation I had with him. But I rather mistrust the Queen would have meant another, a living man, Sir, in whose company, indeed, I was much, and for whose company in times past she hath blamed me : boys we were at school, big boys in Cambridge, and courtiers we met together, crost by the might and mislike of one man dead, which made us like one another the better; but, Sir, for many years last past we have met seldom by choice, and whensomever by chance, well, we may break a jest together, but else no greater matter of our minds, for though I have found his company wise and pleasant, yet not lucky. I beseech you, if occasion at any time bring the scruple of my familiarity or privateness with that man in question with the Queen, discharge me with this discovered truth and plainness to you. And, Sir, hold me, I pray you, in your good opinion, for I am resolved ever to deserve it as much as I can. Taking my leave of you from Highgate, and taking my leave of Highgate, 5 Aug. 1594.
1594, Aug. 5.	Signed, 1½ pp.
	Mr. Vice-Chamberlain (Heneage) to Sir Robert Cecil.
1594, Aug. 5.	It is true that I have received letters from Mr. Barton, craving her Majesty's goodness to answer such sums as he hath laid out for her service (as he writeth), but I never in my life did advertise him that her Majesty would pay any such money. I confess that I have written to him how I would deal with her Majesty to shew her gracious goodness to him herein. Touching my privity to her Majesty's liberality to him, her Highness, I am sure, hath given him 400l., which was disbursed by the General Receiver of the Duchy by warrant. More than this I never knew he had.—At Copthall, 5 Aug., 1594.
1594, Aug. 5.	Signed. ½ p.
	Henry Brooke to Sir Robert Cecil.
1954, Aug. 5.	Intreated by Mr. Charrayd, prays his favour on behalf of the customary tenants of Chramister, a manor of the Queen's in Dorsetshire. The cause is to be heard this afternoon before my Lord Treasurer.—5 Aug., 1594.
1954, Aug. 5.	Holograph Seal. 1 p.
	— to the Queen.
1594, Aug. 5/15.	L'esloigneinent du Roy n'ouvre que trop le chemin à-l'Espagnol d'entreprendre sur ceste province, et le mauvais ordre qui s'y retrouve l'y pousse encores plus. C'est pourquoi Monsieur le Prince de Conty, par avis du Conseil iaisé à Paris, et recongnoistrant l'affection que vostre Majesté a tousjours porte à la conservation de ce Royaume, vous depesche, Madame, le Sieur Chevallier, pour vous supplier tres hnmblement l'y vouloir apporter le secours que vostre Majesté peult. Il luy fera entendre plus particulierement sa charge, à laquelle ne pouvant adjouster que ma supplication, je le vous fay tres humble, Madame, de vouloir regarder cette pauvre province de yostre œul favorable, l'obligeant s'il vous plait et sa Majesté de ce secours, à l'effet duquel je participerai particulierement, Madame, pour vous rendre toute ma vye aussi fidel service que vostre Majesté le peult attendre.—A Corbye, le xv^e Aoust.
1594, Aug. 5/15.	Holograph. 1¼ pp.
	Treasurer for the Wars in the Low Countries.
1594, Aug. 6.	Warrant under the sign manual addressed to the Lord Treasurer, reciting that Sir Thomas Sherley was appointed by letters patent of 27 Feb. [1586/7], to have 26s. 8d. by the day for himself as Treasurer for the wars in the Low Countries, and 10s. by the day for an under-treasurer, and for three paymasters 6s. 8d. the piece, with the allowance of portage after the rate of 10l. in the 1,000l. for money coming into his hands for the service of the Low Countries, and directing that these payments shall now cease and that, instead, Sir Thomas Sherley, or the Treasurer for the time being, shall have allowance of 20s. only by the day for himself and 6s. 8d. for the under-treasurer, and 5s. the piece for 3 paymasters, and that the charge of the portage shall wholly cease, certain merchants of the City of London, of the Company of the Merchant Adventurers in the Low Countries, having been ordered to take the charge by way of exchange to deliver all the moneys to be expended in the Low Countries for the soldiers, without transporting any moneys of the realm, answering nevertheless for every pound sterling the sum of 34s. 9d. Flemish. Also, Sir Thomas Sherley, while having the payment of the forces in Brittany, shall have 13s. 4d. by the day for his under-treasurer in Brittany and for 3 clerks 2s., the piece, and to receive for the portage of the treasure sent out of England into Brittany or paid by exchange 10l. for the 1,000l. The whole to take effect from 20 July last past.—Greenwich, Aug. 6, 1594.
1594, Aug. 6.	1¼ pp.
	Defence of Plymouth.
1594, Aug. 6.	Memorandum of a letter to the Earl of Bath relative to the defence of Plymouth. “We have of late time given order to have the same town fortified by building of a fort there, whereunto we ourselves have yielded some good contribution, and have also limited a portion of money to be taxed upon strangers that carry fish out of our realm, and have also caused our council at sundry times to write unto you and to other the principal gentlemen of that country, neighbours to the said town of Plymouth, to yield some contribution of their good will to that charge which shall be for their own defence, wherein although you have given some good example by your own contribution, yet we understand this matter is much neglected universally by the gentlemen, merchants and rich sort of that country, having given little or nothing thereunto, by want whereof the said fortification proceedeth very slowly.” He is to obtain the assent of the Deputy lieutenants and others to a present contribution, giving some example themselves first of their honest disposition herein, and to procure a collection to be made presently of sundry sums of money rateably according to the ability of the persons. The necessity of a guard of 500 men to reside in the town till the completion of the fort, and the necessary steps to be taken for their regulation, pay and support, to which the country should also be moved to contribute. A book to be made containing the names of the contributors, “whereby we may both see how you shall have executed this our direction, and what hope we may have to have the fort finished this summer, having also for more execution hereof imparted our mind to our trusty and well-beloved servant Sir Francis Drake.”
	Endorsed :—“6 of May. M. of a letter to the Earl of Bath—Plymouth—void.” [Cf. Cal. of S. P. Dom. 1591–94, p. 538.]
	4 pp.
	Richard Carmarthen to [Sir Robert Cecil.]
1594, Aug. 9.	I am humbly to crave your Honour's favour to Sir John Norreys for his warrant unto Captain Mooerton, for the discharge of my next neighbour his son, who is by malice of his neighbours pressed to be one of his band. His name is Richard Elles. I humbly crave pardon so boldly to trouble your honour herein, but I am so earnestly entreated by the young man's father, being a very old man, and this youth is the staff of his age. He is already gone to be shipped, and therefore requireth the more speed.—Chiselhurst, the 9th of August, 1594.
1594, Aug. 9.	Holograph.
	Richard Carmarthen to Sir Robert Cecil.
1594, Aug. 12.	Thanking him for his letters to Captain “Mooerton” who “thereupon discharged my neighbour's son, but not without first paying 40s.; whereat we do not grudge, but he very much, for he made account to reap a great sum by him. And to that end he was appointed a soldier and others more with us, to help to pay odd debts of his captains.”—London, 12 Aug. 1594.
1594, Aug. 12.	Holograph. Seal. ½ p.
	Thomas Darques to Sir Robert Cecil.
1591, Aug. 12.	Appealing for help. The Master of the prison will no longer give him food; protests he must die of hunger; has not had .a penny for 6 weeks; nor a change of shirt; and his dress is in rags.—[From the Gatehouse], 12 Aug., 1594.
1591, Aug. 12.	French. Holograph. Seal. 1 p.
	Confession of Stephen Whyte.
1594, Aug. 15.	“For the discharge of my conscience, and not in regard of any man's favour, but only to avoid the torments of the torture, lest by the rigour thereof I might endanger both soul and body, written with my own hand, the 14th of August 1594.”
	Confesses acquaintance with Adrian Delange for some 2 years, who was privy to the conveying and receipt of letters from Whyte to the enemy, as also to Whyte's manner of writing as well with milk as with ink. Whyte declares he received letters addressed to Jaques Behahile and William Stephens. That Delange had passed by Whyte's means by passport one Joviers, one Joillet, one Keymes or Kemishe, and another. The number might be found at the office at “Middleborowe,” Delange having said he had passed some twenty English by the name of Smythe. Whyte's acquaintance with Adrian “grew by Modye.” For the friend in the house that was meant by some servant of Lady Hungerford's. For Whyte's advice for Maistricke, as soon as he heard our people had sailed, he wrote Barley advice that it should be surprised, but his letters being long before they went he wrote another little pamphlet, and put into the letter, of the order how it should have been surprised, and that it was Barley wrote was well liked, thinking by the antedate Whyte had good intelligence. This Whyte did to draw money from Mons. de Juge. Towards “Vlishinge” there was never any speech of pretence to do aught but to practise the poisoning of the artillery at Bargen or elsewhere, which was never done. Used to write Modye under cover and name of “Jan Janeson” at Antwerp. Advertisement was received from Modye touching the surprising of Bargen or Hulste. Adrian Delange passed Harrington, a Jesuit priest, afterwards hanged in England, and one Barvis, a Jesuit. The contents of Whyte's letters to Burley were to surprise some ship of “Vlishinge” or “Middle-borowe,” and to bring the same to “Sluce.” Protests, touching Grave Maurice's person, or any of the States, or towards any of their towns, “that he meant” the execution of any of the exploits mentioned, but only to draw money from the enemy.—Confession made at Flushing, and delivered to Capt. Browne, for Sir Edmond Udall, lieut.-governor.
