Cecil Papers: 1568 | British History Online

Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 1, 1306-1571. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1883.

Citation:

'Cecil Papers: 1568', in Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House: Volume 1, 1306-1571( London, 1883), British History Online https://prod.british-history.ac.uk/cal-cecil-papers/vol1/pp352-387 [accessed 16 November 2024].

1568



	1159. The Earl of Sussex to [Sir Wm. Cecil (?)].
1567/8, Jan. 10.	Although the burden laid on him by the Queen is greater than he can well bear, yet if assured that his doings would, be well backed he would be the bolder to venture on his credit, but when he remembers who works in this vineyard he hardly hopes for a good wine year. Nevertheless he will do his part and leave the rest to God. If it shall please Him to put it into the Queen's heart to divide the weeds from the grain, hopes to sow such seed as will make a happy harvest. From Vienna, 10 Jan. 1567.
	Holograph. 1 p.
	[Lodge, Vol. I. p. 457. In extenso.]
	1160. The Archduke Charles to the Queen.
1567/8, Feb. 3.	Had received from Henry Cobham the Queen's letter of the 10th of December. The bearer had verbally communicated the Queen's wishes, which he had also fully learnt from the Earl of Sussex. But even as the Queen desires the matter of her conscience to be considered, so also she must not take it ill if he on his part desires the same. Trusts that the impediment which exists on both sides may speedily be removed. The Earl will explain his views more fully.—Gratz, 3 February 1568.
	Holograph. Seal. Latin. 2 pp. [Haynes, p. 507. In extenso.]
	1161. Christopher Mundt to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1567/8, Feb. 8.	The bearer is sent to the Queen from the Count Palatine, who is married to the King of Sweden's sister. The Prince is a witty, earnest, and active gentleman, but for such an enterprise should have had longer and riper deliberation.
	Commits the matter to Cecil's wisdom and to that of the Council. From Lutgelstein, 8 Feb. 1568.
	½ p.
	1162. The Regent Murray to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1567/8, Feb. 29.	By advertisement of Mr. Drury, Governor of Berwick, understands that a report has been made, that he took Cecil's late letter in evil part because in the direction he was not termed Regent. Marvels greatly how the tale has been invented. As for titles and styles, he is nothing curious or ambitious of them. Although the Queen's Majesty outwardly seems not altogether to allow the present state here, yet he doubts not but she likes it in heart well enough. Trusts that her ministers in giving advice will ever study their goodly amity, as he has had infallible experience of Cecil's goodwill, before the matter of Leith.—Edinburgh, the last day of February 1567.
	1 p. [Haynes, p. 462. In extenso.]
	1163. George Wise to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1567/8, Mar. 8.	Where he took occasion heretofore to write of the good estate wherein this poor country stood by the politic government of that worthy knight, Sir Henry Sidney, so now, there is great lamentation upon bruit of a change. The poor people bear such affection towards that noble man, as if he did not come again, they would think they were utterly undone. It is almost a proverb with them, that no man can continue long here, if he mean to do the realm any good. —Waterford, 8 March 1567.
	[Haynes, p. 463. In extenso.]
	1164. Sir Wm. Cecil to Lord Cobham.
1567/8, Mar. 20.	Has delivered Cobham's letter directed to the Earls of Pembroke and Leicester, whereby they perceive his care and circumspection for the conveying over surely of La Vale. Has also communicated to them the letter in Italian directed to Cobham from the other side, and notwithstanding any such reason as Cobham has explained in his private letter, yet he perceives they think not presently meet to deal with Her Majesty for the money required by the Italian. This matter is to proceed or else to cease upon answer to a message lately sent to the French King, to move him that her Majesty may be an intercessor or “moyennor” for a peace in France, which if the King refuse, it seemeth she will take hold of this offer, otherwise not. Our Ambassador writes on the 9th that he sees manifest arguments of a peace secretly concluded, and they hear that one Cripps the Ambassador's man was despatched on the 12th inst., by whom they look to hear the very truth; so that if the party can be stayed awhile, he doubts not but to advise his Lordship more amply.—Westminster, 20 March 1567.
	Holograph. 1 p.
	Modern copy of preceding.
