Cecil Papers: November 1588 | British History Online

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 3, 1583-1589. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1889.

Citation:

'Cecil Papers: November 1588', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 3, 1583-1589( London, 1889), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol3/pp366-376 [accessed 16 November 2024].

November 1588



	752. The Lord Mayor of London to the Lord Chancellor and the Lord Treasurer.
1588, Nov. 2.	According to their lordships' letters to him directed, touching a course to be executed against such persons as, being taxed towards the loan unto her Majesty, do refuse to make their payments of the same, has for the better performance thereof used and taken the good advice of Sir George Bonde, his predecessor, and thereupon called before them so many of the said refusals of the several companies as having their dwellings within the city might be met withal, with whom they used all good means of entreaty to conform themselves to the said contribution, whereupon certain conformed themselves to pay the sums imposed upon them, and others refusing so to do, he committed to prison where they still remain. Is sorry he cannot perform what their lordships have required with such expedition as he could wish. — London, 2 November 1588.
1588, Nov. 2.	1 p. [Murdin, p. 632. In extenso.]
	753. Alderman Thomas Skinner to Archibald Douglas.
1588, Nov. 2.	According to promise, I have sent your lordship a copy of so much of our charter as concerneth the matter of which your lordship and I talked in the Fleet. If you go to the Court within a day or two, my humble suit is that it would please you to speak with her Majesty, my lord Treasurer and my lord Chamberlain, for their lordships as we take it are somewhat bitter towards us. The whole cause which moved me to send the women to Bridewell was first, the report of the Common Council and inhabitants of my ward, who made many complaints of the misdemeanours done in the night times about and in the house where I found them. Next, when I examined Mrs. Smyth alias Grey, she told me that about seven years since she was married to one Mr. Grey, of Derbyshire, which was most false, for within two days after I had a letter from one Mr. Nevell out of the Tower, who challenged her to be his wife, saying he married her in the Tower on the morrow after Twelfth Day last. And lastly, after I sent this letter to the Lieutenant of the Tower, being a Justice of the Peace and in the High Commission, he came the next day to the Guildhall to my brother Catcher and me, and told us that she was a common harlot, and desired us to send her to Bridewell to receive such punishment as she deserved, and that he neither kept the prison to have any marriages or evil life suffered there. And that this is true we will with many witnesses and our own oaths affirm it. Thus craving your furtherance herein with what convenient expedition you may, &c.—From the prison of the Fleet, this second of November 1588.
1588, Nov. 2.	1 p.
	754. Dr. Hammond to Lord Burghley.
1588, Nov. 4.	The doubte movid by your honor towchinge superyoritie emonge mynysters of the Worde and Sacrements, resteth in these twoe questyons. First, whether the name of a bysshoppe, as of an office havinge superyorytie over many Churches, or over the pastors thereof, be knowne to the Holy Scryptures or not. Second, whether superyorytie commytted to a mynyster of the Worde and sacrements over many Churches and pastors be mayntenable by the Worde of God, or not.
	Towching the first, myne opynion is, that the name of bysshops importinge suche superyontie is not to be founde in the Scryptures. For by the whole course thereof it appearethe that the names of Episcopus and presbyter imported one function, so as he that was a pastor or elder was also byshoppe, and the bysshope in lyke sorte called elder, and therefore the name of episcopus, being no name of dystynction in offyce from the elder, could not importe superyoritie over elders.
	The places that do evydently prove this assertion are theise : St. Paule wry tinge thus to Titus,—“for this cause have I lefte the at Crete that thou shouldest ordayne elders in everi cytye, etc.,” recytethe one qualytie which he would have to be in an elder, to wit, that he should be unreprovable, whereof he yeldethe hys reason in this manner—“for a Bysshoppe must be unreprovable,” &c. This had bene a fonde reason, if a Bysshoppe had not sygnyfyed the same offyce, which he comprysed before in the name of an elder, for it myght have bene replyed to St. Paule thus : Be it that a bysshoppe must be unreprovable, what makethe that to charge an Elder to be so qualyfyed, who beareth an offyce of less reckonings Also in his example to the Phillip[ians] : he salutethe the saints which are at Phillippie with the Bysshops and deacons, here we must ether acknowledge that under the name of bysshopps he mente elders, or ells we must say that there were many bysshops with superyorytie in one Cytie, (which were an absurde Imagynacion,) and agayne that Paule saluting the Deacons, who were in baser calling, forgate the eiders or thought them not worthie remembrance.