	Also a confession of his “proceedings with John Modye for these two years,” made on 12 Aug. He declares that Moody engaged him to give information, dealt with him by his letters for the poisoning of the States' artillery at Grartamberge or Bargen or elsewhere, not Flushing, and to surprise some Dutch ship of Middelburg; and for his better security sent him two passports, “and Lawrence Mynter of the Count Mansfield's.” Whom he made privy to the taking of the ship besides Mynter was Foultroope, etc.
	Whyte was “had to the rack” on 9 August, when he confessed that Adrian Delange knew he conferred with the enemy.
	On 15 August Adrian Delange was examined on Whyte's confession in Whyte's presence. Delange denied the greater part, but Whyte persisted in his statements.
	10 pp. or parts of pp.
	The Mayor of Plymouth to Sir Robert Cecil.
1594, Aug. 16.	As to two civet cats, in connexion with which a Mr. Watts is mentioned, in reply to Cecil's letter of 30 July.—Plymouth, 16 Aug., 1594.
1594, Aug. 16.	Holograph. 1 p.
	A Visit to Italy.
1594, Aug. 16.	The examination of Nicholas Flute of Dartmouth taken before two Justices of the Peace, Richard Sparry and Thomas Reynell. Wishing to see the countries abroad, and a ship going from Dartmouth to “Shepetaveige” [Civita Vecchia], he agreed to go in it, on the condition that “if he should deserve his meat and drink by his labour he should have it free, or otherwise his father should pay for it.” From “Shepetavege,” 30 English miles from Rome, he went to see Rome on foot, with four Merchants of “Hanaborowe “and “Danske,” and there stayed 6 days, in which time came to him one Francis Tooker, merchant of Exeter, who lieth in that country in trade of merchandize, and told him that Gilbert Smith, merchant of Exeter, was fallen sick in Rome. Smith had been his companion on board the ship and had followed him to Rome. With Smith they found an Englishman of 50 years of age, a short thick man with a whiteish beard, who had been in Naples or thereabouts a soldier; with whom Flute had very few words. There came to Smith also one “Alphansius,” the son of an Italian, but born in London, which Alphansius attended Smith in his sickness, with whom Flute had no conference : and spent his time there the said six days, in which time he went about to see the Church of St. Peter and other places in the city, and saw many workmen building of the said Church and of the Pope's Palace; and saw in a new church there the Pope, attended with many Cardinals and others, and saw him bless as he went in the Church. He saw four or five young men go in the streets in black gowns and cornered caps, which were said to him to be Englishmen of a College there; but what they were he heard not, neither had he any words with them. He heard of Dr. Allen, the Cardinal, but saw him not, as far as he knew. He denied utterly that in all that voyage he delivered or carried out or received or brought home any message, letter or intelligence or any print at all, saving the “plots” of the said Church and other places in Rome, which he bought there, being printed and in shops to be sold. And so returned to the ship at “Shepetavage,” leaving Smith in Rome. He found two English friars aboard who, he understood, had been there banqueted according to their manner : one of them born near Newgate in London, a man of mean stature, somewhat thick, a black head and black beard, and between 30 and 40 years; the other born in the North, of like age and stature to the other, a yellow beard and blackish head. They said they served in the country about Rome and wanted nothing. He heard one of them say that he prayed for the Queen, but it was that God would turn her heart, and that he hoped once to come into England again, and other speeches he heard, “neither of them use towards the Queen or this country.” On the morrow after he came aboard one of the friars departed. Before the departure of the other Smith came from Rome and came aboard, which was 5 or 6 days. He saw the friar that tarried, the Northern man, to talk with Smith and one William Luscombe, master in the ship, and his mate named John Bremingham, of Dartmouth, and others. On the morrow the Northern Friar departed. The friar lay abroad and not aboard. Smith had letters to carry from merchant to merchant. To be rid of the friars they made a small collection and gave them, and so were rid of them.—Devon, 16 Aug., 1594.
1594, Aug. 16.	Not signed. 1 large p.
	“Filippe Cursin” to Sir Robert Cecil.
1594, Aug. 17.	Requesting the examination of Capt. Davies as to what became of certain bags of pepper landed at Sandridge Key in Devon.—London, 17 Aug., 1594.
1594, Aug. 17.	Signed. ½ p.
	M. Cheverny to the Earl of Essex.
1594, Aug. 19/29.	Protests his desire to serve him, and thanks him for the Earl's recommendation to him on behalf of the English merchants, to whom all justice shall be done that they can hope for; to which he gives his hand as a thing that is the King's intention.—From Paris, 29 August, 1594.
1594, Aug. 19/29.	Holograph. French. 1 p.
	Jo. Colvill to Sir Robert Cecil.
1594, Aug. 20.	My honourable Lord and “Meçenas”: By the enclosed, the one from him whom I have set loose for the papist course, the other from Mr. Murray, one of the honestest gentlemen in our land, and whom your courtesy has confirmed in his former good affection to her most gracious Majesty's service, both declaring the “emula^ons” and lurking malice in our Court, which no doubt will suddenly after this baptism fall out to some notable disaster. The 10 hereof Bothwell went in to Leith, and from thence he rode to Fife and Athol, Ochiltry being with him in company. He has two purposes in labouring, the one with the Duke of Lennox, who finding the Queen and himself in great danger by means of the Chancellor and “GM” and their faction, is contented, as I hear, to hazard for expelling the said Chancellor and inbringing of Bothwell. for which cause Bothwell has carried with him 1,000 crowns to give Lennox for entertaining about him some men for that effect more nor his ordinary “tryne,” that he may after this baptism, at some convenient time, do as he did the 24 July 1593, and the Duke of Lennox has promised to draw Marr to consent hereunto. This feeling the other purpose is because the King hunts his “bukkis” in “Falkland at graise” time. The captain of that house has promised “us” any morning we please to draw him out with the huntsmen only to any part of the wood we please to hide ourself into. These two purposes, if insecrecy hurt us not (which, alas, defeats us many good purposes) are very likely, whereof secretly I thought good to advertise you, to the end our Court were not supported till first it be seen what end our projects and emulations among themself shall take, and next if the King will deal sincerely against these Papists or not. It is true that Tho. Fowles has written home to the King very hardly of certain noblemen there; chiefly of my lord, your honourable Father, of my Lord Cumberland and of yourself, which letter the 16 hereof was read before a dozen of persons at Stirling by his Majesty's self. It is ill to be cozened, but it is worse to be mocked. Other matters after my ordinary form I have written to faithful Nicodemus.—20 Aug. 1594.
	[P.S.]—I have herewith sent my alphabet to remain with you. I look that the Chancellor shall be very soon “caffin (?).” I beseech you consider well of the message last sent up by Forrett touching Bothwell, and to inform me how I shall behave myself therein if he be not heard, for I am specially and only her Majesty's servant before all living. The King of kings disable or confound all her foes.
	The names in italic are in cipher. Holograph, Seal. 2 pp.
	Dr. Ch. Parkins to Sir Robert Cecil.
1594, Aug. 20.	Asks for preferment to some living without cure, so that he might conveniently attend to service, “for so I see it is used both here and in all other Estates.” Has sincerely left the rest of the world for her Majesty's service, in divers parts, whereof he has been accounted of, and might have been at will. His time hath been spent in books and practice of upright politic affairs. Has now these five years (the tenth of his life) been here in probation, wholly attending to the occasions of her Majesty's good service, avoiding all other means whereby he might have been distracted from the same, readily performing what hath been committed unto him, and patiently sustaining what he has not deserved, imprisonment, suspicion without cause, blame and almost reproach for dutiful service, wherefore in all honourable and gracious dealing he may worthily hope not to be ever neglected. Sees in the records it hath been usual to have two Latin Secretaries, the elder for countenance, the other for labour.—London, from Mr. Alderman Radcliffe's House, 20 Aug., 1594.
1594, Aug. 20.	Signed. 1 p.
	Lord Mountjoy to Sir Robert Cecil.
1594, Aug. 20.	I pray you give me leave sometime to write unto you, when I have no other occasion to trouble you but to remember myself and my love unto you, etc.—Portsmouth, 20 Aug., 1594.
1594, Aug. 20.	Holograph. ½ p.
	Spanish Ambassador at Ratisbon to Don Juan Idiaques.
