Cecil Papers: December 1605, 1-15 | British History Online

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 17, 1605. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1938.

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'Cecil Papers: December 1605, 1-15', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 17, 1605, ed. M S Giuseppi (London, 1938), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol17/pp531-554 [accessed 30 April 2025].

December 1605, 1-15



	The Bishop of London to the Same.
1605, Dec. 1.	This letter was found this morning in my old ruinous hall, and being directed to me I read it, and perceiving the contents, thought it my duty to acquaint you therewith. I cannot guess who should be the writer. The God of Heaven preserve his Majesty amidst so many wolves, God's enemies and his.—London House, 1 Dec. 1605. Holograph, signed: Ric. London. ½ p. (113. 66.)
	The Enclosure (?)—"H.g.l.m." to the Bishop of London.— There are many which would be glad to do for their country, so it were no harm to others: for indeed the thanks was never found worth the pains. The King has been to Thetforde in Norfolk, a hunting; let him do no more so; there was "rods in pisse" for him, which you may find out if you will follow this direction. Mr. Ed. Cleere keeps by him, or in his secret holes, a seminary priest who goes by divers names, a reddish coloured bearded man, slenderer and somewhat higher than himself. Cleere keeps a Scotsman's wife called Mrs. Leeman, widow to a chandler called Lee, somewhere in London. She has a bawd, an old knight of the post, a decayed embroiderer, dwelling in St. Sepulchre's Churchyard; he can find her, and she can find one Pinder, which is pander to many, but of most trust and use with Mr. Cleere; he can find him out, and Mr. Cleere can bring out the priest and the rest. It may be she or Denton can do more, but if all fail Mr. Cleere has a hiding at a pewterer's in Aldersgate Street, or in the Old Bailey at the Black Boy, or in Shoe Lane, where this priest ever did lie at a smith's house about the middle; or at Broken Wharf, or by Montecute House in Southwark; or within 6 miles of London in the forest by Tomwood Hill; or "ax" Dr. Fryer's wife by the Exchange. There are none banished but may be found out. If these be in custody and examined, you will find more.
	I dare do more too, but till then, good night. I love you well, but by St. John, myself better. I am yet under their hands whom I more fear than trust. If you mean the King good, this is enough; if not, too much.—Nov. 30, 1605. Endorsed by Salisbury: "A letter by an unknown person to the Bishop of London." 1 p. (113. 61.)
	William Combe to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605, Dec. 1.	This book was brought to me from Kenelworth, having in it the enclosed papers, found under the manger in the stable where Parson Delve's horse stood when he was apprehended.—Warwick, 1 Dec. 1605. Holograph. 1 p. (113. 67.)
	Sir Richard Verney to the Same.
[1605], Dec. 2.	Under the conduct of my under sheriff and others I send these prisoners whose names are enclosed, (fn. 1) to the number prescribed by your letter. Mr. Walter Graunte is likewise sent, who was apprehended since the last time of my coming to London to attend you, and for whose sending up I had your special commandment.—Warwick, 2 Dec. Signed. Endorsed: "1605." 1 p. (113. 68.)
	Lord Say and Sele to the Same.
1605, Dec. 2.	He has not had a penny profit out of the suit of recusants, though he has been at great charge in indicting of them. He has petitioned the King that out of Tressam's goods, or some others as shall prove rebellious, he may have so much as the debt of Jifford Watkins to Tressam amounted to, being about 2,800l., for the enfranchising of his poor estate. Begs his favour in the matter.—2 Dec. 1605. Holograph. 1 p. (113. 69.)
	Dudley Carleton to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1605, Dec. 2].	Though for treatment I have no cause to complain, yet I live in great misery: for there can be no greater burden to an honest mind than to be long under suspicion of bearing part in so barbarous a villainy. I beseech the Council to take speedy course for their satisfaction in my behalf. Whatever your justice shall assign me, I shall not complain of. The greatest punishment will be too little if the least fault be proved against me; and if nothing, I hope you will think sufficient of 9 days' restraint as a close prisoner.—Undated. Holograph. Endorsed: "1605." 1 p. (113. 142.) [See Cal. S.P. Dom.: 1603–1610, p. 265.]
	Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Justice, to the Same.
1605, Dec. 2.	According as you advised, I have caused the casket to be looked into, which a servant of the Lord Mordant's removed from place to place here about London, and find in it only these two enclosed papers to any purpose. The rest were evidences and ordinary matters concerning the Lord Mordant, which I have had sealed up and put in sufficient custody. The letter enclosed I verily think grew upon their assemblies at the late Queen's death; but what you shall think to be further enquired of it, I shall be ready to do. For the other paper, I hold it to be a copy petition exhibited to his Majesty: if not of the same, yet of some like purposed to have been exhibited.
	Excuse me of my absence yesterday, which grew by means of an extreme rheum fallen into my shoulder and arm; but I am somewhat better now, and go with Mr. Attorney to the Tower.—Serjeants' Inn, 2 Dec. 1605. Holograph. 1 p. (191. 66.)
	The Earl of Salisbury to Sir Thomas Edmondes.