	1165. Sir Wm. Cecil to Lord Cobham, Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports.
1567/8, Mar. 23.	Is sorry that he cannot answer his lordship's causes more speedily, the stay remaining where he cannot remedy it. First, for the Italian on the other side, has imparted both his letters which Cobham sent. Did also open a letter directed to Cobham, being moved thereto by Mr. Baptist. But the coldness is such where heat should be, and lack of a Virtue resolutory, that the only answer he can give is that Cobham should admonish the party to stay dealing therein until he is further advertised, that is, until they hear from the Ambassador out of France. Sends the letter from him of Bullen [Boulogne], by whose answer he [Cecil] sees how Cobham abused his neighbour, and so did let the Queen see the same. As for the other causes, the least is obtained for the Governor of Rye, but the clothes stick hard. Sends the last letter from Calais which is worth keeping, “for in his offer he tenteth us far to hearken to his offer.”—Westminster, 23 March 1567.
	Holograph. Seal with arms.1 p.
	Modern copy of preceding.
	1166. Sir Wm. Cecil to Lord Cobham.
1568, Mar. 26.	I cannot yet certify your Lordship any further than I did by my former. I think you shall have Mr. Baptista with you shortly to pass secretly over, if I can. The matter of the clothes for Kent is utterly refused. The warrant for the Governor at Rye is signed, and shall pass the signet and privy seal this day. Of certainty of the French peace I cannot yet affirm anything.—Westminster, 26 March 1568.
	Seal. ½ p.
	Modern copy of preceding.
	1167. Sir Wm. Cecil to Lord Cobham.
1568, Mar. 28.	My leisure is very small yet to perform my promise. The French ambassador will be here to-day, to notify the towardness of peace, and to declare that a gentleman shall shortly come to explain the articles thereof; upon the 21st it was not concluded. I send you a brief of things in Mr. Morris's last letters. As yet I cannot get a perfect resolution for the matter beyond sea.—28 March 1568.
	½ p.
	Modern copy of preceding.
	1168. The Countess of Desmond to the Royal Commissioners.
1568, April 4.	Having received your letter of the second of this present, marvelling I should enlarge Thomas of Desmond upon his book oath, without better security, for answer, you shall understand that the said Thomas was not enlarged by me, but by one Edmund Oge M^cshyhy, chief captain of the Earl's gallowglasses, who first took him; and, having the keeping of him, made to me, and others the gentlemen of the country, faithful promise under his handwriting, that he should not enlarge the said Thomas without our consents. And contrary to the same, as shall plainly appear, he enlarged him as aforesaid, upon what bond or authority I ensure your worships I know not. But I will so work to mine ability that the Queen's Majesty's peace shall be kept through all my rules, as far [as] my good will may thereunto extend.—Youghal, 4 April, 1568.
	[Postcript.] I would wish your worships to write your letters to the said Thomas, that he shall endeavour himself to keep the Queen's Majesty's peace, as he tendereth both your favours and the state of the realm.
	Endorsed :—“Copy of the Countess of Desmond's letter to the Commissioners ex 4 Aprilis 1568, for the Queen's most excellent Majesty.”
	¾ p.
	1169. Sir Wm. Cecil to Lord Cobham.
1568, Apr. 11.	It grieves him to hold and follow the plough where the owner of the ground forbears to cast in the seed in seasonable time. Is all the more grieved that his Lordship is in like manner discouraged. “Moremus sepe sed nihil promoremus.”
	Besides “the plough” which his lordship follows they are occupied with another, meaning to join both together for surety, but still despairs of seed. His Lordship shall shortly know more.—Greenwich, 11 April 1568.
	Modem copy. 1 p.
	1170. The Duke of Norfolk to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1568, Apr. 14.	Thanks Cecil for obtaining his leave of absence. Longs to understand some good success of the Archduke's which would the likelier speed well if any consideration were made of the Earl of Sussex. The Earl has had many fair promises, and it would do his friends good to see some of them performed.—From Norwich, this 14th of cold April 1568.
	Seal with arms. 1 p. [Haynes, p. 464. In extenso.]
	1171. The Earl of Murray to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1568, Apr.	Has conferred at sundry times with Lord Hunsdon, and trusts he will report that he has met with honest dealing and good redress.
	In. the handling of these matters they have discovered the chief occasion of many of the disorders, which is certain debateable ground between the East March of England and Middle March of Scotland. Suggests the appointment of two Commissioners on each side to decide the controversy.—Kelso, April 1568.