1594, Aug. 20/30.	As your Excellency's letter of the 2nd of May is answered by others of mine, I have nothing to say to your Excellency than that I kiss your hands for all you are pleased to say in it. I am very tired and hardworked in this Diet, both from having had to work hard in it, and because I have got on very badly in this city, for as it is on the Danube it is very damp, so that I have been obliged to go about always in a chair, for I cannot walk a step. But this cannot excuse me from banqueting and wine-drinking, and that you may form some idea of my share of this expense, it will be sufficient to state that in this Diet 5,000,000 florins have been spent on wine in less than three months. While the Turk is harassing us on the farthest frontiers of Germany, of those who do the largest share in drinking the wine, not a man is to be found to go to the rescue. From these disorders my purse is in a very impoverished condition and unless the King our master deigns to grant me some assistance towards this expense I shall be ruined. Two matters of the business of the King our master have been treated of here, with what success your Excellency will see both from the letters and from the summary of the Proceedings of the Imperial Diet which I have sent to His Majesty; and all that occurs to me to add, that your Excellency may tell the King, is that His Majesty must know that for many days back the reputation of his greatness and power has not had much standing in Germany, because the events in Paris, combined with these which have since then taken place in Flanders and France, have so influenced this negotiation, that not only our enemies laugh at the Marquis de Aure and myself, but the friends that are left us, and they are few enough, have not dared to appear in public, for the cry has been to destroy us altogether; wherefore I cannot, consistently with the loyalty I owe His Majesty, refrain from most humbly beseeching him to come to some resolute determination on his affairs, and give orders for rigorous and speedy execution, for through deficiency on some points these two matters have given such shameless effrontery to his rebellious subjects and tacit enemies, and these are even in greater number, that they publicly argue and say that he who does not send money where there is such urgent need of it as in Flanders, cannot have any, and he who does not send assistance to places that are of so much importance to him, must be unable to do so. I relate these disgraceful sayings because I think it just the King should know them, that he may give orders for their remedy as shall seem best to him, and I will conclude on this point by saying that His Majesty should most vigorously attend to the affairs of Flanders, for it may be that this embassy, full as it is of futilities, may bear some fruit, for at last it has been contrived to interest the Emperor in the matter of the King of the Romans, which up to now we had not been able to do. By my letter to His Majesty he will see how simple the matter now lies, though for my part I have not been able to do more than to bring it to such a state that the Emperor can name to-morrow anyone he pleases without its costing him a single coin; the rest, that is the carrying the affair into execution, must lie with him, and the will to do it God must inspire him with. To me he has said that he will do it, and as far as his words are concerned I cannot complain, for they are very favourable, but I see no result; and of a man who does not do what he can towards that which he says he desires, I cannot but believe that he does not desire it, and therefore I am of opinion that his cold steel is much preferable, and that he will never while he lives name a king of the Romans, for they tell me he has said that if we wish to make him name one it is only in order to take empire from him afterwards, and that he suspects that the King our master has his eye upon the Archduke Ernest to marry him to Her Highness the Infanta; and I am also told that he has given ear to Lelio Espanos, who died lately and who was brother to one who serves the King our master as engineer, whom he sent secretly to the Duke of Florence, under the pretext of his being a man skilled in fortification, to propose to him a marriage with his niece, with two millions in gold, and that the title of King of Tuscany should be given him; and although no determination has been come to as regards these matters, I am informed that the opinion of Vice-Chancellor Curcio, who will be all-powerful in Tuscan affairs, will be that the title of king, which should be given him,—but after the death of the King our master, in order not to break his promise (and for that time as I pray God it may never come)—must have some design in the affairs del final, for he does not wish to take any determination in these matters. And as to the marriage, I know he has asked if they would be much shocked in Spain if he married someone else. I do not wish to cause irritation in these matters, but loyalty and conscience will not allow me to be silent. I have now been here 13 years and two months, and in all that time I can see nothing substantial that has been done in the service of the King our master, rather has every obstacle been put in his way; his favour is of no avail to anyone, not even to his own affairs, for in those of the final (?) and visanzin nothing is known; the patents for the levies (levas) are now openly refused; nothing remains but fair words with no result. They treat me in such a manner that if I were to do to them the thousand things they do to me I should leave the Court; I do not know with whom the fault lies, certainly not with me. The Emperor says it does not lie with him, yet what I say is true; as is also that on the Emperor returning from Prague, echa dicta co con Importalle tanto se quedo bolver 20 vezes que come quien enciera un toro, le hunieran de encerras aca les suyos. When I think of what goes on here I almost go out of my mind, for there is no money, no counsel, no reparation, and failing all these things, the Empire is in con fusion and full of religious dissensions, with the Turk with 200,000 men conquering a land 14 leagues from Vienna, which is the last on the frontier, and with all these victories banquets and festivities are going on. Please God that it may last. The Empress has much recommended to me the affair of the King of the Romans and I, through not having audience with her, cannot say what has passed, but your Excellency can do so if the King our master gives permission. For all the negotiations above-mentioned there will have been spent less than 3,000 scudi of the 30,000 ducats which the King our master ordered to be sent me, and for all that I have endeavoured to comply with his royal order, I have not been able to avoid adventuring this sum, of which I think His Majesty will approve; if not, I will forfeit it. It is true I have held out greater hopes to some ministers who have to deal with this business, for when God shall be pleased that it shall be got through, y a gora quedan refrescados en otra qui digo que. The Marquis de Aure has spent 800 scudi and has wished that I should sign (for) them; they are to be paid in Flanders, and they have served for matters and expenses of the Diet such as are usually paid. I wish I might have done so much in this Diet as to be able to be sure that the King our master would be contented, and I hope he will be as God is, who is said to be satisfied when men do all that they can and with all their heart. I was going to make use of your Excellency's permission to go to Italy, for I am being fast ruined, but I do not wish to turn my back on the carrying out of this business, and was waiting for the Emperor to name the persons for this embassy, but up to now they have not been named, and waiting for this to be done this post has been delayed 8 days. They say they were despatching another. In this way I shall lose the month of September which would have been the one most profitable to me.
	In the letter which the Marquis de Aure and myself wrote we said we thought the King ought to accept as pensionary the Duke of Saxony. Although the pension is a heavy one a three years arrangement could be made with him, for without doubt he will be named for the pacification, and for all that may arise in Germany he is very necessary, both for the nomination of the King of the Romans and in case the Empire should fall vacant, which is more likely : he is a very good man and so near being a Catholic that we cannot despair of him, and most attached to the House of Austria, and if His Majesty thinks good to keep him, the same must be done with Colonel Vizleben who is todo su governo and a Catholic. The Palatine of Neunberg will also be named for treating, and, for the reasons given in another, I think it would be as well that His Majesty should make a trial of him for some years. All I can add to the many things with which I have troubled your Excellency is that where there is so much business it is unavoidable. I beg your Excellency by favour of Lope Diaz de Pangua to send me what I need. God keep your Excellency, &c.—Eatisbon, 30th August, 1594.
	To Don Zuan Idiaques, of the King's Council of State.
	Endorsed :—“Coppie of the K. of Sp.'s Ambassador's letter to D. Juan Idiaques, from y^e General Assembly at Ratisbon.”
	Spanish. 7 pp.
	George Margitts to Sir Robert Cecil.
1594, Aug. 25.	Her Majesty being shortly on remove, and Sir John Fortescue daily at Court, reminds Cecil of the cause of the Venice gold and silver. Beseeches that it may be despatched, having been now almost two years in handling.
	This being done has another thing to recommend, which, if embraced, will be worth yearly to Cecil 2,000 or 1,500l. at the least, being a cause most reasonable and commendable (although it be an imposition laid upon the subject) in that the subjects themselves where it is to be laid, will most willingly bear it, yea, and likewise humbly entreat her Majesty under their hands that the same take effect. “Yet what it is I beseech your Honour not to be inquisitive of me before this be done, but being done, as I reserve it for your Honour, so let me be wholly blamed and condemned for a fool, if the same fall not our accordingly.”—25 Aug., 1594.
	Holograph. Seal. ½ p.
	Sir Thomas Cecil to his brother, Sir Robert Cecil.
1594, Aug. 25.	As I was closing up my letters to send to my Lord, my Father, I received a packet of news from you, for the which I greatly thank you as a cheritable act to relieve him that lieth here at the outside of the world. I cannot requite you in the like nature, but with the like love that you shall always go about to bestow of me. I am now a reasonable good footman, and yet mean shortly to go down to the Bath, where I am sure I shall meet some courtiers, and especially him that did accompany you last at Wimbledon, of whose company I shall be very glad, and to whom I pray you remember my hearty commendations. Above all the news I was glad to hear of the good reconcilement of my Lord and the great Earl, and yet I dare assure you we never head a word of it here. And yet we have heard of strange news from your parts, of the finding out the passage by the north into the East Indies. I am very glad to hear of her Majesty's good health, which I hope will keep us all in better health. My wife giveth you thanks for remembering of her in your letter, and hath required me to do the like to you from her, and I pray you do the like from me to my sister.—From Burghley, 25 Aug., 1594.
1594, Aug. 25.	Holograph. Seal. 1 p.
	Arthur Gregory to Sir Robert Cecil.
[1594, Aug. 25.]	As to a wish of his brother-in-law to see Theobalds, and as to a buck which Cecil promised him. Is well acquainted with Mr. Styleman, “since I bestowed as easy carriage on my L.'s coach.”—London, this Sunday.
	Endorsed :—“Aug. 25, 1594.”
	Signed. ½ p.
	Wheat Exported.
1594, Aug. 25.	Warrant under the sign manual granting permission to William Hunter, a gentleman of Scotland, and his assigns, licence to transport out of the realm 500 quarters of wheat within the space of two years, paying the usual custom.—Manor of Greenwich, 25 Aug., 1594.