	In his exhortacion to the Elders of the Churche at Ephesus (Acts 20) to dyscharge theyre dutyes carefully, he usethe this reason, “because the Holy Ghost had made them Bysshops.” Here all the elders are called Bysshops : and that which is more, are sayd to be appoynted bysshops by the ordynance of the Holy Ghoste, that is, to have the same offyce. And therefore there were so many bysshops at Ephesus as there were elders, bothe of like authoritie and function, and the persons of bothe one and the same, and therefore not one elder subjecte to another as to a Bishoppe that had superyorytie. In his epy stle to the Ephesyans, where he makethe spccyale recytale of ecclesiastycall functions, he dothe not once mention the name of bysshops, wherefore we must there ether take them to be comprysed in the name of pastors, and so to be of no other function then that which pastors had, or ells we must confesse that he forgate them in the reckoning, which can not be reasonably thought the Apostle could doe, if the offyce were so greate as had a charge and superyorytie over other pastors. And lykewyse we must thincke that making a dylygent recytall of qualities requyred in Bysshopps and deacons he forgate (1 Tymo. 3) the elders of Churches, if the offyce of Bysshops and Elders were not all one.
	Furdermore, if there had bene any suche function dysfincte from the offyce of an elder or pastor, doutles the Holy Ghost would have sett oute the dyfference of theyre authoryties in one place or other, dyscrybing wherein it rested, how farre the one and the other extended or were I vmvted, specyally in a function which (as it is imagined) was to be of so greate importance, and to have perpetuitie in the Churche. But for my parte I could yet never fynde any one jotte that sygnyfyed a specyall authorytie of bysshops, and another of elders. I know that the examples of Tymothie and Tyte have bene urged as of Bysshopps having superyorytie over other Churches or pastors. But I thincke the condycion of them is muche mystaken, for it cannot be justyfyed that any of them bothe were bysshops : or, if they were, that they had any function of superyorytie. Tymothie attended upon St. Paule in his travell, and sometyme was sent to one place, and sometyme to another, to teache and to sett order in thinges as Paule gave dyrection, so as he had no settled place of charge as the Bysshoppe or elder had.
	And where those of the contrary opynion make him bysshoppe at Ephesus, trewthe it is that St. Paule requyred him to stay at Ephesus, when himselfe wente into Macedonia. But this was but for a tyme, for after that Paule had traveled Macedonia, and spente some tyme in Greece, he took Tymothie with him (Acts, 20, 4) in his journey to Asya, and in many places had his companye, as appearethe by dyvers epystles wrytten in bothe theyre names from soundry places farre dystant the one from the other. It is also certen that Paule tooke him with him in place of Barnabas, who had unkyndly lefte him (Acts, 16, 3). He callethe him his helper (Ro. ultimo, 2) and sygnyfying to the Corrynthians that Tymothie was to come to them, he tellethe them that Tymothie wroughte the worke of the Lorde as he dyd (1 Corrin. ultimo, 10). So that it appearethe he was nowhere setled as the pastor or Bysshoppe of a certen Churche, But was imployed in a generall function of teaching as Paul himselfe was, which in those that were not apostles was an offyce of specyall function named Evangelysts, (and so Paule calleth Tymothe, 1 Timothi. 4,) which offyce had his contynewance in the Churche no longer then the tyme of the Apostles, upon whome commonlye they dyd attende, confesse that the Scripture reportethe that he was at Ephesus by the order of St. Paule. And so did he also teache the Thessalonians (1 Thess. 2). And to lyke purpose he was at Corrynthe. Wherefore I see no reason why we may not as well say that he was a byshoppe in theise places as at Ephesus, sythe we fynde no more for the one then we do for the other.