	1 p.
	1172. Mary, Queen of Scots, to Queen Elizabeth.
1568, May 1.	The length of her tedious imprisonment, and the wrongs received from those she has so greatly benefited, are not so troublesome as her inability to declare to Elizabeth the real truth as to her misfortune and the wrongs done to her. Has found means by the bearer to * * * and begs credit for him.
	* * * the ring Elizabeth sent her to succour her * * Elizabeth well knows that Murray has all she [Mary] has.
	* * * * *
	Robert Melvin at least says he dare not give it back to her, though she give it him secretly as her dearest jewel. Begs Elizabeth on seeing this to have pity on her, and to rest assured she will never have a more dearly affectionate kinswoman; also to consider the importance of the example, to let no one know she [Mary] has written to her, as it will entail worse treatment, and they boast to be informed by their friends of all Elizabeth says or does. From her prison [Lochleven], this first of May.
	French. 2 pp. [Haynes, p. 464. In extenso.]
	1173. G. Castiglione to Lord Cobham.
1568, May 26.	Believes that his Lordship has received yesterday evening his letters, which he wrote as he found opportunity. Presented himself before the gentlemen named yesterday during the whole day, but they have not said anything further. Has taken the liberty of opening Mr. Secretary's letter to see what they have determined in this business, because if he had to go there he could the sooner make the necessary preparations. If anything further should occur, will inform his Lordship thereof. His Lordship may rest assured that what he shall reply will always be in accordance with the conferences and conversations which they have had together, and may always rely upon him as on a most affectionate and faithful servant. Can say nothing further of the Earl of Sussex : will tell the Earl's brother Henry to communicate with his Lordship. On Wednesday evening after prayers Mr. North had a long conversation with her Majesty, who called him into the private chamber issuing out of the oratory. Her Majesty after having seen the likeness of the Archduke, gave orders to have it put into a frame, which was done, but as yet she does not wish it to be seen, “fearing no doubt lest its beauty should dazzle the minds and sight of others.”—From Westminster, 26 May 1568.
	Italian. 1 p.
	1174. John Felton.
1568, May 27.	Memoranda and Receipts relating to jewels, &c. bought by various goldsmiths from one John Felton, together with a Minute (in the handwriting of Cecil) of Interrogatories concerning the said purchases.
	Endorsed :—“Bills concerning Mr. Felton, the 27th of May 1568.”
	8 pp.
	1175. Embassy to Russia.
1568, June 16.	A List of the documents signed by the Queen for the dispatching of Messrs. Randolph, Bannister, and Duckett on an embassy to Russia, distinguishing those to be passed under the Privy Seal and under the Great Seal respectively.
	1 p.
	1176. Mary, Queen of Scots, to Queen Elizabeth,
1568, June 21.	Begs speedy communication of Elizabeth's resolution to bearer, sent by the French King to learn how she was treated in England. She cannot speak well of Elizabeth's ministers; of Elizabeth herself she cannot and does not wish to complain, especially after hearing from Herries that besides writing the letter by Middlemore to her bastard brother, Elizabeth has called that bad subject to account for his unjust conduct. Complains of her subjects' behaviour since Middlemore's arrival as tending to the conquest of her kingdom. They have usurped her authority, and are deceiving Elizabeth by promising to prove their calumnies. Would to God Elizabeth knew all she knows! Now that Lord Scrope is commissioned to go to them, she begs to be sent for to urge her complaint in person and be speedily helped, or permitted to withdraw to France or elsewhere. She cannot await their third assault, but must, if Elizabeth disregards her, appeal to France and Spain to restore her, and then she will prove her innocence. What has she gained by coming and submitting to Elizabeth, if they are allowed to conquer her kingdom and then become her accusers? They proceed to judgment without answering the interrogatories. A worm will turn being trod upon, much more a royal heart, etc. Promises Elizabeth help in all her undertakings from France and Spain. Begs passport for Fleming, &c.—Carlisle, 21 June.
	French. 4¼ pp. [Haynes, pp. 465, 466. In extenso.]
	1177. The Sale of Fish.
1568, June 27.	Minute of the Council to the Lord Mayor, &c. of London and others against the sale of inferior Codfish as Iceland fish.
	Endorsed :—“27 June.—Minute of the Council touching the drving of Mudfish.”
	1 p.