1605, Dec. 2.	I have delivered your own letter of congratulation to his Majesty, which he received in very gracious terms; and for the particular discretion which you have used in the stay of Owen I must (for your farther comfort) say, that I have not observed his Majesty possessed with a greater contentment in any service that hath been performed by any of his Ministers. For it is very true that although his Majesty like a wise Prince seeketh earnestly the discovery of all treasons to the depth, yet is there no Prince more glad to find few involved into others' iniquities than himself, especially those Princes with whom he contracted his peace, rather by authority of his own judgment than by any general applause of the nobility or gentry of this realm. His Majesty hath lately and very plentifully acknowledged the Archdukes' sincere dealing to their Ambassador; and indeed they could not have escaped some ill dealing in the world if that creature Owen, favoured and supported in their Court, had not been forthcoming, seeing how notoriously his practices ever since the late Queen's death for an invasion shall be laid open, besides his particular knowledge and dealing with some of these conspirators in the infernal treason of the powder. In both which, because you may know what to give out against any contestation of his friends, this is it that I do warrant you to deliver upon the forfeiture of my judgment your opinion, that it shall appear as evident as the sun in the clearest day that Stanley, Baldwin and Owen, since the death of the Queen were acquainted with a motion from the Catholics to the King of Spain for sending an army into England; and in this matter of the gunpowder that Baldwin by means of Owen, and Owen directly of himself, have been particular conspirators. And for Sir Wm. Stanley though you may forbear awhile to avow him to have dealt personally with any of the conspirators in it, yet you may assure the Archdukes that he was so far upon it as he was advised to be ready at this Parliament to come over into England upon the first advertisement from them: and therefore you may say that although by virtue now of his Majesty's commandment you do only demand the persons of Baldwin and Owen to be sent over, yet you do move likewise that the Archdukes will make stay of Sir Wm. Stanley to be forthcoming, until his Majesty may inform the Archdukes further what he may be charged with. But forasmuch as you have seemed to insinuate one thing whereof the Archdukes might be jealous, which is, that some other treasons and practices may be objected to Owen besides this last monster, you may therein assure that neither he nor Baldwin nor any other whom the Archdukes shall send over shall undergo any trial or suffer any prejudice in life or restraint for any other crime whatsoever, but shall be safely remanded again wheresoever the Archdukes shall require the same; although his Majesty is content the Archdukes should know these other causes, which might exasperate his Majesty against them, being committed in his time. And now because I spake of the practices of these men under the Archdukes with the King of Spain, you shall inform him particularly of the great contentment his Majesty taketh, considering their residence there and the aptness of those that love not their amity and scandalize the same, that the very conspirators themselves do acknowledge the Archdukes not only free from foreknowledge of that employment into Spain about the invasion, but also that the King of Spain himself refused their overtures and misliked the same, requiring them to settle their own thoughts upon no other expectations to be relieved by any hostile acts from him, unless the peace wherein his Commissioners and the Archdukes' were employed should break off; only this reference he gave them, to resort to the Constable in the Low Countries whom he had given charge to do the Catholics all the good offices he could towards their Sovereign, by commending them in such sort as one Prince may do for the subjects of another. For any other things which may be fit for you to know and to answer, if you shall be demanded what further persons are discovered, because divers noblemen are committed, as the Viscount Montague, Lord Mordant and Lord Sturton, you may shortly answer this, That this practice is avowed by the conspirators to be taken in hand for the cause of religion, and that in all the traitors' consultations they were very careful to preserve such noblemen as were Catholics from the blow; for which purpose Catesby naming those that aforesaid were absent without any just occasion, and that Catesby had told his complices which are yet alive, a good while before the discovery, that he was sure those 3 should be absent. Whereupon these men's religion considered and the continual conversation in which the principal conspirators had lived these 2 years last past with these men and their dearest friends, his Majesty and his State could do no less than they have done in making sure of their persons, which being granted you know there is no other prison for the nobility, especially in any question for matter of state, but the Tower of London. A matter wherein I enlarge myself for the form because you may the better satisfy your own judgment in the like course taken with the Earl of Northumberland, on whom though it cannot be cast that he was absent, yet because Percy only named him and the Lord Monteagle, and that Monteagle had a letter of warning, together with the circumstances of Percy's inwardness and his coming out of the north 3 days before the time, and his resort to the Earl not twenty hours before this villainy should have been acted, the presumption hath been thought sufficient likewise to commit him to the like place and custody; and thus much the rather, because the Earl, upon the death of the Queen and after, had declared often to the King that the Catholics had offered themselves to depend upon him in all their courses so far, as his Majesty making him know his pleasure, he doubted not but to contain them from any extremity.
	Thus you have as much as may satisfy all reports of more or less than I have written, wherein assure yourself that such is the justice of this time as if no more appear than this, which may well deserve as much as is done, there shall be no such rules of rigorous policy practised upon a nobleman of his blood and quality as not to set him free again without touch of his estate; assuring you for mine own part, although it is not improbable that Percy gave him some general warning according to his resolution with his confederates, and that there is no direct proof whether the Earl would have been present at the Parliament or not, because the hour was prevented of the execution, wherein it may be said he might in discretion have forborne to offer any show of absence till the very instant; yet I believe that Percy never durst acquaint a nobleman of his birth, alliance and disposition with so unnatural and savage a plot as that, wherein so many whom himself loved must have perished. Only this is the misfortune that, Catesby and Percy being dead, his innocency or his guiltiness must both depend upon circumstances of other persons and time.
	It remaineth now that I inform you how his Majesty would have you carry your motion for Owen and Baldwin, wherein he leaveth something to your discretion, even in that point to prevent the loss of time in sending to and fro about it, in case any difficulties shall arise. You shall first insist upon the bringing over with all expedition of those 2 persons, but not to suffer Owen to stay for Baldwin if either he cannot be apprehended, or that the Archdukes shall be dainty to meddle with a shaven crown; because the time of these men's trials doth approach, wherein no proof can be like to the confronting, which you may use as the necessity of his coming over, considering the difference between accusations in paper and vivâ voce. If in this matter upon any new consultation difficulty be made, I shall not need in the general to instruct you how to make them sensible of the wrong they shall do to those offices of honour, necessary for Princes in such a case as this, which exceedeth the nature of all other treasons. And that done, you may then make this offer, which if the Archdukes should refuse I protest unto you before God, though I mean not to direct you to speak menacingly, that never a good subject in England to hold friendship where there shall be so absurd a denial [sic]. That which you shall say is this, and (as I said before) limit it both and to Owen particularly if Baldwin be denied, that if the Archdukes will send him over he shall be never dealt with but in the presence of their Ambassador, nay, if they will require it he shall be put into no other prison than in the house of their Ambassador, which is in a manner in their own protection. Further, when he shall have received his trial there his Majesty will safely convey him back again to the Archdukes' hands, that they may give him their own justice in their own dominions. Of this and all other particulars as you shall return answer and assign us the port and time where he shall be taken in, there shall be one of his Majesty's ships sent thither to transport him safely, or to waft any boats of the Archdukes' wherein he shall direct him to take his passage; in which we desire expedition because the trial of the prisoners here stays thereupon.
	Concerning Bayly, if you find that he be any way guilty of this particular practice (but hitherto we have not heard his name mentioned) if you can get him to be brought over it shall be a good office. And now to speak of the papers, although we think that those will be obtained with great difficulty because they may contain matter relating to some other of the Archdukes' ministers, yet you may do well to insist upon the having of them, or at the least that you might have the favour to be acquainted there with the nature of them, and suffered to send them over hither [with] such things as only tend to this discovery. If that be denied you may demand that they be sent over hither to the Archdukes' minister, to the intent we may by informing him of the times of this practice move him to examine those things that may best clear the matter, which will fall all within the compass of 18 or 20 months. And thus leaving the carriage of these businesses to your discretion I commit you to God.—2 Dec. 1605.