	And if we would maynteyne that he were Byshoppe of all theise places so farre asounder, I knowe not what grounde the Pope myglue make hereof to justyfye his Unyversalitie. Last of all when St. Paule made that notable exhortacion to the elders of Ephesus, whome he sent for to come to him, himselfe being at Myletum, Tymothie was then none of the nomber, but was come in company of Paule from Macedonia (Acts, 20, 4). And in no parte of that charge he commendethe Timothie ether to theyre obedyance as theyre superyor, or to theyre choyse to be theyre Bysshoppe, notwithstanding that it had bene an important matter, and Tymothie his presence myghte well have putt him in remembrance of the one or the other.
	The lyke is to be said of Tytus : he was no bysshoppe or pastor in Crete, he .was an helper to Paule, and traveled with him as Tymothie dyd, and was sent as occasion served to preache in places which Paule assygned (2 Timothy, ultimo, 10), and attended upon St. Paule agayne when he was sente for, as when Paule requyred him to come to him to Nicopolis, etc. And where St. Paule wrytting to Tytus tellethe him that he left him at Creete, he dothe not say that he lefte him to theyre pastor or byshoppe, but he expressethe the cause thus—“that thou shouldest contynew to redresse thinges that remayne, and shouldest ordayne elders in everie congregation as I appoynted the;” meaning that he sent him to geve dyrection for framing the order of Churches, and for the establyshement of government which then wanted, and not to be the governor there him selfe. And it were an absurde conceipte to affyrme that he was there a superyor to other elders or pastors, where there were yet none in that charge, or at the least very fewe.
	The Apostles' authorytie doubtles was greate, but that the same may be called superyorytie I cannot affyrme, for I see that Peter would clayme to himselfe no greater tytle then to be a fellowe elder (1 Peter, 5). But whatsoever this was in the Apostles, Tymothie and Tytus were but Commyssioners, (as the words before recyted, “as I appoynted thee,” doe import) and had no standing superyorytie, which is the poynte of this questyon.
	But it is replyed that Tytus had charge to ordayne elders, and Tymothie was warned that he should not lay hands raschely upon any, whereon they inferre that, whether they were Bysshops or not, yet that calling implyed superyorytie. I answere that it followethe not that because they imposed handes, therefore they dyd it alone; and, if they dyd it with other, then importethe it no superyorytie, but equalytie; for my parte I cannot thincke they did it alone, for it had been agaynst the course (hen used in the Churche, for at that time imposition of handes was executed by many concurring in that action, and not by one, as in the choyce of the first deacons, and in the sending forthe of Pawle and Barnabas from Anthioche doth appeare. And if Paule would not impose handes alone upon Tymothie, but joyned the Elders with him in that action, I do not thincke he dyd commytte that to Tymothie or Tyte, whereof himselfe had geeven a contrary presydent.
	Thus muche towchinge the first questyon, wherein I delyver not myne owne fancye, but the judgement of other learned, and namely of one, the flower and jeweli of our age, Anthonius Savelins, who is now with the Kynge of Navarre, a man furnyshed with greate varyety of learning, of deepe knowledge in the Scryptures, and of excellent wytte.
	Of the second question, I thincke shortely thus : that the supreme civyll magystrate in every countrye may appoynte under offycers in the execution of that government which he hathe in ecclesyasticall causes, as well as he may doe in cyvile matters, for the reason is all one in them bothe. I do also thincke that he is not restrayned, but he may appoynte to that execucion mynysters of the Worde and Sacraments, as he may do other, whereof, thoughe there be no presydent in the Newe Testament, for that in the tymes of the Apostles no civill magystrate prophessed Chryst's religion, but oppugned it, yet, because I fynde no restrayiit hereof, I am ledde to this opynion. Magystrates I knowe have to consyder how they burden this sorte of men with unfytte charges. But this is no lett, but they may use them in this execution in some manner.
	And what imperfection soever be in this commyssion graunted by the Prynce or by the lawe, I take it that the subjecte is bounde to accept it, as an humayne ordynance, and yeelde thereto his obedyence, and that he may no more examyne the justyce thereof of purpose to stay his dutye, then be may do in any other lawe or polycye of the countrye where he lyvethe.