	1178. Sir Wm. Cecil to Lord Cobham.
1568, July 7.	Is very sorry that he should be occasioned to “empayre” his house. His being called upon at this time is but the result of a general and necessary order. A journey has been planned for him to go into Scotland, but will assay all means to escape it, saving her Majesty's displeasure. The Parliament will certainly hold.—From St. James's, 7 July 1566.
	Modern copy. 1 p.
	1179. Mary, Queen of Scots, to Queen Elizabeth.
1568, July 28.	By the letters Herries brings from Elizabeth, Mary sees the Queen has not heard her answer disapproving the proposed method of proceeding, neither had Mary then the Queen's decision as now declared.
	Fears not to assert her innocence, either from doubt of her cause or from thinking Elizabeth other than well disposed towards one so near to her, to whom she long ago promised such friendship, and really showed it in her hour of need at Dunbar; but for other reasons, chiefly the wicked information falsely given of her where she had no means of replying, she has hitherto feared to put her cause into other hands. Yet on Elizabeth's word there is nothing she will not undertake. Is content (as Herries has requested her from the Queen) that two, whom Elizabeth shall choose, shall come, relying on Elizabeth to see that they are persons of distinction. That done, Murray or Morton, or both, shall also come, as is desired, to have such order taken with them as Elizabeth shall think fit, using her [Mary] as their Queen, according to Herries' promise in Elizabeth's name, without prejudice to her honour, crown, position, or to any right she may have as nearest in blood. On this assurance she has warned her subjects to abstain from disturbances, and to withdraw their projected application to France; so also in France and Spain she has acted with a view to prevent further obligations to them, desiring her restoration to be due to the nearer country, to the great profit of both England and Scotland. As to Murray's repair to Elizabeth, Mary would regret that he, who has not the honour, save by bastardy, of belonging to the Queen, should have more confidence in her than Mary herself has, etc.
	Has informed friends and foes of Elizabeth's affectionate message, but that no difficulty may arise has directed Herries to write to Cecil, etc.—Bolton, 28 July.
	French. 3 pp. [Haynes, pp. 467, 468. In extenso.]
	1180. Mary, Queen of Scots, to Queen Elizabeth.
1568, July 29.	When thanking her for her affectionate message by Herries, forgot one request, viz., that Elizabeth would permit some of Mary's noblemen to come when Murray comes, or a little before, with liberty to come and go.—Bolton, 29 July.
	French. 1 p. [Haynes, p. 468. In extenso.]
	1181. Mary, Queen of Scots, to Queen Elizabeth.
1568, August 7.	Is sorry Elizabeth has so misconstrued her letters. Admits she wrote too freely, not knowing positively her good will. If she has offended, she [Mary] is where Elizabeth can obtain amends to her heart's content; but if Elizabeth wrong her, she has only the Queen of England to whom to complain of her good sister and cousin, who accuses her of fleeing from the light!
	As a last resource she had offered Westminster Hall, but well sees what Elizabeth says is true : Elizabeth poses as the lion who will have the ordering of the others for love, and their honour and good will, but choose herself where to be angry. Well—Mary accepts her as Grand Lion, but let her recognise Mary as second of the same race!
	Elizabeth's second letter shows her anger does not lead her to forget her good nature. Let her not lightly form an ill opinion of her. Has spoken freely with the Vice-Chamberlain. Sent Borthwick to her yesterday with the news from Scotland, which demands a speedy reply, that her followers may be directed to lay down their arms. Let the past be forgotten, and if one mark of favour was lost for a passionate letter, let Elizabeth give her two for generosity and good-will, &c.—Bolton, 7 August.
	French. 3 pp. [Haynes, pp. 470, 471. In extenso.]
	1182. John Hamilton, Provost of Bothwell, to Archibald Betonne.
1568, Aug. 8.	Has written several times to her Majesty (the Q. of Scots) concerning special offers of his own, but her Grace has either not received his letters or else has no pleasure in reading them, for he has been waiting her goodwill and answer this 16 months past. Fears that some one has made evil report of him to her highness. If he could have found a sure messenger could have let her Grace know of something greatly to her profit, but could find none he could trust, and has no cipher in which to write to her. Is about to go into Italy, not from any desire to see the country, but for lack of funds to remain where he is.