	PS. I thank you for your care in the entertaining of that overture which may happily bring to light the practices against me, which as I continue in respect of the zeal I carry to the cause for which they hate me, so do I assure you I have as many circumstances to confirm it as ever so poor a man as I had: but I know my anchor-hold and leave all to His divine pleasure. I will in no case reveal the writer of that letter, but it was with a sharp style and a pithy. I thank you for Middleton. Copy. 6 pp. (227. p. 139.)
	James I to the Archduke Albert of Austria.
1605, Dec. 2.	We have heard by the relation of our Ambassador at your Court of the real affection, truly worthy of a Prince, which you have shown upon his communication of the recent cursed and more than detestable treason which would have been perpetrated here had not God of his immense goodness prevented it. Of what our Ambassador has now told you something we wish by these presents to assure you that all that he has already declared to you is founded upon truth; and also to tell you of the part played in this unhappy gunpowder conspiracy in particular by those wicked creatures, Owen and Baldwin, "gens de mesme farine," of which as we have made ourselves strong by the most evident proofs, so in the contrary case we shall not refuse to risk the reputation of our judgment to the censure not only of all princes with whom we are in friendship and alliance but also to all others who hear our report. And as we hold you in the first ranks of these we cannot conceal the infinite satisfaction we had in being advised by our Ambassador of the ardent affection and zeal with which you proceeded in order to show your resentment on our account; a matter which we shall always charge ourselves to recognise and to acquit ourselves of by every means in our power with the integrity which your affection demands, as we have fully made known both to your Ambassador here and to our own with you. We pray you to continue to give all credence to this both for the present and the future. And in conclusion, as consideration for our State and what depends on it moves us more than solicitude for our own person and gives just occasion to omit no means for the discovery of the origin and makers of such a conspiracy, we shall be singularly content if the world and especially those who perhaps bear none too much goodwill to our mutual friendship know of the sincerity with which you are proceeding in the fulfilment of our desire which is founded upon so good and just reason:—"Escript à nostre Palais de Westminster le 2^e. de Decembre, 1605." Copy. French. 1½ pp. (227. p. 145.)
	John Byrde to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605, Dec. 3.	The extremities of my two years imprisonment for debt, for want of timely reward for good service done to the states of both realms, and the props that others had at the alteration of states, have so dulled my spirits, subdued my wits and overborne my heart as formal writing of matter enclosed are not expectable. Only the mark I level my best hopes at is a speedy consideration of my enclosed comports. The poor man's physician patience, and a good conscience, are my comforts in this cross of imprisonment.—3 Dec. 1605.
	Holograph. Endorsed: "My Lord, for baseness of the writer or homely handwriting let not reading be forestood and disdained, for hard heads may give light, and the harshest pen may set down somewhat worthy the reading." 1 p. (89. 143.)
	Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Justice, to the Same.
1605, Dec. 3.	Mr. Attorney and myself have examined Sir Richard Weynman, who calls to remembrance that this was in the conclusion of Mrs. Vaux's letter to his wife: viz. that Mrs. Vaux moved her to pray for that she hoped or looked, that shortly Totnam would be turned French. But for the other words comprised in the note I delivered you (whereof I kept no copy) he says he remembers not, and affirms that his wife tells him she has lost the letter, whereof I make s[ome] doubt. But it appears that letters have passed between the Lady Fermor and the Lady Weynman touching the said letter, which Sir Richard says, if it shall so seem good, he will press to get at his wife's [hands], and the former letter also if it may be; and will send up such of his folks as have seen the former letter also, who haply may remember more of it than himself.— 3 Dec. 1605. Holograph. 1 p. blotted. (113. 70.)
	Mary, Lady Digby, to the Same.
1605, Dec. 3.	Begs his favour to comfort her unspeakable sorrows. She knows her husband's offence has forfeited his all, but she cannot think it is the will of those to whom she now appeals that she should be as violently dealt with as she is, her innocence considered. She encloses a note from an honest gentleman who dwells near her house in Buckinghamshire, which shows in what fashion the High Sheriff there proceeds. He has not left the worth of a penny in the grounds, house or walls, not so much as great tables and standing chairs, that could not be removed without sawing and cutting to pieces. He permitted base people to ransack all, even to her closet, and sold cattle and grain and other things for half their worth, and gave other things away. It is said the Sheriff will get above 1,000l. underhand by this booty. He will not let her have so much as a suit of apparel for Mr. Digby, nor linen for herself. She is destitute of a place for herself and children to abide in, and of maintenance. She begs Salisbury that she may have the house in Bucks, as it is her own inheritance, and allowance for them and for her husband during his imprisonment, and that the household stuff may be brought again. Yet these suits are far below the principal of her desires, which is the life of her husband, to obtain which no condition shall be too hard; without it her life will be much worse to her than many deaths. Begs Salisbury to mollify the Sovereign's heart to pardon him.—3 Dec. 1605. Holograph. 1 p. (113. 71.)
	Sir Thomas Flemynge to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605, Dec. 3 (?).	By perusing the enclosed, I hold the Sheriff has dealt unjustly against the law, and contrary to the instructions from the Exchequer, which he has contemptuously transgressed. I think the Lords should command him personally to bring back the goods he has removed, and to dispose of them for the relief of the lady, her children and family, and the prisoner's necessary expenses, according to the former instructions; to leave the residue in safe keeping; and to make no sale but with the consent of the lady. As he has sold some part without warrant at low rates, he should deliver the money, or so much as may serve the lady's necessity for the relief of her and her husband. He should be straitly charged not to intermeddle further than he is directed by his commission and instructions.—3 Dec. 1605. Holograph. Endorsed: "L. Chief Baron concerning the Lady Digbye's business. 3° Dec." 1 p. (113. 73.)
	Sir Edward Coke, Attorney General, to the Same.
1605, Dec. 3.	I send you a copy of Mrs. Vaux's confession, which you never saw, together with such postilles upon the examinations of Sir George Fearmour and Sir Richard Weynman and of the Lady Tasburgh as be pertinent to this cause.— 3 Dec. 1605. Holograph. ½ p. (113. 72.)
	Newnham Priory.
1605, Dec. 3.	List of evidences concerning the Priory of Newnham, Bedfordshire, delivered to Sir John Spencer by Duke Brook, esq.—3 Dec. 1605. 1 p. (213. 8.)
	Thomas Bate's examination.
1605, Dec 4.	The examination of Thomas Bate, servant to Robert Catesby. Subscribed: Thomas Bate.
	Contemporary copy in the hand of Thomas Wilson (?). Endorsed: "Thomas Bate's examination taken by the Lords the Commissioners." 3 pp. (113. 74.)