	But, as I thincke this charge may be in some manner commytted to mynysters of the Worde, so am I out of doubte the same so done is but an humayne ordynance, and may not be intytled to any greater authorytie, nor otherwyse sayd to be God's ordynance, than the offyce of cyvill magistrates be (Ro. 13). And as they do therefore beare the name of humayne ordynances, because they are not sett downe in the Worde of God what they be with all theyre boundes and lymytes, but are suche as the polycye of every countrye maketh them to be, as for example, we see in some places the Kynge hathe power absolute, in some other places his power is tyed to lawes, and some where he may make lawes that shall reache to the subjects lyeffe and goods, and other where he can not, and so fourthe, which vanytye is muche more in inferyor magystrates; so is this authoritie commytted to bysshopps by the same name to be termed, because it is known and lymyted by humayne policye, and not otherwyse.
	The Bysshopps of our realme do not (so farre as I ever yet harde), nor may not, clayme to themselves any other authorytie then is geeven them by the Statute of the 25 of Kynge Henry the 8., recyted in the fyrst yeare of hir Majesty's raygne, or by other statutes of this lande, neither is it reasonable they should make other clayme, for if it had pleased her Majesty with the wysdome of the realme to have used no bysshopps at all, we could not have complayned justely of any defect in our Churche, or if it had lyked them to lymyte the authorytie of bysshopps to shorter termes, they might not have said they had any wronge. But sythe it hathe pleased her Majesty to use the mynystery of Bysshopps, and to assigne them this authoryte, it must be to me, that am a subjecte, as God's ordynance, and therefore to be obeyed according to St. Pauley rule.
	Endorsed :—“M^r Doctor Hammon to M^r Tresorer.”
	3½ p.
	755. Richard Cotes, the elder, to the Queen.
1588, Nov. 5.	Petition for a lease in reversion of 30l. a year, in consideration of his services, well known to the Lord of Leicester, deceased, and others.
	Endorsed :— 5 November 1588.
	[Note by Dr. Valentine Dale that the Queen grants the petition.]
	1 p.
	756. Thomas Brune, Victualler for the Low Countries, to Lord Burghley.
1588, Nov. 5.	Prays redress of wrongs done him by Richard Huddleston and his deputies, whereby he was damaged 1,464l. 3s. 1d., which has been due to him since October 1586.
1588, Nov. 5.	1 p.
	757. William Walker to Lord Burghley.
1588, Nov. 6.	Money owing him for supplies to the Low Countries has been fraudulenfly obtained by Thomas Bressie and Rowland Haywood. Prays order for payment, and direction to Sir Thomas Shirley to pay no captains' debts but to such as bring the captains' bills.
	Endorsed :—6 November 1588.
	[Note by Burghley referring the matter to Sir T. Shirley.]
	1 p.
	758. Gilbert Tawle to Archibald Douglas.
1588, Nov. 6.	Begs that, when there shall be a Bishop of Durham nominated, his honour will further him with a good word to Sir Francis Walsingham to use his influence with the newly elected bishop to obtain for him the peaceable enjoyment of that which the former bishop made him a patent of. The letters procured by his honour from Sir F. Walsingham to Sir Wm. Hilton, the Sheriff of the Bishopric, and the Dean of Durham, have stood him in no stead.—Berwick, 6 November 1588.
1588, Nov. 6.	1 p.
	759. Depositions in the case of Theobald Dillon and Henry Eyland.
1588, Nov. 6.	The portreeve of Mullingar, being sworn touching the arresting of Henry Eyland at the suit of Theobald Dillon, saith that upon the showing of the letters of Sir Richard Bingham directed to the Lord Deputy, he told Theobald that he would not stay Eyland, having those letters, being not as then arrested; which Theobald answered : Let it be upon my peril, and let me stand for it. And further the portreeve demanding of him bands to save, him harmless, Theobald Dillon answered : “If the law of your town be such, you shall answer me the debt”; and refused to give him bands.
	Richard Casie, likewise sworn, saith that Theobald Dillon coming to the portreeve to arrest Eyland, the portreeve said that he was loth to arrest him, seeing he had the sail letters to the Lord Deputy, which Theobald said that he would take the peril upon himself, and be the portreeve's warrant for it.
	Nicholas Dignam, likewise sworn, saith that Eyland, lying in his house as his guest, espied in the morning a sergeant without the door, whom he suspected to be for his arrest, and thereupon requested Dignam to go forth to know the matter, who, understanding the matter to be so, and having heard Casie to read the letters directed to the Lord Deputy, and some to the Council, persuaded the portreeve to let Eyland pass, for that he said he had letters of great charge, and somewhat else to declare by word of mouth. And then Theobald offered to send a messenger with them, which Eyland refused, for that they were of weight, and otherwise to declare his message by word of mouth. And in the rest doth agree with Casie.