	Is not minded to beg from her Majesty, but suggests that some of the money she lavishes so freely would be well bestowed on him. Encloses a letter which he begs him to deliver to her Majesty with his own hand.
	Modern copy. 2 pp.
	1183. The Duke of Alva to the Emperor of Germany.
1568, Aug. 20.	Acknowledges with thankfulness what his Imperial Majesty has lately by means of a postcript given him to understand, and can in such urgent necessity no longer withhold anything from his Majesty.
	With regard, in the first place, to the business at Treves, his Majesty will gather from his letter what is the occasion thereof, and also his opinions on the subject, and will then, he thinks, not consider that in virtue of the brotherly agreement and union existing between them, he and his army would be justified in joining a general demonstration against the present outbreak, more especially since to his knowledge he has not in the least degree contributed thereto, and has not interfered therewith otherwise than as he was compelled to do in support of the government and authority of his most gracious master, the King of Spain.
	As his Majesty's letter further touches on the universal indignation and animosity excited throughout Germany by the late executions, states that he can well conceive that the perverted nature of certain wicked people leads them to give to everything the worst possible interpretation, the truth of which can then only be committed to time and to God to decide; but in order that his Majesty may hear the reverse of the story, and may exercise his own judgment as to the real grounds of the justice done on the Counts Egmont and Horn, sends herewith the principal articles of their most culpable misdeeds, which (as his Majesty will perceive) were carried to such a degree, that on intelligence thereof being received, it became impossible not to make a deterrent example of the leaders of the outbreak. So much the less blame can be attached to his Majesty (which as he writes as been already attempted) in that he has not undertaken even stronger measures to repress what events have proved (however they may be glossed over) to have been a most formidable rebellion. It becomes, therefore, his Majesty's duty as the supreme fount of salutary justice, to give to such detestable crimes their due punishment, and once more to put into execution with all earnestness, the edicts already issued by him against the rebels. Every one of a peace and right-loving disposition would then with reason complain of nothing, much less of the just punishment inflicted on an organised combination against the State. For no one, high or low, should in his opinion countenance such crimes against the State as would, if committed against himself, not be allowed to go unpunished.
	His Majesty will understand that he thinks it somewhat strange that the letter which he wrote to his uncle the D. of Cleves after the overthrow at Dalheim, should have been considered by several of the Princes of the Holy Empire to be of such a distrustful and violent nature, since his Majesty may rest assured that it was not written without cause, for the rebels had received not only in the districts bordering Westphalia and the Netherlands, but also in the States under his Majesty's own rule, both free passage and the greatest assistance on every hand. The disorders in this country which have been by him on several occasions reported to his Majesty at the General Assembly, have been so long neglected, that in the meantime the rebels have been day by day reinforced to such an extent, that at last Count Louis of Nassau has encamped near the town of Groningen, and inflicted severe loss on the King's subjects, and that chiefly because the Governor of the Westphalian district had not been sufficiently on his guard, and at the outset of the business had been somewhat too favourable to the disaffected.
	Trusts that no one will blame him for complaining of this unneighbourly conduct, nor think that his said letter evidenced any desire of setting foot further in .the German territory, of which they may be sufficiently assured by the dispatches lately sent to his Majesty. What seems to him most incredible is that, although for several years past, and more especially at the time of the present insurrection, the Counts of East Friesland have exercised against these states and their subjects the most unneighbourly and unjustifiable annoyances, and amongst other things have assisted Count Louis of Nassau and his followers around Groningen with provisions, shelter and munition, and permitted in their waters the most open piracy against] the subjects of this state, allowing the hostile ships to be fitted out in their territory, and in like manner on the occasion of the latest defeat at Gemmingen, notwithstanding the difficulties to which they were exposed by the rapid current of the Embs, issued eagerly forth, and mixing with the royal troops rescued the flying rebels, conveying them in their boats safely to the town of Embden, they on their side have not given them the least excuse for acting in so hostile a manner; so that he would have been perfectly justified in turning his weapons against the said Counts, and had indeed a good opportunity of doing so.