	[A copy of the document in P.R.O. Gunpowder Plot Papers, No. 145 (Cal. S.P. Dom. 1603–1610, p. 267). The copyist has apparently made some errors for "in the house of one Powell where Catesby had taken a lodging" for "Powell" he has written "Dorrell," in three places for "Thomas Winter" he has written "Thomas Wryte" and for "John Wright," "John Wryte."]
	— to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605, Dec. 4.	"The copy of a letter cast into the Lord of Salisbury's Court, Dec. 4, 1605."
	The late most wicked design for destroying his Majesty and nobility and others, through the undertaking spirits of some more turbulent than truly zealous and dispassionate Catholics, has made the Catholic cause so scandalous to those whose corrupted judgment is not able to sever the faults of such professors from the profession itself, that whoso is found to be of that religion is presumed to allow that most barbarous project, though as much abhorring it as any Protestant. Some of the Council, but especially you, is known to be primus motor of such uncharitable taking advantage, by so foul a scandal, to root out all memory of Catholics, either by sudden massacre, banishment or imprisonment, or perhaps by decreeing in this next Parliament some more cruel law against Catholics than is already made. Some good Catholics are resolved to prevent so great a mischief, though with assurance of the loss of their lives. You are admonished that there are 5 who have undertaken your death, and have vowed the performance thereof by taking the sacrament, if you continue plotting these stratagems against recusants. None of the 5 know who the other 4 be. It is agreed who shall first attempt it by shot, and who shall follow. Death will be willingly embraced for preventing the calamities which you threaten to us all. We protest we know no other means left us, since you seem but as a match to give fire to his Majesty, to whom the worst we wish (for intending all mischief against the persecuted Catholics) is that he may be as great a saint in heaven as he is a king on earth. Endorsed by the 2nd Earl of Salisbury: "A threatening letter to my father." 1¼ pp. (113. 76.)
	[The Earl of Salisbury] to Mr. Faunt.
[1605, Dec. 4].	I have received from you direction in two things, the one to learn the names of those priests who have been confessors and ministers of the sacrament to these conspirators, because it follows indeed in consequence that they could not be ignorant of their purposes, seeing all men that doubt resort to them for satisfaction, and all men use confession to obtain absolution. Secondly, his Majesty expresses his gracious care that all things may be so used, as the Parliament may receive no new prorogation. For the first, most of these conspirators have wilfully forsworn that the priest knew anything in particular, and obstinately refuse to be accusers of them, yea, what torture soever they be put to. But you may tell his Majesty that if he please to read privately what this day we have drawn from a voluntary and penitent examination, that point I am persuaded (but I am no undertaker) shall be so well cleared, if he forbear much to speak of this but few days, as he shall see all fall out to that end whereto his Majesty shoots. And whereas in the ordering most part of his future government, the good carriage is of great importance, in which my poor thoughts are more occupied I protest to God than about any other thing now like to rise of this discovery, though it must be his wisdom must in this be all our loadstones, as in all great cases it shall be mine whilst I have breath.
	For the second, there is no appearance that any of these causes should stay the Parliament, nor any other accident that can happen. But I assure myself his Majesty will conceive that the days will be long before we shall see this State in such a temper as will not give every day new matters for his Majesty to exercise his own great wisdom and to direct his Ministers' labours, considering he has a union to make, both moral and spiritual, which are no works of few days, nor such as any man dare say this State can ever stand solid without them.—Undated. Draft, with corrections by Salisbury. Endorsed: "4 Dec. 1605. Minute to Mr. Faunt." 3 pp. (113. 77.)
	William Walshe and Edward Newporte to Sir Richard Walsh, High Sheriff of Worcester, "at his lodging at the White Hart in the Strand, and in his absence to Mr. Arnold Olsworth Esq. at his house near to Ivy Bridge."
1605, Dec. 4.	We understand by my Lady Walsh that one of your servants remaining at Huddington has discovered a hollow place within a wall near the clock house, which has not formerly been perceived. Your lady requested us to search the said place, which we have done, and there found a cross gilt with the picture of Christ and other pictures upon it, a chalice of silver, parcel gilt, with a little plate or cover, and certain boxes of singing bread, and all other ornaments fit for a Popish priest to say mass in, and certain Popish mass books, most of them in Latin and some in English, to the number of 50 or 60, whereof some are newly printed. We have sent you by this bearer 8 letters and 9 papers, all we found there material. We do not send the books and other things till we understand the Council's pleasure.—Huddington, 4 Dec. 1605. Signed. ½ p. (191. 92.)
	Edward Brabazon to the Earl of Salisbury.
[? 1605], Dec. 4.	After the attainder of Desmond, in the Parliament following, the reservations of Irishmen's estates were so intermingled amongst the undertakers that it bred sudden confusion. The north of Ireland has always been the receptacle of the greatest treasons. Their bogs and fastnesses ministered the special cause. The country of Tyrone, with the appurtenances comprehended in the Earl's last grant, is 3 score miles long and 12 in breadth, which severs the English pale from the inhabitants now planted in the north; which carries some good show of a worthy beginning. No relief upon extremities can be sent but by sea, because the country of Tyrone stops the passage. The transportations by sea prove deceitful and chargeable. The Irish now carry some show of obedience, enforced through want of means; their consultations secret; their executions sudden; which I never saw prevented till the act was performed. The Popish priests are the messengers and producers of these wars. Their greatest hope consists of the troops now in service under the Archduke, which upon occasion proffered may work some desperate action amongst evil and discontented people. For if Robin Hudd be once set on foot, his followers will play their parts by general consent. I suppose there may be means used to prevent the greatest inconvenience. If you command my service, the bearer Mr. Watson knows where I dwell.—London, 4 Dec. Holograph. Endorsed: "1602" [sic]. 1 p. (191. 93.)
	Sir Henry Wallop to the Same.
1605, Dec. 5.	He begs Salisbury to excuse his negligence towards him. Salisbury promised to be a means of freeing him from the shirewick of Shropshire this year. He was sheriff in Hampshire last year, and his account is not yet finished in the Exchequer.—5 Dec. 1605. Holograph. 1 p. (113. 79.)
	Dudley Carleton to Levynus Munck.