	Note in margin, signed “Fitzwilliam” : This the said Theobald Dillon did in the very hottest of the falling of the Spanish ships on the coasts of Connaught, notwithstanding there was written under the direction of the said letters, &c.”
	1 p.
	760. John Provand to Archibald Douglas.
1588. Nov. 9.	Begs redress for loss and damage sustained from the English pirates. Secretary Walsingham assured him he should be satisfied.—From Edinburgh, the 9th day of November 1588.
1588. Nov. 9.	1 p.
	761. The Countess of Leicester to Lord Burghley.
1588, Nov. 20.	When she first made offer to his lordship of her interest in the Fyne Office, thought to do an acceptable service therein to her Majesty, and also to relieve somewhat her own distressed estate by putting into her Highness's hands the ship, which lies at a continual charge to her, at a reasonable price. Now finds that her servant made an absolute offer of the office, and that the same is accepted by her Majesty, without any mention or motion of the ship, a thing which is altogether contrary to her intention. Will however stand to her Majesty's offer, be it never so prejudicial to her, but beseeches him to afford his good favour for the acceptance of the ship at such price as her Majesty's officers shall find her to be worth; and, with regard to the office, that on its coming into her Majesty's hands those who are now officers may retain their places for which they are well fitted.—Leicester House, Friday night.
	Endorsed :—“20 November 1588. The Countess of Leicester.”
	1 p.
	762. Richard Douglas to Archibald Douglas.
1588, Nov. 22.	Your last letters, bearing date 6 November, brought by Edward Johnstone, came to my hands the 15th, about the very time his Majesty was taking his journey to Dunfermline towards the Earl of Huntly; whereupon I was forced to stay his back-coming before I could have any speech, which was the night following very late. At that time, I delivered unto his Majesty first such letters as you sent from the ambassadors of England concerning Colonel Stewart. Thereafter, before his Highness opened them, I opened that which you had written in your letter to me concerning that purpose, and therewith took also occasion to insist that his Majesty would now at last resolve you what was his pleasure that you should do in that other matter that concerned his own service, whereof you had of late written to him, and not as yet received any resolution; seeing that his Majesty would advise what was to be done therein, and thereafter advertise you; assuring him that you had already and would yet lay the blame thereof upon me, and impute it to my sloth, adding, that you could not be persuaded that his Majesty, who is so wise in all his actions, would so long delay the resolution of a matter that concerned him so, and imported so much to his service. To all this, at that time, as divers times of before, I could have nothing but a deferring answer, that his Majesty had not yet resolved what order to take with his service in that country; that, in respect of the prorogating of the Parliament, there was not so great haste in following forth of any of these overtures made by you, but yet he would follow them both forth, and employ you therein, in their own time; and, last of all, he delayed me until the Convention, which is to begin the 24th of this month. You may well enough perceive from whence comes those delays, for, at his Majesty's first coming to this town, he was fully minded to have sent you commission to have dealt in the first of your overtures, At this Convention I shall put the matter to some point, either to have a public commission sent unto you, or else give up any further dealing, that I have oft threatened. I use in this matter the help of your good friends the Justice Clerk and Sir Robert Melvill, who both hold hand to your matters, and look verily that his Majesty will be served by you, as they say he cannot well be served [but] by you in that service.