	It is perfectly well known and notorious that these escaped rebels by the help and aid of their kindred have amassed here and there throughout Germany a goodly number of well-equipped warriors, both horse and foot, who are ready at any time without any justifiable pretext to invade and overrun the Netherlands. Against these, by virtue of his office as Governor of that country, he complains to his Majesty as the head of the German Empire, with so much the greater reason because the rebels themselves have received from Germany the greatest help in their wicked designs. Hopes therefore that his Majesty will attach the less blame to him for endeavouring to discover and oppose these disaffected and seditious people. Beseeches him finally that, inasmuch as the dangerous condition of the Netherlands is in a great measure kept up by the extraordinary support afforded to the disaffected by the Holy Empire and its vassals, he will exercise his Imperial authority against these open disturbers of the public peace.—Herzogbusch (Bois-le-Duc), 20 August 1568.
	Copy. German. 14 pp.
	1184. “Mr. Walsingham's Report from Franchiotto, the Italian.”
1568, Aug. 20.	Franchiotto regrets that his faithfulness, which for forty years has been manifested before all the world in many transactions of the greatest importance, should now require the testimony of France, and professes his devotion to her Majesty's service.
	Warns her Majesty that the advices she has recently received are not by any means to be despised, and begs her to exercise great watchfulness over her food, utensils, bedding, and other furniture, lest poison should be administered to her by secret enemies. In order to discover if by chance any person contemplating such treachery should be found in this country (Italy), has caused diligent enquiries to be made by his compatriots and friends respecting all strangers or suspicious persons arriving in that kingdom, of whom he encloses a list. Prays him however to consider that there are at the present time a great number of malcontents in that country, whose greatest desire is to upset and change the existing regime, and who would spare no means to carry out their wicked intentions. In such a case more is to be feared from an internal than from a foreign enemy.
	Modern copy. Italian. 4 pp.
	Encloses.
	Descriptive list of suspicious persons arriving in Italy during the space of three months.
	Modern copy. Italian. 1½ pp.
	1185. The Declaration of the Prince de Condé concerning his Departure from Noyers.
1568, Aug.	The Prince de Condé, although he feels that his conscience is clear before God of any neglect on his part in the duty of preserving peace and true religion in this kingdom, is desirous that his services in apprising the King on all occasions of the murders, massacres, assassinations, oppressions, and outrages which have been perpetrated on those professing the reformed religion since the passing of the last edict, and which have not only been allowed to go unpunished, but have even been described as the results of pious and holy zeal, should be made public, and as the last communication and complaint made by him to the King on this subject touches most nearly the true causes of the present movement, and also combines in itself the principal points of preceding complaints, it has seemed to him advisable that the present statement should be made.
	After the return of the Sieur de Telligny, who was sent on behalf of the Prince to his Majesty, and of the Chevalier de Teure, his Majesty's envoy to the Prince, the latter was informed that the Cardinal of Lorraine and his adherents, notwithstanding that the hand of God had been always against them in their former conspiracies against the persons and lives of the said Prince and of the Admiral, were continuing and redoubling their machinations in the most open manner. For sure intelligence was received by them that Capt. Gohas had been dispatched with his regiment of 10 companies of foot, four companies of the Count de Brissac's regiment, and 14 companies of gensdarmes, and nevertheless that the troops of the Count de Brissac, who were marching towards La Rochelle, had been recalled and sent towards Burgundy. Besides which every day soldiers passing by Noyers declared openly that they were going to join the Sieur de Tavanes against the said Prince and Admiral.