1605, Dec. 5.	I am as little acquainted with the nature of restraints as with deserving them, but if you think I may be allowed to write to persons not suspected, favour me with the conveyance of the enclosed. I could not tell whether a leave I had of Lord Salisbury to deliver letters which touched only particulars, extended to some which are from Villiers Ottoman at Paris to some great personages. If you think I may send them without offence, let this bearer know so much, that he may deliver them. At my departure from Paris Lord Norreys gave me "a proxis" for his voice, to be delivered to Lord Salisbury, in opinion the Parliament had held; and though there be now no use for it, I pray you make known his intention. Excuse me for troubling you with my affairs. In charity you must do somewhat for poor prisoners.—From my lodging without Cripplegate, 5 Dec. 1605. Holograph. 1 p. (113. 80.)
	Examination of Richard Mare and Simon Gillians.
1605, Dec. 5.	Examination of Richard Mare, servant to Captain Thomas Minn, taken before Nicholas Potts, Justice in the county of Bedford, 5 Dec., 3 Jac. I.
	He has served Minn since Michaelmas twelvemonth: before that, Mr. West, of Masworth, Bucks. His going into Warwickshire about 6 weeks since was to sell his master's corn, and to take up a couple of geldings to bring to London to sell. The morrow after the rebels rose, he rode with Minn to Sir Thomas Bewfeld's, under whom he served against the traitors; and continued under Bewfeld's command 10 days. Minns rode post to certify the Council of their rebellion. As to the hurt hard by his throat, he said that as he was riding from Warwick to his master's lodging, there were certain persons gathered drinking, who would needs have him drink with them, and because he refused, cast drink in his face; he drew his dagger to make them loose his bridle, and they beat him down and one hurt him. Who it was he could not tell, but they are bound to appear at the next quarter sessions to answer the wrong. His master willed him to bring the geldings to London, but appointed no place but to sell them there. He knew none of the traitors, for he was a stranger in Warwickshire. He goes to church, and defies the Popish religion. Asked why Simon Gillians rode his spare gelding, he said he was a very poor man, dwelling in Lillington within 2 miles of Warwick, and tenant to his master, and desired to go to London; wherefore he let him ride.
	Examination of Simon Gillians of Lillington, labourer, taken as above. Tenant to Captain Minns, and saw him take horse to ride post to London. Knows none of the traitors. During the rebellion, being commanded by the constable, he watched 5 nights in Lillington, at Shefford Bridge, which was chained up, at which bridge Sir Thomas Bewfeld allowed them 4 muskets and shot to keep it. He goes to church, and all in the parish do so. He was willing to go to London to his brother-in-law William Rogers, dwelling in Bread Street, being Mr. Babham's cook; and asked Mare to let him ride the gelding. Signed and in the handwriting of Nicholas Potts. 1 p. (113. 81.)
	Sir Henry Touneshend to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1605], Dec. 5.	I have been and kept the assize at Chester, and after, the term in the Exchequer, where I ordered and heard 40 causes. Amongst the rest, the Lady Arbella plt. and Sir John Egerton deft. Mr. Justice and myself heard it by commandment by a special letter from the King to my Lord of Derby, but my Lord desired us to proceed in his absence. But it seemed, after long hearing, my lady complained afore her time of complaint. For the present she had but 300l. yearly of rent charge out of the lands of Sir Persivall Willeby till 3,000l. were paid or not, which hitherunto has been paid, and the condition not broken, and so no cause to complain as yet. But for the manor Sir John Egerton has received, he must enjoy it till his recovery be reversed by error, which is now depending in the King's Bench at the suit of Sir Percyvall Willeby. But that recovery doth not bind my lady.
	At Chester there was one Jackson, a persuader of subjects to the Romish religion, and so found guilty upon the statute of 23 Eliz. But presently upon the judgment to be given he recanted his Romish mind, and submitted himself to perform anything; and in hope to recover a lost sheep we reprieved him till the next assize, and in mean season with his keeper to hear sermons and conferences.
	We must pray your aid when Mr. Glacier comes up for the liberties, if the principal is offered to be broken by granting inhibition and corpus cum causa, which has never been allowed. I have written to my Lord of Derby therein, but I defy all the enemies to my court that can say that there is any injustice done, and not all in as good credit as ever it was.—Lowndhall, 5 Dec. Holograph. Endorsed: "1605 Justice Townshend." 1 p. (113. 82.)
	Captain William Turnor to the Same.
1605, Dec. 5.	He need not make long recital of any matter, because many dark treacheries are come to light, which he is glad to hear of. Protests his loyalty.
	"I have formerly written to you, and to Sir Thomas Edmondes, the Ambassador Leger at Brussels with the Archduke. I first made known to him many matters of weight concerning the State; and upon his word I came to Calais, and thence wrote to you my desire to merit pardon at the King's hands for my offence. If I might have had it I should have made known the grounds of many accidents that have now fallen out true. The ground of this treason was unknown to me: God be my judge! Had you but spoken with me when I craved it: but I had no answer but from one Trumball, the Ambassador's man, that came to Calais. Whereupon I repaired to Paris, and made known to Sir Thomas Parry the Ambassador Leger there many things of great weight, which he no doubt reported to you. But there remain with me some particular great matters to be made known, for which if I can get no grace, I mean shall remain with myself. I desire to make known the ground of the employments I had with Baldwin the Jesuit and Owen, in the service of the King of Spain, and also for the Society of the Jesuits. For the more proof, I have delivered to Sir Thomas Parry a book of all the gentlemen's names of the countries in England that have sent many to the Jesuits, under colour of sending men to serve for soldiers. They come with great sums of money, and many are made priests, and carry 'agckines deeies' [? Agnus Dei's], and relics, and indulgences from Rome. I have also set down many priests and Jesuits with their dwellings in the Low Countries, and those remaining in England. I know most of them, and the qualities they are employed in in many gentlemen's houses. I have also given you notes of one Antony Hickman, dwelling in the Duke's place by Aldgate, and one King his companion, who are common transporters of young children, some gentlemen's sons of worth, and of young gentlewomen. He comes not out of Dover but out of the Thames. I have proved all to be true by priests and other probations. Many other things of importance I have related to the Ambassador, long before these treasons were known to you. Many Jesuits I know in London, and they are minded to set up a 'print' to print books in London. I told the Ambassador before of many of them that are in these treasons, that I have had good proofs of before, that I shall allege to you if you will but hear me with favour. I have sent you instructions that Owen and Baldwin have given me to put in execution, with many other directions most detestable and damnable. I came with tears to Edmondes, and told him I would fain speak with you to make known the same. For the more testimony, the Jesuits and Owen have sent to Paris, to the Ambassador's house, one to murder me, who has received money to do it, as the Ambassador can inform you; and the villains have been with Dr. Bagshaw and other priests who are in faction with the Jesuits, for a certificate that they have had no fit opportunity to do it. My will is now to do some service meritorious of grace."—5 Dec. 1605.