1594, Aug. 25.	Signet. 1 p.
	William Randall.
[1594, Aug. 26.]	Information, addressed to “my good Lord,” from Richard Topcliffe, as to a man in the Gatehouse at Westminster, whom God turned into her Majesty's hands and mercy by tempest, coming out of Spain with a Spanish priest and an English priest, even hot from the King, the two priests escaping towards Scotland, but the man remaineth, and his name is William Randall, born in Weymouth, having his habitation in Dunkirk by the marriage of a widow, a Fleming. The Duke of Pastrana and the Duke of Parma have lodged both in his house at a time, and he is an exceeding skilful mariner and pilot for our coasts. He hath conveyed a greater number of traitors of all sorts into England and from England, Jesuits, priests, practisers and Intelligencers, than any other of English birth, Giles Billett alias Borlage, or other whosoever; and sent unto from Cardinal Allen, Father Parsons and Stanley, ever since the Spanish fleet was distressed, that he should send into Spain by Billett as many mariners, shipwrights, pilots, and sea-soldiers as the priests and papists should convey over unto him to Dunkirk, out of the north especially, because the Lord Cobham made them to stumble and entrapped them in the southern ports. He was sent from Father Holt, Father Archer, Stanley and Jacques to teach the “conclucyon” to make poisoned wildfire, to burn the Queen's and the French ships at Dieppe when the Earl of Essex was at Rouen with the King, and to burn the King's ship at Chatham. And Randall confesseth that he did bring both Thompson and John Angas (now prisoners in the Tower) to an old lame villain at Dunkirk who, he confesseth to me, did teach that poisoned “conclucyon” which he saith he hath written in his desk at Dunkirk. The last summer, 1593, he went into Spain, was with the King for no good, and after, in winter, returning from thence with the Spanish priest and English priest, to pass to Scotland, they were all blown on land, he taken and the two priests escaped to Scotland. There be 10 or 12 persons offered in exchange for him. But if my son were one I would not sue for that exchange, and for hindering it I am forward of.
	Endorsed :—“26 Aug., 1594.”
	Signed. 1 p.
	Duc de Mayenne to the King of Spain.
1594, Aug. 27/Sept.6.	J'ai beaucoup de regret de ne pouvoir donner avis à votre majeste de l'estat de nos affaires duquel elle recoive contentement, mais le mal qui empire tous les jours m'en oste le moyen; et on ne lui doibt rien celer de la verite pour ce que c'est d'elle, après Dieu, de qui en sont attendus les remedes lesquels nous ne pouvons esperer d'ailleurs. Les accidens qui sont arrives depuis quelque temps, et qui ont fort advance la ruyne de ce party, ne m'ont pas surprise d'aultant, Sire, que je les ay preveus, et ay souvent dict mon avis, et ce qui en adviendroit, aux ministres de votre majeste; mais cela n'y a de rien servy, à mon grand regret, ayans aucuns d'eulx si mauvais volonte en mon endroit que non seulement tous mes conseils leur ont desplu, mais ils les ont encores condampnes et eu pour suspect celui qui avec plus de constance et fidelite a servy à la cause publique, et recherché de tout son pouvoir le server au contentement de votre majeste. Et ne fais point de doubte qu'ils ne luy ayent la dessus donne des avis conformes à leur passion, et, comme je crains, plus prejudicial au party et service de V. M. qu'à moy, qui suis si accoustume à souffrir le blasme des faultes d'aultruy que l'on ne m'en peult plus offencer, me restant tousjours ceste consolation, qu'on ne me scaurroit oster, d'avoir faict ce que debuoit et pouvoit ung home de bien; ce que je continueray encores à l'advenir (moyennant la grace de Dieu), estans maintenant plusieurs esclaircis, et Presque toute la France, que la cause du mal que nous sentons et de l'affaiblissement du party ne me peult estre justement attribuee; et, si j'ay encores ce bonheur que V. M., à qui j'ay tant d'obligation, en soit aussi informee au vrai, je me tiendray assez satisfaict. A la verite, Sire, le plus grand Malheur qui pouvoit advenir à nos affaires procedde de la perte de la ville de Laon. J'envoye un discours bien particulier à mon beau fils, le Marquis de Montpezat, de tout ce qui s'est passé Durant le siege, afin que les occurrances soyent representes à V. M., et qu'elle seache et cognoisse le debuoir que les assieges y ont rendus, et celui que nous avons employe pour les secourir, mais que les forces de l'ennemy, beaucoup plus grandes que les nostres, nous ont oste le moyen de le faire. La perte de la dite ville a apporte de l'estonnement à tout ce qui restoit dedans le party, et a este suyvie de celle d'Amiens sans qu'il ayt este en nostre pouvoir d'empescher cest accident, quoique j'aye demeure quelques jours dans la dite ville et use de toute la conduicte et prevoyance qu'il m'a este possible pour la maintenir en c edit party, jusques à leur avoir faict rentrer le sernient de ne s'en separer jamais, et receu en particulier la foi des principaulx et plus affectionnes habitans qui m'avoient proteste et promis de continuer en leur premier zele; et neanmoings j'ay descouvert depuis mon partement de la dite ville, qu'il avoit une conspiration sur marche qui se debuoit executer deux jours apres que j'en fus pasty, si j'eusse donne ce loisir à ceulx qui se preparoyent avec les forces qu'ils faisoyent entrer dans la dite ville pour cest effect. Monsr. d'Aumale qui j'y laisse, a evite ce mesme peril et fut contrainct d'en sortir le jour qu'ils se declairerent contre ce party. J'advertiray maintenant V. M. qu'à la sortie de Laon, le President Jannyn, qui s'estoit trouve enferme dedans lors du siege, parla au Roi de Navarre et offrit une conference pour adviser s'il y avoit moyen de traicter la paix. A quoi il fit response qu'il ne croyoit pas que j'y voullusse consentir sinon que ce fust chose approuvee de notre Saint Pere, de vous, Sire, et de ce qui restoit dedans le party. Il est depuis retourne vers moy en ceste ville, ou je m'estois rendu pres Mons. l'Archiduc et les ministres de V. M. pour prendre une prompte resolution sur les affaires, et m'a faict entendre les raisons qui sembloyent render ceste conference necessaire, lesquelles j'ay representees à son altesse et aux ministres de votre Majeste. Les uns l'approuvent, les autres la rejectent. Mais je luy proposeray ici, si elle a agreeable de les entendre, les respects qui la font juger utile. C'est que de tous les endroits du royaume, il y a des depputtes particuliers vers le dit Roi de Navarre pour traicter avec luy que ceste conference generale reticent et empesche de rien conclure. D'ailleurs, Sire, la guerre est sy universellement rejectee qu'il est du tout necessaire de la justiffier, sy on la continue, ce qu'on ne peult menlx faire que par le moyen de la confederation, au cas que le Roy de Navarre fait difficulte de donner les asseurances requises pour la religion, et s'il sy accorde avec le contentement de V. M. Ce bien est desirable qui mettra le repos general par toute la Christianite, et seroit receu d'un chacun comme une grande benediction de Dieu, particulierement de tous les Catholiques de ce royaume, qui mettent leur plus grand appuy en la faveur et bienveillance de V. M. De moy, Sire, Je juge à bien considerer l'estat auquel les affaires sont reduictes, que ce conseil sera le plus utile, pourveu que V. M. y feust comprise, et qu'il luy pleust d'y donner son consentement, car sans elle je ny voy aucune seurete ny pour la religion ny pour les Catholiques. C'est pourquoi je suiveray tousjours plustost son jugement que le mien, ayant telle opinion de son integrite et tres grande prudence que je la veulx preferer à tous autres respect et consideration. Ceste conference servira encores pour mettre ensemble ce qui reste due party, qu'on ne peult joindre aultrement, et, s'il est recongneu plus necessaire de continuer la guerre, pour leur faire prendre à tous ceste resolution, au lieu qu'un chacun suit son opinion separe des autres. Le desespoir des affaires et la deffience qu'ils ont tous les fera resouldre à des seuretes et advantages particuliers qui les perdront en fin eulx memes, et la religion. Ceulx qui rejectent ceste conference, Sire, n'alleguent autre raison sinon qu'elle servira de traicter, comme sy sans cela le chemin n'en estoit assez ouvert à ceulx qui en auroyent la volonte. J'ay entendu de son altesse et des ministres de quelques ouvertures de moyens pour continuer la guerre. Je ne partiray de ce lieu sans m'en esclaircir le plus gue je pourray avec aulx, et leur temoingneray en toutes choses que l'affection que j'ay luy render tres humble service et donner contentement de mes actions a plus de pouvoir sur moy que tous autres respects en cest endroict. Charles de Lorraine, Duc de Mayenne.—Brussels, 6 Sept., 1594.
1594, Aug. 27/Sept.6.	Copy. 3 pp.
	Duc de Mayenne to Cardinal Joyeuse.