	As so great a disloyalty could not enter into a heart so frank and upright as that of the Prince, neither could he believe it of others without great difficulty. In his great desire to avoid if possible the consequences of such an outbreak he made a final effort to avert it by entreating Madame la Marquise de Rotelin, his mother-in-law, to represent these facts to his Majesty, and to beseech him not to permit the honour, faith, and oaths solemnly pledged by his edict, and since repeated in several despatches to the said Prince, to be thus violated. As the said lady departed with this intention from Noyers on Saturday the 21st Aug., the Prince received several warnings that the meditated attack was about to be immediately put into execution, and that the forces referred to were marching towards him with such promptitude and openness that the only means of avoiding them was by a hasty and most difficult retreat, all the bridges, gates, and passages around Noyers being held by the garrisons quartered in the neighbourhood, and the companies who had changed their route from La Rochelle to Burgundy having made such speed that on the day the said Prince passed the Loire by the Porte St. Thibault they were at St. Goudon, not more than a day's march distant. The Prince being thus compelled to choose between a hazardous retreat and certain ruin, quitted Noyers on Monday morning the 23rd of the said month, accompanied by the Princess and his children, including even babes at the breast. With them were also the Admiral and Madame Daudelot, Mdlle. de Chastillon, and the children of Monsieur Daudelot, also of very tender years. This train was accompanied by a number of gentlemen and domestic servants, the whole troop numbering not more than 500 horses. This cavalcade, conducted without arms or any warlike order or apparatus, was constrained to undergo excessive and wearisome journeys by unfrequented routes, in which the strength of the women and children would certainly have given way had they not been supported by the Divine help and by miraculous guidance. Before leaving Noyers the Prince despatched a secretary to his Majesty with express instructions to advise him of his forced departure and of his future intentions. The envoy in question marching with much diligence and circumspection, so as to avoid giving any offence in the countries through which he passed, on his approach to Poictiers despatched the Sieur Depruneaux, a gentleman of the King's chamber, to the Maréchal de Vieilleville, as before when in Guienne he sent M. de Guttinieres, also a gentleman of the King's chamber, to the Sieur de Monluc, to show them his letters to the King, copies of which were furnished to them, and to assure them that he did not intend any act of warfare, but simply to pass along the road to the residence of the Count de la Rochefoucault, his brother-in-law and the Admiral's nephew, there to await in safety the answer of the Court to his memorial.
	The first news of this that he received was to see the orders by which, since the 26th day of August, on which day the news of his escape from his enemies was received, it was directed that an army should be levied in the King's name to wage open war against him; and again on the 30th August, after his said letters and memorial had been received, instead of returning a reply worthy of so just and equitable a king, his envoy was, contrary to the custom amongst all civilised nations, cast into prison, and the orders for levying the army against him confirmed, which was done, as everyone knows, by the influence of the Cardinal; so that the answer the Prince this day receives to his memorial is to see an army arrayed against him and his little company, which is composed, as has been said, principally of women and little children, the very appearance of whom alone would prove that their journey and their organization were far removed from any idea of war, and would thus form a strong accusation, backed by infallible proofs, against those who have so destroyed the public safety in this realm that France has seen in these days Princes of the blood of both sexes and of all ages in such danger of their lives and goods that they have been hunted from one corner of the realm to another in search of a place of refuge from their enemies, whose actions show that their hearts are as foreign as their race. Finally the Prince de Condé and the Admiral protest that it is with the greatest regret that they are compelled to resort to the last remedy of arms against the extreme oppression and tyranny exercised in this kingdom, contrary to the wish and intention of the sovereign, against all those who make profession of the reformed faith.
	Endorsed by Cecil :—“Declaration of y^e Prince of Condé of y^e cause and manner of his departure from Noyers, 23 Aug. 1568.”
	French. 6½ pp.
	1186. Mary Queen of Scots to Queen Elizabeth.
[? Aug. 1568.]	Has proof from John Wood's letters of the partiality of Elizabeth's ministers to her [Mary's] enemies. By advice of Throckmorton, Cecil, and others, he is to treat all Mary's servants with extreme rigour, and he will be certain of their favour. So writes the Countess of Lennox, her mother-in-law, &c. They assure her she will be securely kept from ever returning to Scotland. Let all Princes judge whether it be honourable treatment for those that have put them selves into Elizabeth's hands for support. Has shown all the packets to the bearer, copies of which she will send, if Elizabeth will permit, to the Kings of France and Spain and to the Emperor; will ask Herries to show them to Elizabeth to judge if it be well to take her advice as judge who has taken sides against her. Will not believe in Elizabeth's dishonour, but rather that the villain lies. How unjust to be refused the Queen's presence when her mother-in-law and others are at hand to accuse her face to face. Begs to be undeceived as to Elizabeth's dishonour. Asks leave to withdraw from England in order to make the said Princes judges and to have their counsel and help. God forbid Elizabeth's authority should be lessened to lose the friendship of all other Princes for the sake of gaining that of those who loudly proclaim she is not fit to reign. If she could speak with her, Elizabeth would repent of having put her off so long.
	P.S.—Begs pass for Fleming to thank the King of France.
	French. 4 pp.
	[Haynes, pp. 469, 470. In extenso.]