	PS.—"There is not one priest nor gentleman's servant that has been here but I know him, and a thousand more than I can name; and I have a book of two or three times as many as I have sent to you. Your wisdom can judge of this book, and the instruction the Ambassador has sent you. I still expect your kind answer. My service can be more acceptable than any man's living, for I have had more experience in their villainy than any; and all doth agree with this detestable treason, which was unknown to me, so apparently; but some things concerning your Honour they doth pretend, and hath pro pounded to the like effect to me sundry times by Owen and Baldwin." Holograph. Endorsed: "Captain Turner from Paris." 5 pp. (192. 52.)
	Sir Thomas Edmondes to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605, Dec. 5.	Some who call to mind the first levying of the English regiment which serves here have told him that, when they were suitors for place in the regiment, they were directly told that they failed in the right way of prevailing by not seeking their recommendation from the Jesuits and under them from Catesby who had the special charge of raising it and procuring Sir Charles Percy's command of it.
	Here still remain of captains and others some as ill-affected members as could have been chosen for that purpose. Amongst the rest one Captain James Blount is of a very violent and malicious spirit and has been a most inward depender upon Catesby and Sir Edmond Baineham, who is believed to be not unacquainted with the plot and it is thought is gone to Rome to acquaint the confederates there.
	It is lately advertised from Rome that there was a likelihood of Parsons coming into these countries and, as there is reason now to think, to attend their expected harvest in England. It is moreover said that he was in hand to send down into these parts for some extraordinary service one Eliott that has long laid with him in Spain and is as dangerous and enterprising a fellow as can be.
	Understands that Owen's partisans, Sir Wm. Stanley and others, maintain that if there be no other than Faux's accusation against him his own denial ought to be as available to clear him. No doubt he shall not want any favour for helping him by any pretence which may serve for evasion and Edmondes has been told that he should not have been left to the danger wherein he is if Edmondes by his sudden surprising of the Duke had not prevailed with him as he did.
	There has been great labouring for the release of Baily because he stands not, as they say, accused, but Edmondes has found means as yet to hinder the same, hoping to receive matter from Salisbury to charge him or else to urge his banishment. Baldwin the Jesuit, since Owen's restraint, is the only man that has pursued the business of England with the Secretary Manciscidor. The Pope's Nuncio here, professing to have in great detestation the late intended abominable fact, has been very desirous to know whether any priests have been dealers therein and out of his charity towards the Jesuits he would not be unwilling that they might be found to be of the medley.
	L. Arundell arrived here since the writer's last letter to Salisbury with purpose to have gone immediately into England had it not appeared by Salisbury's last letter that his Majesty was pleased to dispense with his stay, which the Archduke took in very kind part. President Richardott told Edmondes in plain terms that for his part he did not so much value the service which they received by the English regiment as on the other side the causes of discontent which the English frame thereupon are of prejudice to them.
	The ears of this people are very itching to know whether the French are not interested in the treason of England, and the French are no less curious to know whether these men have not part therein. The French Ambassador told Edmondes that the King his master was sorry his Majesty so soon justified all foreign princes by his proclamation, presuming that it could not be but that the Spanish ministers must have a hand in so deep a practice.—Dec. 5, 1605. Copy. 3½ pp. (227. p. 135.) [Part only of the original letter which is in P.R.O. State Papers, Foreign, Flanders, 7.]
	Pedro de Cuniga, Spanish Ambassador, to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605, Dec. 7.	According to the King's wish, he dispatched to his Sovereign on Nov. 27 Piere de Buc, his courier, who could not pass by Dover on account of the bad weather, till the 4th inst. Intending then to embark, his trunk was searched by the searchers of the port, and they, finding there 53 livres in gold, which he had given Buc for his journey, took them from him, which accident caused Buc to return here. He begs Salisbury to acquaint the King herewith, so that he may know he has lost no time. He will immediately send back the courier, and begs for order that he may be allowed to pass freely.—London, 7 Dec. 1605. Holograph. French. 1 p. (113. 83.)
	Richard Hoper to Sir Henry Brounker, Lord President of Munster.
1605, Dec. 8.	Details the circumstances of his obtaining the grant of the Chief Remembrancer's place in Ireland; his endeavours to obtain the place; Sir George Cary's grant of the same to his servant John Bingley; and the Lord Chancellor of Ireland's unjust dealing in the matter on sealing Bingley's patent. Begs for redress. Speaks of his 17 years service there without reward. "Some informations have been of late made here against Sir George Cary and his ministers for many corruptions and abuses suggested to be done in his offices there. If my mind were carried with any desire of revenge, it may be I could do him hurt. But far be it from me to render evil for evil." Appends copy of letter from Sir George Cary to the Lord Chancellor of Ireland; and copy of statement by the latter, both relating to the above matter.—Hopton, 8 Dec. 1605. Holograph. 3 pp. (113. 84.)
	Sir Richard Hoghton to Richard Elston, Richard Smalley, Richard Dycksonne, William Heaton, William Mercer, William Dobson, William Harrison, Richard Phillipson and Robert Walshe.
1605, Dec. 9.	It is thought they have possessed themselves of divers goods cast up on his cousin Skillicorne's lands in Warton, and due to the latter as his proper goods by wreck of sea. They are summoned to appear before Hoghton at his house in Walton in le Dale, Lancashire, to answer for the same.— 9 Dec. 1605. Contemporary copy. ½ p. (113. 86.)
	Lord Haryngton to the Council.
1605, Dec. 9.	According to your letters I have acquainted Sir William Somervile that it was your pleasure he should repair to you. He is most willing to do it, and his willingness and other reasons, as that he is no Papist, but rather an opposer against such religion, his match with a wife of another profession, and the education of his son in like sort, embolden me to forbear to take bond of him for his appearance before you.—Coventry, 9 Dec. 1605. Signed. 1 p. (113. 87.)
	Sir William Waad to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605, Dec. 9.	Great complaint is daily made to me of a ship of 60 or 70 tons that has lain these 3 weeks over against the Tower, laden with powder for Spain; and I now understand there are 100 barrels of powder in her, laden by one Barber, the owner. It is much murmured that so great a quantity should at this time go forth of the realm to those parts; and the hovering and stay of the ship with so great a quantity of powder in her in this very season when such a devilish practice was intended by powder, breeds jealousy and suspicion. I refer it to your wisdom.—The Tower, 9 Dec. 1605.