1594, Aug. 27/Sept. 6.	Nos affaires empirent tous le jours. Je faicts ce que je puis pour retenir ce malheur, mais sans forces et moyens, et le dedans estant porte avec viollence au repos rendent le soing que je prend inutile. Vous aurez deja sceu par mes precedentes lettres le siege de Laon, ce qu'on a faict pour la secourir, et perte d'icelle. J'ay neanmoings appris qu'on escrit a Rome pour me calomnier, comme sy j'estois cause de ce mal, et que l'ennemy se soit prevalu et prins advantage par les conferences qu'aucuns de ceulx, qui ont accoustume de m'assister de conseil qui estoient lors dans la dite ville, ont faict avecq luy. C'est pourquoi je vous envoye le discourse veritable de tout ce qui s'est passé au dit siege, pour vous supplier humblement d'en faire entendre la verite, ou yous jugerez qu'il en sera besoing, me continuant en cela les bons offices que m'aves tousjours tesmoignes et don't je me ressens entierement votre oblige. La perte de ceste ville de Laon, à laquelle je n'ay peu remedier pour les mesmes raisons qui verrez en ce discourse, a este suivye de celle d'Amiens, Beauvais et Neufchastel, et crains encores qu'elle ne produise bientost d'autres aussy mauvais effects pour les villes que nous tenons aux provinces plus esloingnes. La craucte de ces accidens avoyt este cause que, desespere de pouvoir plus secourir Laon, je m'estois achemyne en la dite ville d'Amiens, pour adviser aux moyens de la retenir et conserver en ce party. En quoy je fis, avec l'assistance de ceulx qui continuoyent en leures premieres affections, tout ce qui e fut possible, et en jettay dehors quelques uns et voullois advoustre d'autres remedes que je jugeois bien du tout necessaires, mais estans rejectes par les plus affectionnes habitans mesmes, je feus contrainct de me contenter du serment de l'union repette par eulx, et sortir après, pour le soubcon qu'on donnoit de moy, bien adverty aussy de quelques entreprises que les ennemys praticquoyent sur ma personne, descouvertes depuis tres veritables et d'execution faciles sy j'y fusse encores arreste deux jours. Monsieur d'Aumale, gouverneur de la province, y demeura, qui a faict tout ce qu'il a peu; mais, trahy des siens propres et de ceulx mesmes ausquels il avoyt plus de raison de se confier, et abandonne aussy de tous les habitans aussytost qu'ils entendirent la perte de Laon, et qu'elle n'avoyt peu estre secourue par notre foiblesse et celle de nos amys, il n y eut aucun moyen d'empescher qu'ils ne se portassent avec viollence en mains des ennemys, luy ayant este en peril et perdu six gentilshommes des siens. Beauvais, ville fort catholicque, desesperee aussy de tout secours pour ceste mesme raison, et vaincue de la mesme impatience que les aultres, s'est aussy rendue. La ville plus proche estoit celle de Neufchastel, munie d'une bonne garnison, d'un fort chasteau et d'un gouverneur for affectionne, quelle restoit seule de toute la Normandye; on la debuoit attacquer incontinent, et le gouverneur ne se pouvoit rien promettre de nos secours, nous voyant, comme nous sommes encores, sans armes et sans moyens d'entreprendre ny de nous conserver. C'est pourquoy nous craignons qu'il ne preigne le mesme conseil. J'estois cependant venue u ce lieu de Bruxelles vers M. l'Archiduc et les ministres de S. M. Catholicque, pour scavoir leur finall resolution et representer notre mal, comme j'ay faict tant de fois ausdits ministres, et en saison qu'il estoit plus ayse d'y remedier, les suppliant de ne vouloir plus user de remise et de nous ayder à conserver la Religion et nous mesmes par une prompte et puissante force, ou en prenant les conseils que la necessite sembloit nous enseigner. Ce qu'ay peu apprendre d'eulx est que son altesse attend ung gentilhomme qu'il a envoye vers sa dite Majeste, qui doibt ester de retour dans huit ou dix jours avec response et resolution entiere de son intention. Cependant qu'ils pourvoiroyent a soustenir les affaires de tout leur pouvoir.
	Je vous advertiray encores, Monsieur, qu'apres le siege de la ville de Laon, M. le president Jannyn, qui estoit dedans, fut mande par le Roy de Navarre et M. de Bassompier envoyer vers luy de la part de Monsieur de Lorrayn, ausquels il feit entendre le desir qu'il avoit de faire la paix, et d'en traicter avec moy sy j'estois dispose, ce qu'il disoit ne pouvoir esperer pour m'en tenir tousjours recongneu esloigne de tout et joinct aux intentions et interest du Roy Catholicque pour ne m'en jamais separer. Sy j'avoys ceste volonte encores, que Dieu luy eust donne beaucoup de prosperite, qu'il accorderoit avec moy à conditions sy advantageuses et honorables, a fin de mectre le royaume en repos, que j'aurois occasion de me louer de luy. Les dits seigneur de Bassompier et president Jannyn luy firent response que j'avoys tousjours desire la paix, pourveu qu'elle se peust faire avec la seurete de la Religion, le consentement de notre Saint Pere à qui je debuois ce respect, et le contentement raisonable de S. M. Catholicque, à qui nous avons aussy tres grande obligation pour le secours qu'il nous avoit donne de ses forces et moyens, et des autres souverains princes et seigneurs qui estoient en ce party; qu'avec ces conditions ils estimoyent que j'avoys la paix tres agreeable et que j'apporteroys tout ce qui me seroyt possible pour y parvenir. Les dits seigneurs veirent au mesme temps pres le roy de Navarre des deputes de tous les endroicts du royaume, tant des gouvernemens que des villes qui restent en ce party, pour traicter en particulier, les uns qui ayants envoye de leur gre et pour le mauvais estat et desespoir de nos affaires, les autres contraincts par les grandes villes ausquelles ils commandent qui sont portees avec violence à la paix. Ceste consideration les meut, pour retenir et empescher les dits traictes particuliers, de dire aussy au Roy de Navarre que, n'ayants charge ny pouvoir de traicter de ma part, et bien certains que je ne vouldroys jamais traicter en particulier mais seulement en general et avec tous ceulx qui y avoyent interests, il seroyt expedient de prendre jour et lieu pour entrer en conference sur ce subjet, et cependant donner passeport pour envoyer vers ceulx qu'il estoyt besoing d'y appeller; s'il le voulloit accorder de sa part, qu'ils m'advertiroyent et se promectroyent que l'auroyt agreeable. A quoy il auroyt respondu qu'il voulloit bien render le respect qu'il doibt à notre Saint Pere et la mesme obeisance qu'ont faict ses predecesseurs, Roys ters Crestiens, et qu'il avoyt desja envoye vers sa Saintete à cest effect, et noublieroy encores aucun debuoir pour tesmoingner son affection et obeissance pour la Religion, que ce n'estoyt à ceulx de ce party qui estoyent à present en sy petit nombre de s'en dire protecteurs et le contraindre à l'asseurer qu'il estoyt catholicque et resolu (moyennant la grace de Dieu) d'y finir ses jours. Qu'il prendroit tres volontiers l'advis de ses subjects, tant de ceulx qui l'assistent que des autres, pour pourvoir à la seurete et conservation de la Religion, mais qu'ill ne voulloit ester force par eulx. Quand au Roy Catholicque, s'il y avoyt des disputes entr'eulx, que ce n'estoyt à nous de nous en mesler. Pour le regard de la conference, qu'il la consentiroyt tres volontiers, pourveu qu'elle se feist à bonne intention de nostre part. Luy ayant este replicque par le dit seigneur president ce qu'il estoyt tenu pour les seuretes de la Religion et le respect qui est deub à nostre Saint Pere, de l'obeissance et des commandemens duquel ils luy disoyent que je ne me vouldroye jamais deparitr, il adjousta encores en ce qui touché le Roy Catholicque que nos roys, les roys d'Espagne et leurs estats estoyent en alliance et confederation perpetuelle avant le secours que le Roy Catholicque nous a donne pour la securete de la Religion Catholicque en ces derniers mouvemens, et qu'il ne seroyt pas raisonable que les traictes de paix faicts entr'eulx fussent violles et rompus pour ce qu'il l'a assite avec tant de pietes et liberallites de ses forces et moyens la Religion et les catholicques contre le violence et injures des heresies. Que la seurete des catholicques et le bien general aussy de la Crestiente dependoit de l'entretemenent de ce traicte. Au surplus, pour ce qu'il luy plaisoit accorder une conference, qu'il m'en advertiroyt. C'est tout ce qui s'est passé, encores que je scache bien que, comme à l'accoustume, ceulx qui se veuillent discharger de leurs faultes y pourront adjouster des calomnyes comme sy j'avoys traicte. Je pense que mes actions et ce que j'ay sy constamment refuze tous traictes me debuent assez justiffier. Vous pourrez toutes foys en dire la verite, s'il vous plaist, à nostre Saint Père, et que, pour la conference, il m'a semble que la debuons accepter, tant pour les traictes particuliers que pour rechercher les moyens de nous conserver par la prudence. S'il est trouve que la force et les remedes des armes nous deffaillent, ce loisir nous servira aussy pour attendre la response de S. M. Catholicque, et sy je vous diray que j'ay encores este beaucoup excite à ceste conference parce que j'ay approuve de l'intention de nostre Saint Pere en dernieres letters qu'avez vous escriptes à M. le president Jennyn, qui m'ont este communicques. Nous ne laissons pourtant de demeurer à la guerre attendant ce remede pour ce que l'ennemy a monstre ne voulloir aucune treve, et les ministres du Roy Catholicque, à qui j'en ay communicque, ne le desirent non plus, comme plusieurs d'entre eulx rejectent la conference, et les autres approuvent et jugent aussy bien que nous necessaire. L'armee de S. M. Catholicque est sur ceste frontiere foible et au plus de quatre nombre et l'employer incontinent. Leur armee qui vient du coste d'Italie est beaucoup plus grand, au bruit que nous en avons, mais nous sommes incertains de ce qu'elle vault faire, et sy elle se doibt arrester à reprendre ce que les ennemys occupant en Piedmont, ou bien entrer en France pour exploicter, ce qu'il sera plus utile. Je vous renvoiray au premier jour le seigneur Vincent, instruict plus particulierement de l'estat de nos affaires. Je presse cependant mon depart de ce lieu pour aller en Bourgongne, ou j'ay advis que la contagion du mal qui est advenu aillieurs commence à saisir ceste province, qui estoyt demeuree plus entiere que les autres. Mon voyage ne sera que d'un moys, pour approcher le lieu de la conference, qui n'est encores pris, mais j'estime que ce sera entre Paris et Soissons. Le jour debuoit ester au dixieme du moys prochain. Il sera bien de besoing de le remettre. J'en a donne advis à M. votre frere pour y faire trouver des deputtes. M. le president Jannyn m'a dict qu'il avoyt confere sur ce subject avec un de votres qu'il rencontra pres de Laon, lequel s'en retournoyt vers vous en poste. J'auray tousjours pareil soing de ce qui regarde votre maison que la mesme propre, tant pour l'obligation que je recougnois vous avoir, que pour le desir que j'ay que les propos que le dit seigneur President vous a tenu de ma part à Laon sortent effect au contentement des uns et des autres, et n'attends que votre retour en Languedoc pour envoyer vers vous et vers M. votre frere sur ce subject. Je juge assez combine la longeur de votre sejour par dela vous est à grand d'espence, et desire de toute mon affection d'avoir quelque moyens pour aider a la soulager et de vous render bieu humble service, à quoy je m'employeray dans sy bonne volonte que je vous baise humblement les mains.—Brussels, 6 Septembre, 1594.