	As for that matter concerning the States of Holland and their ambassadors, his Majesty finds it very strange that they, being directed towards him by commandment from their superiors, should have been diverted therefrom by any other, and is determined not to deal with them in that nor any other matter except they come here, yea, not for the desire, as he says, of the Queen, and this he desires might be signified to their ambassadors. I desired his Majesty this day, when I received this answer, to cause it be written, either under his own hand or his secretary's, to themselves, and I promised to send it unto you. He said he would perhaps do so. If it be given me I will send it, otherwise I will not be very curious thereunto. Suppose with all my heart I wish you to do for Colonel Stuart's interest in that matter what you may to his advantage, for it is his Majesty's desire. As for that matter concerning the “Phænix” of Orkney, I delivered it to the Earl Bothwell, whom it touches particularly, who but very lately has obtained the right thereof of that Earl. He thanks you very heartily for your goodwill. He promised to write touching that ship and other matters, but since, he has not been in town. I look for him in a day or two. As to the answer of the States of Holland, he wished not only the re-delivery of the bare ship, but also the furniture. He has offered great courtesy to Mr. Fowler, and will have him to remain with him during his abode in this country, so soon as he transports his house to this town, which will be done very shortly. Your other letters I shewed to none except the Justice Clerk, whom it concerned. He acknowledges and finds these faults in mishandling his Majesty's service there that you do, and would be glad to redress the same, but he cannot have matters put to that good point that both you and he wish, but he will do the best he can. I find his lordship sound and honest meaning towards the King's service, and yourself in particular. He has for your cause offered all friendship to Mr. Fowler. His Majesty is this day, for a day or two, gone to Ormestone to his pastime, for the hunting of a roe or two. At his back-coming, he is to agree the particulars betwixt the Chancellor and some of the nobility, and then to take some settled course for doing justice, and punishing such slaughters as are but too frequent in this country. As for that matter concerning my lord of “Halyardes,” he would not give such writs as you desire to Alexander Graham, but if I or my brother have occasion to come, he will then put them in our hands to be delivered to you, upon my father's obligation for their re-delivery.
	My mother is providing some Westland herrings for you, for she looks you shall send her some glass and lead for glazing of their new house. She thanks you for her son James, but desires that he be not sent home before the next spring, for she would not have him transported by sea during the winter; and then, if Mons. de Moulin's wife comes home, that he come in her company. She would have him go to the schools, for she hears he learns nothing there saving his music, whereabouts she thinks he has bestowed sufficient time. Mr. David McGill will not give any money before Christmas, and the other 100l., received by my brother of him in summer, was equally divided betwixt us; but yet there shall nothing lie back for fault of charges.—Edinburgh, 22 November 1588.
	[Postscript].—This other letter of young Purie you will find some occasion to send; this other packet to Mr. John Nesbitt contains but letters from merchants here to merchants in London.
	Holograph. 3¾ pp.
	763. Richard Douglas to the Laird of Pury Ogilvie.
1588, Nov. 22.	Craves his pardon for being so long in writing to him. Of the state of this country he takes but little pleasure in writing, such confusion there is in all things. There are no less miscontentments against him that rules all than was, for all the pains his Majesty takes for sewing up of matters. Huntly is at Dumferline, looked for in this town at the Convention the 24th of this month, when there is a superficial reconciliation to be made between him and the Chancellor. There has been of late a great controversy between the Master of Glamis and Mr. Alexander Lindsay for the guard, his Majesty inclining to advance Mr. Alexander his favourite, but yet the Master bears it away; how long he knows not. The Lord Hamilton and the Chancellor are agreed, and move Mr. John Colvill; but you know how long such agreements continue, and to what use they serve. Takes no pleasure in setting down these vain particularities, but if anything falls out worthy the advertisement, will send it by all occasions that may be offered. Marvels that he sends no word for his wife, who he doubts net grieves at his long absence. Prays for his prosperous and speedy return to his friends.—Edinburgh, 22 November 1588.
1588, Nov. 22.	2 pp. [Murdin, pp. 633–634. In extenso.]
	764. Anthony May to Thomas Fowler.
1588, Nov. 24.	Complains of his sudden departure and long absence. Reports seizure of his goods by virtue of a commission from the Council. Has given bond for the same, &c.—24 November 1588.
1588, Nov. 24.	1 p.
	765. John Brown to Archibald Douglas.
1588, Nov. 24.	Prays the perfecting of his terms, and that some information in writing may be sent by Robert Carvel, who is returning. Has been at great charges in the matter.—From Eymouth, this 24 of November 1588.
1588, Nov. 24.	½ p.