	PS.—Sir Walter Rawley, since his being before the Lords, whereof notice is generally taken, shows himself upon the wall in his garden to the view of the people, who gaze upon him, and he stares at them, which he does in his cunning humour, that it might be thought his being before the Lords was rather to clear than to charge him; and so he challenges his keeper that the Lords gave him more liberty for his son to go abroad, and his physician to resort to him, which I assure you he uses only to justify himself; and the world expected rather further restraint than liberty, which made me bold in discretion to restrain him again, to meet with his indiscreet humour, until the Lords shall otherwise order. Holograph. 1 p. (113. 88.)
	William Udall to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1605], Dec. 10.	Having a true knowledge of the vile practices of the Jesuits, I have not only begun a reformation to avoid their courses, but have proceeded to reclaim others. I have not lost my labour upon Henry Keine, a man exceedingly trusted by them, who will free himself from them by all the means he may. Next week he has his journey intended for the Low Countries, upon which occasion, repairing to the Spanish Ambassador's in Seething Lane on Sunday last, he was upon coming thence after mass taken prisoner and carried to Sir William Waade, who discharged him. Thereupon he came to me and told me that and other particulars, among which one discovery is only fitting your knowledge. There were on Sunday night at mass at the Spanish Ambassador's divers Catholics, and when they had made their confessions, and were now ready to receive the sacrament, the Ambassador sent his secretary named Bolt or much like, to pray them to remember in their devotions for the good success of the Ambassador's intention. What this intention may mean I know not; But as Keine said, so say I: if it be concerning the hurt of our King or country, I pray God confound it.
	This last summer I acquainted Mr. Levinus with an indulgence which came from the Pope published first at the Spanish Ambassador's. It was to fast and pray the next week after notice for the general good of Christendom. The event which had followed, if God had not prevented it, makes me bold to deliver this prayer for the good success of the Ambassador's intention to your consideration.—10 Dec. Holograph. Endorsed: "1605." 1 p. (113. 90.)
	Thomas Coe to [the Same].
1605, Dec. 10.	He endeavoured to impart to his Highness by letters delivered by the Sheriffs of London to his Honour's hands the primary intelligence of these late treasons. He entitled his narration a dream or vision but it was an approved truth wrested from a notorious papist, into whom he so far insinuated by private conference that he confessed the whole treason as it is since fallen out. No mortal judgment could make a true construction of the contents of his letter before he should interpret its enigmatical sense, he carrying the strong conceit that his Majesty long before this would have commanded his attendance, the subject of his treatise being for the preservation of the King and State. Understands that his Honour was informed that his letters were written by the sudden motive of a distracted brain. The event shows it to be otherwise. He would have prosecuted the business with better effect had he not been hindered by the practice of a "malevolous" and most obstinate recusant, one Lazareth Garth, a Cursitor of the Chancery, who has forcibly broken up his chamber and embezzled all his writings fit for the execution of this service. Prays that he may have audience with speed for the good of his Majesty.—"Le Counter, Woodstrete, London, (most unjustly oppressed)," 10 Dec. (fn. 2) 1605. Holograph. 1½ pp. (113. 102). [Printed in extenso in Lodge, Illustrations of British History, Vol. III, pp. 301–303.]
	Sir William Waad to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605, Dec. 12.	There came this morning one unto me who desired me to learn of Thomas Winter if my Lord Montegle paid 25l. unto Winter for the interest of 500l. that was in his lordship's hands appertaining to Percy's wife. I asked him, which of his wives: he said Wright's [altered from "Winter's"] sister. Winter upon this question says that Lord Montegle has 500l. of Percy's wife's, for which he paid 50l. interest yearly; and that the 25l. due at Michaelmas was paid to him about the time Thomas Percy was here, and that Thomas Percy received the same of him. You hereby see some reason why, besides the affection borne by Percy to the Lord Montegle, he and his wife had cause to warn him to be absent from that destruction intended against the rest, in regard of the 500l. in his hands; and if this occasion might not be a motive to the letter which was sent to his lordship to warn him to absent himself: which I only do intimate: for my Lord confesses the having of the 500l. in his hands. I am bold to advertise every little occurrence which gives light to further discovery.—12 Dec. 1605. Holograph. 1 p. (113. 91.)
	Dudley Carleton to the Same.
1605, Dec. 12.	Being at my own custody, the fear I have to transgress your commandments keeps me in stricter guard than before. Besides I am set upon the rack of discoursers' tongues, who, with confessions they make for me, remove me from prison to prison according to their fancies. I beseech you procure me this favour from my Lords, that my innocency may appear by my liberty. I shall take care not to abuse it, for this reason above others: not to deceive the good word I may well conceive you have passed for me: for otherwise I was not to have looked so easily to have acquitted myself of so heavy a charge of suspicions.—From my lodging, this 12 Dec. 1605. Holograph. 1 p. (113. 92.)
	The Earl of Nottingham, Lord Admiral, to the Same.
[1605], Dec. 13.	I send you enclosed a letter from Harwich to me, whereby you shall see what an outrage has been done in the King's port there by a man-of-war of Holland. I think you shall do well to acquaint Mr. Caron with it. You may be assured that there will be a great complaint of it by the Spanish Ambassador. If it were as it is written it is very foul. If there be cause for me to come to the Court I will upon notice from your lordship, else I will stay till to-morrow.—This 13 of December. Holograph. Seal broken. Endorsed: "1605." ²/3 p. (89. 169.)
	Sir John Popham, Lord Chief Justice, to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605, Dec. 13.	Where you wrote in your last letter I should learn as particularly as I might of the matter touching the sacrament received on Sunday last, these I am informed: that that there was at that time one Torner, late a servant to Mr. Roger Manners, [and] one Martyne a hosier, dwelling near Strand Bridge. How far forth it shall fit us yet to deal with them, considering the matter and the place, and weighing that they being men of that disposition as held it sacrilege to discover any such matter until it may be by some other means looked into, they discovering the original advertisers, I humbly submit to your judgment. But it seems there were both on Sunday last and yesterday, 2 Scotsmen whose names are not yet discovered, but their persons so described as I would think they might be found out: the one being a very tall big man of some 40 years old, wearing on Sunday last a crimson satin doublet, and yesterday a doublet of the like colour; and the other wearing a suit of brownish fustian, being of between 30 and 40 years of age, and of a reasonable stature; both being very able men, having both yellow beards, and wearing whitish colour cloaks; which if it be true, good care were to be taken to discover such, and to have a good eye on them. This [is] as much as I can yet advertise touching that matter, saving it is said these Scotsmen haunt to a priest that is reported to depend upon the Lord Arundell, who is with the Archduke. Touching the matter I wrote to you of concerning one Thomas Percie, the words have been justified to his face, and now he would seem to excuse it (if any such were) by being overtook with drink; but this morning Mr. Attorney and myself propose to deal further with them in that matter. For the before mentioned priest, I will do what I can to get him took.—Serjeants' Inn, 13 Dec. 1605. Holograph. 2 pp. (113. 93.)