	P.S.—Encores que je vous donne advis de la perte de Beauvais et de Neufchastel, c'est plus pour l'apprehension que j'en ay que pour autre chose, car la verite est qu'ils ne se sont poinct encores declares, sy bien on nous l'assuroit ces jours passes, mais j'ay une extreme craincte que cela n'advienne à cause de l'impuissance ou nous sommes maintenant reduicts par faulte de secours.
	Copy. 6 pp.
	Duc de Mayenne to Mons. de Montpezat.
1594, Aug. 27/Sept. 6.	Cependant qu'avec les plus grandes et plus sensibles inquietudes qui se sont peu supporter, je me sens occupe depuis votre partement selon la disposition des affaires a pourveoir aux occurrences, 'ay eu d'ailleurs les esprits fort suspenduz en l'attente des effects de votre negociation et de ce que nous nous en estions pourvus de certain et asseure pour relever ce party, Presque entierement raine des continuelles prosperitez du Roy de Navarre, à qui toutes choses sont plus heuresement succeeds qu'il ne pouvoit jamais esperer, tellement que nous nous voyons à peu pres reduicts au pire estat que nous scaurions estre, comme vous le jugerez par ce que j'en escrivis au Roy Catholicque. J'accompaigne aussy ceste depesche d'un ample et veritable discourse de ce qui s'est passé au siege de Laon afin que vous luy en donniez compte, et que sa Majeste recongnoisse que je n'ay oublie un seul debuoir que j'aye peu render pour secourir la dite ville et empescher qu'un sy grand malheur que celuy de saperte n'arrivast, qui, je prevoyois assez, debuoit attirer ceulx qui l'ont suivy d'Amyens, qui s'est depuis declaire contre nous, encores que j'aye faict toutes choses possibles pour les retenir en ca party. Et d'aultant que ces accidens ne peuvent estre arrestes, cependant que nous avons a perdre et que les ennemys ce pourront accroistre, que par le moyen de la conference que nous avons resollue, je ne doubte pas que neanmoyns que ceulx qui y contredisent n'essayent d'en informer plus sinistrement sa dite Majeste qu'ils ne deburoyent s'ils estoyent aussy jalous du bien general et de son particulier service que pousses et conduicts de leurs passions à toutes choses contraires, et de luy en donner des impressions eslongnes des respects et considerations que nous nous y sommes proposes et de la verite de ce qu'elle produira don't ils ne se veullent render aucunement capables. Mais s'il luy plaist, comme vous l'en supplierez tres humblement de ma parte, de gouster les raisons qui y font estendre, je m'asseure qu'elle rejectera toutes autres sortes de persuasions par lesquelles elle pourroit estre circonvenue; et que, selon sa tres grande prudence et bonte, tousjours dispose à promouvoir et advancer le bien et ce qui est evidemment recongneu utile aux affaires, elle approuvera plustost qu'elle ne condempnera nos desirs et conseils, qui ne tendent à chose que l'evenement ne face recongnoistre advantageux au party; car, sans ce remede et les seuretez qu'on se promect d'y trouver pour la Religion, elle seroit plus preparee à sa ruyne que nous n'en scaurions esperer la conservation. Tous les Catholicques de l'un et de l'autre party concurrent en cecy de volontes et, si je m'en monstrous tant soit peu aliene, je seroys non seulement repute enemy de ce bien, mais indubitatlement abandonne de ceulx qui restent encores en ce party, qui taicteront particulierement; a quoy n'estant desja que trop invites et provocques à rechercher des exemples de ceulx qui se sont separes d'avecq nous, il ne seroyt pas difficile de les disposer. Mais ils considerent qu'il n'y a autre expedient qui puisse garentir la Religion et asseurer les Catholicques; d'aultant que, sy le Roy de Navarre ne vault accorder les seuretes qui seront requises à ceste conference, avecq les autres justes et raisonnables propositions qui l'on y fera pour mettre un repos general par toute la Crestiente (duquel nous ne nous debuons pas monstrer moings desireux que nous le jugeons necessaire, en deferant toutes fois à sa Saintete et à sa dite Majeste tout l'honneur, respect et satisfaction que nous leur debuons, et pour rien conclure ny resouldre en ceste assemblee indigne du subjet et merite de ceste cause) il soit besoing de continuer la guerre, nous aurons tellement du quoy justiffier nos armes, que au lieu de les faire condemner, ceulx qui sans ceste voye sont esbranles à nous quitter se rejoindront fermement au party, et la pluspart des autres Catholicques qui desirent la conservacon de la Religion, pour la craincte et apprehension du peril auquel ils la verront exposee, changeront facilement l'inclination qu'ils ont a l'establissement du Roy de Navarre, en defiance et desdaing de ses intentions. Mais estant la guerre universellement rejecte et abhoree en ce royaume, c'est une necessite qui ne se peult que la justice de sa continuation et la fault faire recongnoistre à tous; aultrement, sy elle ne doibt prosperer que par les benedictions et communge veut des people de toutes qualities, il n'en fault poinct attendre de plus favorables ny heureux success que par le passé, du blasme desquels, encores que je ne sois exempte en l'oppinion des moings judicieulx et de ceulx qui en sont preoccupes, sy est ce que je ressents en moy mesme une consolation, qui ne me peult estre ostee, d'avoir faict pour les empescher tout ce qui pouvoit et debuoit un home de bien. Mais chascun scait sy j'y ay este bien ou mal seconde et assite. Or, en ses mauvais evenemens la chose qui m'a aultant estonne qu'elle a pporte de prejudice aux affaires est l'incertitude en laquelle nous sommes depuys notre arryvee pres de sa Majeste de ses intentions, don't nous attendons encores les premiers advis. Sans doubte nous le voudrions bien, s'il y avoit lieu de le faire sans peril ny inconvenant, et que l'estat et disposition des choses le peust permettre, rendre tant de debuoir et de respect que de remettre l'entier jugement des affaires à sa prudence, et borner toutes nos actions à ses volontes et commandemens. Mais nous avons par une longue suicte observe que, sur les frequens advertissemens qu'elle a eus de l'estat de ceste cause qui empiroit de jour en jour, l'ordre qu'il luy a pleu d'y donner, effectue de ses ministres mal apropos, n'en a faict que esloingner et differer les malheurs sans que nous les ayons peu eviter. D'ailleurs la distance des lieux, les accoustumes longueurs des resolutions de dela, la foiblesse des secours qui en sont procedes, trop inferieurs de nostre mal, le procede d'aucuns de ses ministres qui a depleu à beaucoup pour ce que on ne les recongnoissent pas succeder, le changement advenu en la personne du Roy de Navarre, avec la consideration des prosperites qu'il luy a approte, et finablement le desespoir auquel l'on est entre que l'on peust voir ny ressentir d'aucuns effects ny fruicts de ceste guerre qu'une suicte de misere avec la ruyne de la Religion et de l'estat, et plusieurs autres respects que vous vous pouvez asez representer, nous nous contraignent d'accepter ceste conference sans scavoir sys a Majeste l'aura agreeable sinon; que j'estime que tant de raisons luy en persuaderont la necessite, d'aultant que la fin que nous nous y proposons n'est aucenement esloingnee de ce qu'elle a tousjours temoigne de desirer. Au demeurant, vous scavez que c'est icy le deuxieme voyage que j'ay faict en ce lieu pour traicter du general des affaires avecq Monst. l'Archiduc, esperant que j'advanceroys plus de luy en representant l'estat de vive voix que je ne le disposeroys aux remedes par frequentes lettres et supplications. C'est à la verite un tres bon prince et le plus religieux que j'aye jamais recongneu, lequel aussy desire infinement le bien et advancement de ceste cause, mais les mesmes ministres de sa Majeste, qui ont jusques icy