	766. Thomas Fowler to Archibald Douglas.
1588, Nov. 25.	I cannot tell how to acknowledge myself so much bound to you as I am. Now you see the cruelty, now you see how they would have dealt with me if they had me, that without order or law will thus enter my house, break up my cases, deal with my writings, &c. I cannot write so largely as I would. Always if they would deliver my house and stuff, I shall be glad, and more of Montgomery's release, which I beseech you to procure as much as you may, for he is honest and not acquainted with trouble, and what they have to say to him God knows. I wot not, but I would gladly know whereupon they examined him, and what he hath done with my books. But where I had caused our ambassador to write to Mr. Secretary, in answer of his, that I would account so soon as time can with my lady, which could not well be till February, now, they having my writings and books that I should account with, I neither can nor will account. I will now take my own leisure, and they will be glad, I warrant you, to take a new course. The shameful cruelty and discredit they have done me has hardened my heart, that I would it lay in me to do them any injury. For my wife, I thank your Lordship. I beseech you hold on your course, and do her all the pleasure you can.
	The letters you wrote of, of the warrant to search my house and other matters at large, I have not yet received, only these of the 16th by Lesteryke delivered to your nephew. I would gladly know by whom and how the warrant was gotten, &c. The Earl Bothwell shows me exceeding great courtesy for your sake, and hath offered me large kindness. I beseech you thank him for it. For Fulk Greville, my wife knows he hath offered her courtesy already, and will again, the rather if she seek him, but he is not for her credit. Yet let her do as she please, he will but deceive her, as he hath done others of her sex. He owes me 20l., and therefore must show to favour my case, but he will not offend the Earl of Essex for a hundred such as I. It may be he will do my wife some pleasure. Let her take it. I never trusted him with a word of my mind or thought.
	It is most strange that men be so afraid for I cannot tell what. I beseech you keep well that I trusted others with, and durst not, till you hear from me. I marvel I hear not from Mr. William Selby, &c.—. This 25th of November 1588.
	2 ½ pp.
	767. Sir John Selby to Archibald Douglas.
1588, Nov. 25.	Acknowledges his letters. Has written accordingly to his nephews to send him any letters. Has received no reply.— Berwick, the 25th of November 1588.
1588, Nov. 25.	½ p.
	768. [? “G. S.”] to Archibald Douglas.
1588, Nov. 29.	I hear no news. The assembly of the King and Estates are not as yet dissolved. It is given out here that the Estates have proposed to the King to make the war in three divers places, to wit, against the King of Navarre, against the Duke of Savoy, and against the Protestants in Dauphiné. The King was content therewith, provided the money was provided, which they offered to do by sundry ways, the first was to arraign, to the number of 40, the “specialls” of the country, who, being convict of treason, and their goods and moveables confiscate to the King, would make ten millions of argent. The persons were the four Secretaries of State, M. Bellieu, M. de Montmorency, the Marshall de Eeiss, and such others. The King was so miscontent with that overture that he rose in great anger.
	The Estates have desired his Majesty to declare the King of Navarre unable to succeed to the Crown of France, and to confiscate his whole offices and the estates he has of the King of France,. declaring him incapable of any office within his dominions, which he has altogether refused (till he being of new * * ) do refuse to formalize himself to the Catholic religion, which they think necessary in respect of his so oft disobedience already. They have also advanced so far as to nominate a tutor to his Majesty : which is only done, as the wisest sort esteem, to have the Convention dissolved re infecta*, fearing the King will conclude something of his own fantasy that may prejudice them and the Holy League. It is spoken here that Captain Paton is slain with one great sortie.—From Rouen, this 29th of November 1588.
	Signed :—“876 H.”
	1¼ pp.
	769. William Cornwaleys to Lord Burghley.
1588, Nov. —.	Bewails the loss of her Majesty's good opinion, which, after six years' weary seeking, he still lacks; and for this fault; that having, in a foolish fit of discontent, left the Court, “that unfortunate woman” sent him a cipher to write by, and a message of trust and favour such as he had never sought for, and the possession of which he denied for three years together. Prays that God may take away his life as soon as his lordship hath read this, if he were ever made acquainted with any oblique touch of those wicked devices that followed, and craves his lordship's aid in relieving him from her Majesty's displeasure.—November —, 1588.
1588, Nov. —.	1½ pp.
	770. William Askue, John Bingham, and George Blincko, alias Walker, to the Queen.
1588, Nov. —.	Petition for a lease in reversion of 40l.
	Endorsed :—Nov. 1588.
	[Note by Sir J. Herbert that the Queen grants a lease of 30l.]
	1 p.