	Sir William Waad to the Same.
1605, Dec. 13.	How the message I delivered to Sir Walter has wrought, you may in part perceive by his handwriting. It is not possible for any man to protest more ignorance in the matter than he does, laying all these rash errors and frantic parts on the folly of her whose imperfections he should conceal; wherein what he says is fitter to be related than written. I send you his lines to me.—13 Dec. 1605. Holograph. ½ p. (113. 94.)
	Sir Richard Hoghton to the Earl of Derby.
1605, Dec. 15.	I find by your letter your discontent in that I have seized for the King certain pieces of wine lately found by wreck; which I have done, not knowing any man's title to be better than his. But if you have title to it, I will be accountable, so I have caused it to be appraised. I think you have been informed by those who are willing to draw you into some hard conceit of me; but assure you you shall find me ever respective in giving you your due.—Walton [in the Dale, co. Lanc.], 15 Dec. 1605.
	Endorsed: "A copy of Sir Richard Hoghton's letter to my Lord," and the following list of names: Sir Jho. Husey, Sir Nich. Poynct, Sir Jho. Bolle, Sir Jho. Southwell, Sir Jho. Hele, Sir Nich. Mollyns, Sir Ed. Fytton, Sir W. Read, Sir Jho. West, Sir Bap. Hyckes, Sir Geo. Beeston, Sir Ja. Cromer, Sir H. Drewell. ½ p. (113. 96.)
	Lord Zouche to the Earl of Salisbury.
[1605], Dec. 15.	Having received the copy of a petition to the King from 4 gentlemen protectors of the 4 shires of Gloucester, Hereford, Worcester and Salop, who amongst their slanderous untruths signify that none of credit but a company of relators and seditious spirits, who live by spoil of their neighbours, affect that government; he would rather have waited on Salisbury himself than have sent these rude speakers for him: had not this unfortunate mischance of his coachman's death made him afraid to present himself to any friend, and caused him to withdraw himself to a little house in Hampshire, thinking to air himself and his people until the Lord Treasurer would have him wait upon him to pay in the overplus of fines seized before the Council of Wales. To that end he has stayed here all this week, his lordship having ordered the Barons of the Exchequer to consider thereof, who are not yet resolved. He gives details of the difference between the Lord Treasurer and himself, which is one of procedure. As to the above slanderous petition, all wicked tongues are ready to deprave government, and by seeking change to have none at all. He has caused Sir John Crooke, to whom the petition was directed by the Council, to write to the others of that Council [of Wales ?] to answer it, to whom it chiefly belongs. He is ready to answer for anything he has done without their privity; and doubts not he and they will obtain Salisbury's good allowance, though my Lord of Northampton seems to be so far their protector as to carry the sword that day when the petition should be preferred, of purpose to commend them to the King. He thanks Salisbury for defending him till he should find him justly touched.—My lodging near Charing Cross, 15 Dec. Holograph. Endorsed: "1605." 2½ pp. (113. 97.)
	Sir William Waad to the Earl of Salisbury.
1605, Dec. 15.	You may please to take or not take knowledge of this letter, which has been long in hatching, and even now was sent to me sealed up. Tressham is worse and worse, which I thought fit you should know. To-morrow I have appointed a consultation for him of three doctors. For my own opinion, if he escape it must be by great care, and God's providence that he may die of that kind of death he most deserves.—15 Dec. 1605. Holograph. ½ p. (113. 99.)
	The Same to the Same.
1605, Dec. 15.	I have adventured to admit a woman servant to attend on Tresham, who if he be not well looked unto, will be in great danger. The matter, manner and circumstances is [sic] utterly denied both by the husband and the wife. He, as I perceive by him, has written a long letter to you, which he says shall be his last. Whether I shall receive it, it may please you I may know your pleasure.—15 Dec. 1605. Holograph. 1 p. (191. 95.)
	Sir Francis Vere to the Same.
1605, Dec. 15.	I arrived here in the Brill the 2 of this month. The first being the day of the general fast and prayer for his Majesty's most happy delivery from the late treason, I assisted with this garrison in that duty before my going to the Haghe. At my coming thither I found the Estates of Holland so much occupied in their Provincial Assembly, that for a day or two they sat not with the States General; which was the cause I first delivered his Majesty's letters to the Prince Maurice and the Council, and after that to the States General, declaring to them by word briefly that which his Majesty had spoken to me in favour of these countries, which was in effect that his Majesty would not suffer them to fall into utter ruin, and that to prevent further inconveniences to his own realms, he has resolved henceforth his subjects should not be so freely let pass to the Archdukes' service; which was much to their comfort, they speaking their thankfulness and desire to confirm his Majesty's gracious opinion of them by employing themselves upon all occasions of his Majesty's service to the uttermost of their powers. Touching my particular, they gave me a very good welcome, seeming to be glad of my return into these parts and of my affection to their service, which I made appear to be as much as my duty to my sovereign might permit. But no motion was made to me, either in the Assemblies or from his Excellency or any of the States in private, concerning my return to their service; notwithstanding that Master Wynwood assured me they had such a purpose, and that I found the bruit was so generally spread. As for me, I have great cause to thank God that I am here with his Majesty's favour, and the good liking of the States; and so shall rest content without pressing upon their service further than I shall have encouragement from his Majesty. I dare not presume so soon to trouble you with any long discourse of the affairs of this State, only with the opinion of his Excellency that the enemy is like, this next year, to be far more absolutely master of the field than he has been. I have propounded to him a mean to recover those places he has lost beyond the Rhine, which he approves, and holds very feasible with the troops he shall have: which is on a sudden to beset the fort Spinola has made on the other side of the Rhine; which passage taken from him, it shall be easy to hinder him from passing that river in any other place. What in this short time could be observed of private humours Sir Richard Warberton can deliver unto you. You shall favour me much by encouraging him to a speedy return hither, the rather for that Sir Edward Conwey is now preparing to pass into England for the better recovery of his health.—15 Dec. 1605. Holograph. 2 pp. (191. 94.)