traverse mes droictes intentions, et qui tant d'accidens n'ont poinct change d'humeur ny di'inclination, assistent son altesse de conseil tellement que tous ce que je luy propose de plus necessaries n'est pas pris ny receu comme il fauldroyt. Je vous dis cecy afin que un moys de sejour que j'ay desja faict en ce lieu ne me puisse estre impute a negligence, car vous pouvez bien penser que sy je n'en feusse peu esclaircir plustost je n'y seroys plus; et ma presence aillieurs remediroit à d'autres inconveniens don't nous sommes menaces mesme en Bourgongue, et qui sont sy pres de naistre que je n'attends que l'heure de recevoir quelque pernitieuse nouvelle pour les grandes praticques et intelligences que le Roy de Navarre y a et qu'il se promect infailliblement. C'est la seule province de ce royaume qui nous reste plus entiere et qui ne se peult neanmoings conserver sy je n'y fais un voyage. Je desire de m'y acheminer et faisois instance a son Altesse et aux ministres de sa Majeste de quelques commodites pour l'y pouvoir entreprendre. Mais ce a este en vain tellement que je suis en peine d'en recouver d'ailleurs, car il n'y fault pas aller sans cela et ung secours non mediocre. Je surmonteray, si je puis, toutes difficultes plustost que de mancuer à l'obligation que j'ay d'assister la dite province, laquelle sans cela est à la veille de se perdre. Je vous prie doncques de toucher vivement à sa Majeste tous les poinctes de ceste lettre, dont la consequence n'est pas sy petite qu'il la faille negliger, et de suppliez tres humblement de croire que toutes les disfaveurs que l'on me scauroit procurer envers elle ne me peuvent jamais desesperer de l'honneur de sa bonne grace, et moings auront elles le pouvoir d'alterer la sincere affection que j'auray toute ma vie à son service. S'il fault ceder au temps et à la necessite, qu'elle s'asseure, s'il luy plaist, que je ne feray rien indigne de l'honneur de Dieu, au prejudice du de ceste cause ny de ma reputation, et ses respects me seront tousjours plus chers que ma propre vie.—Brussels, 6 September, 1594.
	P.S.—Mon fils, Je vous addressois ceste depesche et vous faisois la presente communication estimant que le seigneur de Pellissier fust encores par de la. Mais j'ay sceu depuis ceste lettre escripte qu'il est party il y a desja quelques jours et qu'il se doibt bientost rendre pres de moy. Ainsy j'attends en bonne devotion par luy ses commandemans de sa Majeste et de vos nouvelles.
	Copy. 6 pp.
	Lord Sheffield to Sir Robert Cecil.
[1594,] Aug 28.	Having some occasions to stay me at home, and being desirous of some sport, having had none this year, I do make myself so bold as to crave a warrant for a buck out of Enfield chace, for the which I would not make myself beholden unto you, but that I know in myself you may and shall command a much greater courtesy at my hands.—Highgate, 28 Aug.
	Endorsed :—“1594.”
	Holograph. 1 p.
	John Stafford to Sir Robert Cecil.
[1594], Aug. 29.	I presume to desire you to bestow a sore goshawk on me out of Ireland if you have any sent you from thence this year. I will also put you in mind of a promise you made me for a hawk.—Bletherwick, 29 Aug.
	Endorsed :—“1594.”
	Signed. ½ p.
	Roger Manners to Sir Robert Cecil.
1594, Aug. 29.	I most humbly thank you for your care of me, as I perceive by your letter of the 15th of this month, which came not to my hands till yesterday. According to your direction I have written a letter which you may shew if it please you; and in the truth of an honest man I was never made acquainted with this sudden marriage, but in reason find great cause to mislike thereof for many respects. I moan for that her Majesty was not acquainted therewith, and what was the cause of their haste I do not yet know. The gentleman himself, coming to me this last night in his journey to Court, being sent for by my lord Chamberlain's letter, moveth me to pity him, so as I cannot but write to you in his behalf. He seemeth to me to be most desirous of her Majesty's favour which his father could not attain unto, and he himself match, to have found her Majesty gracious to him, the doubt whereof grieveth him, he sweareth, more than can any imprisonment. And truly I think that mere ignorance of his duty to her Majesty and a passion of love to his mistress, fearing to lose her if she returned to Court, made him to commit this folly. I humbly beseech you let not the worst be made of his cause, but favour him as you may to her Majesty. God knows he is very young, and committed not this offence through wilfulness but of mere ignorance. And if by punishment he once mislike of his match they be both undone for ever.—Uffingham, 29 Aug., 1594.
	Holograph. 1 p.
	The Enclosure.
	Roger Manners to Sir Robert Cecil.
	Give me leave to rest thus much upon you favour, that in my absence you will defend me from Court malice. I am informed that it is reported in Court that I was not only consenting but an adviser of the sudden marriage of my lady Bridget with Mr. Robert Tyrwhitt. I hope her Majesty holdeth a better conceit of me than to believe such reports. For others, I know that my life in Court hath given no just cause for any reasonable man to think me unrespective of my duty to her Majesty, or so far from sense as to handle a matter of that weight so simply. These two years and more I have had little credit with my lady Bridget or my lady her Mother. Neither would they in any of their actions be advised by me. And so do some of the ladies near unto her Majesty very well know. Notwithstanding, I pray you take some occasion to assure her Majesty that I never knew of the marriage till it was openly known, and that I was not near Belvoir when the marriage was by 40 miles and more.—At Uffingham, 29 Aug., 1594.
	Seal. Holograph. 1 p.
	Soldiers deserting.
1594, Aug. 30.	Memorandum to the Marquess of Winchester, Lord Lieutenant of Hampshire, as to soldiers deserting from the forces going to Brittany.
	Endorsed :—“Aug. 30, 1594.”
	1 p.
	Serjeant Edw. Drewe to Sir Robert Cecil.
1594, Aug. 30.	Asks for the wardship of the body of a ward lately fallen to Her Majesty in the co. of Devon, the son and heir of one William Hurste, of the age of 15 or 16 years.—London, 30 Aug. 1594.
1594, Aug. 30.	Holograph. Seal. ½ p.
	Serjeant Edw. Drewe to Sir Robert Cecil.
1594, Aug. 30.	Touching the wardship of Mr. Hurste's heir, I understand by this bearer that you are willing to further my suit, and that you would understand what I would give for the same. The certainty of the lands is not known unto me, but I would very willingly bestow 300l. for the warship and marriage, and a lease of the land during the minority, and if upon examination the warship fall out to be worth more I will better my offer. The hazard is more in this than in ordinary cases, for that this ward hath no brother, so as if he die during his minority all is lost, whereas where there be more brothers, if the first decease her Majesty's grant extendeth to the second. I am still earnestly to pray your favour herein.—London, 30 Aug., 1594.
1594, Aug. 30.	Holograph. Seal. 1 p.
	Dr. Henry Moutlowe to Sir Robert Cecil.
1594, Aug. 30.	Your recommendation of Mr. Ferdinand unto the lease of Horsted might have commanded my uttermost furtherance, even against myself, if it had either come soon enough or my wisdom had judged it so convenient. But the provost and whole society some days past passed the same to me in recompense for my long service to the college and my final departure shortly from the same, and I trust, with your good favour, I shall enjoy that final benefit and fruit of my labours.—King's College, Cambridge, 30 August, 1594.
1594, Aug. 30.	Signed. Seal. 1 p.
	Examination of Gilbert Smyth of Exeter.
1594, Aug. 31.	Confesseth that, in November last, he went in the Samaritan, of Dartmouth, to “Shepetavage” and there went ashore and not before. His business was trade of merchandise, and three weeks or thereabouts after his arrival rode to Rome, being 38 miles from that place, to utter his wares, in the company of one Francis Tooker, an Englishman who was with him at “Shepetavage” and is servant to Richard Kelley of Kingesweare and factor also for others and lying there still in merchandise, and of one Alphonsius, the son of an Italian but born in London, and now one of the Alban house; and riding towards Rome he became somewhat sick and so lay sick in Rome; and, so being there, there came to him an English Jesuit, born about Hull or York (as he said) whose name he doth not know, who earnestly practiced with him to be confessed and to swear against the supremacy in England, to become a papist, to refuse to go to our church, yea ! and never to return to England again. All which he utterly refused. But of the Queen's Majesty the Jesuit spake to him nothing other than that there was an evil religion maintained in England. Saith further that there came to him one other Englishman called—Hinton, a little old man, a soldier, who came to him only in good will. Also there came to him one other Englishman named—Fitz Herbert, servant to cardinal Alleyn, to learn news out of England; but he told him none, neither any matter of importance between them. But, upon this acquaintance, Fitz Herbert sent to him to “Shepetavage” two letters to be delivered in England to Richard Kelley of Kingsweare, to be delivered over by him, one to a brother of Fitz Herbert's, the other to a kinsman of his, whose names or dwellings he knoweth not. Delivered these letters to Kelley but knoweth not what he did with them. Doth confess that, at his coming from Rome, he went of his own will to cardinal Alleyn to take leave of him, for that he thinks they had licence to traffick in that country the rather through his means, and to the end he might the safelier pass out of the country. Which the cardinal said he was willing to do for his countrymen, and so bade him farewell; but of the Queen or state he said nothing.
	Confesseth further that, being in Rome, there came to him an English priest, whose name or place of birth he remembereth not, which priest's father (as he said) died a recusant in Ilchester gaol, and delivered to him a letter directed to his mother in England, which he hath still in his custody. Utterly denieth that he either carried out of England to any in those parts any intelligences or letters at all, or brought from thence into England any intelligences or letters other than above mentioned; or that, as far as he can remember, he had any conference with any other Englishmen abiding there than above spoken of. But doth confess that, at his coming aboard the ship at his coming from Rome, he heard that there had been two English friars aboard the ship in his absence; but they were both gone before his coming. The cause of their coming (except it were for relief) he learned not, neither did he speak with any of them. Calling himself to remembrance, saith that the said Jesuit told him that he could not stay any longer with him for that he must then go to two English Jesuits that were then going into Flanders, but their names he knoweth not.—Devon, ultimo Augusti, 1594.
	Headed :—“The examination of Gilbert Smyth of Exon, merchant, taken before Richard Sparry, Esquire.”
	James Carey to Sir Robert Cecil.
[1594, Aug.]	The lordship of Muskry hath time out of mind run always in a kind of succession, by custom, to the eldest and best reputed person of the name of Cartyes, called tanist, who had not only the government of the lordship and country under the lord, but also the whole lordship fell upon him after the death of the lord in possession, by which course the defendant's father Dermod McTeig possessed, and not by descent according to the course of common law, for that there are elder of the house which rather ought to claim by that course, and that the said Dermod was but of collateral descent where the others are lineal.
	Sir Cormack McTeig, the suppliant's father, being tanist to his said elder brother, was, after his decease, according to the said custom, invested in the possession of the whole siguory, and, by virtue of a statute ruade in the 12th year of the queen's reign, surrendered to her majesty; who, by her letters patent, regranted the same unto him for life to be holden by knight's service in chief, and the rent of a cast of hawks or 20 nobles per annum, and the remainder to certain feoffees to the use of his last will.
	Sir Cermack devised the same to the complainant and died, the complainant being then of tender years and in service in England with Sir Walter Raleigh. In his absence, Kalaghan, younger brother to the complainant's father, claiming by the said custom, entered, whose possession the defendant, claiming by descent as heir at common law, disturbed.
	To end the controversy grown betwixt them they put themselves in arbitrament of Sir John Perrott, then lord deputy, and council, who awarded certain parcels of the said lorship to Kalaghan, and the whole signory to the defendant and therewithal parted other the purchased lands of the complainant's father betwixt them; the complainant being in England and not party nor privy thereunto; and by this means and a letter of sequestration from Sir Henry Wallop, then lord justice, your suppliant was dispossessed of the lordship, whereof law had absolutely cast upon him the possession, and which accordingly he ought to continue till upon trial he should by order of law only be evicted.
	He humbly prays your honour, now in the absence of his good master, to be a means to your father and the rest that, forasmuch as he is to be referred into Ireland, that direction may be sent to the lord deputy, the lord treasurer, and the two chief justices of Ireland, to examine the cause among themselves, and to put your suppliant in his former possession till he be evicted by due proceeding of law. Provided that, if any inquisition afterwards be made, the defendant's tenants may be exempted together with the Geraldines, for that your suppliant's father having been killing James Fitz Morris his father took Sir James of Desmond prisoner, slew many of the earl's men and followers, and therefore the said Geraldines mortally hate all Sir Cormack's line; besides, they are of alliance to the defendant; and, for these causes, are not indifferent to pass in any trial between your suppliant and him.
	Endorsed :—“Aug. 1594.”
	Undated. Copy.
	[Henry] Locke to [Sir Robert Cecil].
[1594, Aug.]	Right Honourable, There arrived yesterday at London, one Mr. Andrew Hunter, a very honest preacher of Scotland; who was of late the employed instrument of the Ministry of Fife for their association to the former bonds, whose hand for them your honour hath. This Hunter, finding the danger of things in Scotland and himself like to be pursued by the king, did three months since repair to the Low Countries, where he is entertained preacher for the Scotch Regiments.
	1. He, being come hither to hear how things go and to do some private business of his own, assureth me that, whereas Colonel Stuard hath recovered certain great sums due unto him from the estates, he hath sent secretly over a gentleman to employ 10,000 guelderns in ready money, and as much more in credit as shall provide armour for some 800 men at Amsterdam, a thing not usual in Scotland which hath scarce armour for as many more, which causeth Colonel Morey and Colonel Baford to suspect some further intention than a private employment of Colonel Stuard's money.
	2. They suspect also that whereas there is a pretence of leading of 10,000 Scots to serve against the Turks (for which cause one Sutherland is sent over) that it hath some further drift. This Sutherland was a man by the king and Huntly once feed to murder Bothwell, and a very resolute fellow; yet at his coming over one James Abercromby, a special inward follower of Bothwell's, was in his company.
	This Hunter returneth presently and will, I trust, do good offices, as he offereth me; as also to be commanded farther in what may seem expedient.
	Endorsed :—“Aug. 1594, Mr. Locke.”
	Undated. Unsigned. 1 p.
	Sir Charles Davers to Sir Robert Cecil.
[1594, Aug.]	I would sooner have written, if sooner I had been at the place from whence (it pleased you so much to favour me with your commandments) I was to advertise you of the success I should hap to have, and resolution which thereupon I should take. There I have been, and from thence I am returned no more resolved than I went, though I have found nothing contrary to my expectation or anything happened contrary to my desire. The conditions very little disagreeable from such as were reported and imparted by me unto yourself; and so likewise very little different the party's self who was never forerecommended unto me for any extraordinary perfection outwardly to be discerned. Of the inward and hidden I may hope the best. I have drawn the matter (if I be not greatly deceived) into mine own power to accept or refuse, and have reserved time to deliberate between this and after Michaelmas. When I have spoken with my father who is now in the north and will be here very shortly, before I proceed any farther (if proceed I do at all) I will come up to London, impart all the particularities and desire your advice and assistance, who therein I am fully assured (by large and often proof) will only respect and further my greatest good and benefit. In the meantime [I] desire the suppressing of this letter, if it please you so much to favour me, who do think myself exceedingly beholden that, of your own proper importance so much more concerning you, it pleaseth you to lend your eyes to the speciality of my private estate and fortune.
[1594, Aug.]	Undated. Holograph. Seal. 1½ pp.
	Petition of Sara Lopes, widow, to the Queen.
[1594, Aug.]	Beseeches pitiful consideration of her afflicted and miserable estate. She, the contemned and poor widow of Doctor Lopes, utterly confounded and dismayed with the heavy ruin of her late husband, lieth in woful agony and extremity of sickness, utterly despairing the recovery of her former health and strength; and rather expecting speedy shortening of her perplexed life through the inward conceit of her present desolation, being the sorrowful mother of five comfortless and distressed children born in the realm (three of them being maiden children) and only relying upon her hands. She and her poor children are innocent of her husband's crime, and have in no sort (as they hope) offended; wherefore she prays that her husband's offence and the rigour of the punishment thereof may cease with the infamous loss of his life, and that she and her poor children may have the lease of their house, with her household stuff and such goods and things as have been taken from her during her husband's first imprisonment, being all their stay and substance. Of this, one John Gatherne detaineth 50l. or 60l. by the licences of sumach and aniseeds before her husband's imprisonment, which he will not restore without Burghley's warrant, who refers her to sue the Queen for that. The said licences are also taken away, and one Mr. Conwey hath made stay of certain plate of her late husband to the value of 100l. remaining in the court for a debt of 30l. pretended to be due from her husband, which she can prove to be long since discharged. She has also lost a parsonage of 30l. a year given by the Queen to Anthony, one of her miserable children, for his maintenance at school and learning. Prays redress and restitution, she and her children being, at this present, utterly destitute and forsaken of all friends and comforts.
	Undated. Copy. 1 p.
	Inventory of plate, jewels, licences, debts, and household stuff of the above Doctor Lopes; and the names of those in whose possession they are. 2½ po.
	Another Inventory of the same. 2 pp.