	1187. Sir Nicholas Throckmorton to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1568, Sept. 18.	Thinks with Cecil, that it is a special favour of God to preserve this realm from calamities by their neighbours' troubles. Now when the general design is to exterminate all nations dissenting with them in religion, “what shall become of us,” he asks, “when the like professors with us shall be utterly destroyed in Flanders and France? “If Her Majesty suffer the Low Countries and France to be weeded of the members of that Church, whereof England is also a portion, he sees no other thing can happen, but a more grievous accident to us shortly, than to those whom we have suffered to be destroyed. Could wish that no occasion were omitted to recover abroad the things that were lately lost, Duval has maliciously misreported him; has caused him to be stayed now to be ordered as Cecil thinks good. The Cardinal of Chatillon seems to wish that he were enlarged and sent hence; if the Earl of Leicester and Cecil will allow it, he will deliver Duval into the Cardinal's hands at his return to London. Gathers from Cecil's remarks that he (Throckmorton) is suspected. Requires Cecil to put the matter to a trial, otherwise there shall always be whisperers, and he (Throckmorton) shall be condemned.—“At my farm of Carshalton, 18 September.”
	[Haynes, p. 471. In extenso.]
	1188. The Treasurer of Berwick.
1568, Sept. 24.	Warrant for the payment of 700l. to Valentine Browne, her Majesty's Treasurer at Berwick.
	Copy. 1 p.
	1189. Scottish Commissioners for the Treaty with England.
1568, Sept. 30.	Commission by Mary Queen of Scots appointing John [Leslie] Bishop of Ross, William Lord Livingstone, Robert Lord Boyd, John Lord Herries, Gavin Commendator of Kilwinning, Sir John Gordon of Lochinvar, Sir James Cockburn of Skirling, her Commissioners, to treat with the Queen's Commissioners, Thomas Duke of Norfolk, Thomas Earl of Sussex, and Sir Ralph Sadler, at York, on the last of this September, upon the peace to be made between them and other matters.
	Copy. ½ sheet. Endorsed by Cecil. [Printed by Goodall, vol. 2, p. 118, from Cottonian MS., Caligula, C. 1, fol. 193.]
	1190. Instructions from the Prince de Condé to Monsieur de Cavaignes.
1568, Oct. 6.	Showing that the Prince and his followers had been driven to take up arms owing to the attempt of the Cardinal of Lorraine and his adherents to extirpate the reformed religion. That the Cardinal was the Queen's enemy, not only on account of religion, but more especially owing to the Queen of Scots; his intentions being to reestablish papistry in England, and to place her on the throne, having already, with this view, caused her to bear the name and arms of the Queen of England. The Cardinal would usurp the throne by means of a cession on the part of the Queen of Scots to the King's brother of her pretended right to the English crown, of which the Pope would give the confirmation, having despatched Hannibal Rochelyn with this view; in short, the Cardinal promised to incite all papistical kings and princes to aid this scheme, the leadership of the army having been offered to the Prince de Condé, but refused. That her Majesty had now a favourable opportunity to subdue her enemies, the Princes of Germany, the Prince of Orange, and the Duke Deuxponts having offered ample forces, for which they only required 200,000 crowns. The Prince, however, was unable to provide this sum, but offered security for its repayment if her Majesty would advance the same. As the Prince also held certain ports in Guienne, he would need six ships of war, as well as six siege-pieces with ammunition. A league is suggested, as already commenced in Germany, for the protection of the true religion, and the Queen is urged to aid in this. Signed :—Loys do Bourbon.—Written and signed by me, 6th October 1568, A. Cavaignes.
	Endorsed by Cecil :—“Instructions for Monsieur de Cavaignes, “delivered at Windsor.”
	French. 4½ pp. [Haynes, pp. 473–475. In extenso.]
	1191. The Trial of the Queen of Scots.
1568, Oct. 8.	The accusations by the Commissioners of the Queen of Scots against the Earl of Murray and others.
	Copy. Endorsed by Cecil. 1¼ pp.
	1192. Proceedings in the Council.
1568, Oct. 9.	Present :—The Lord Steward, E. of Leicester, Lord Admiral, Lord Chamberlain, Secretary, Ch. Dudley.
	The Q. Majesty was pleased that these answers should be made upon certain articles presented by the E. of Murray, &c., at York, to the D. of Norfolk, &c., 9 Oct. 1568.
	To the 3rd Article, Item, the Q. of Scots being justly proved and found guilty of the murder of her husband, shall be either delivered into the hands of the E. of Murray upon good and sufficient assurances for the safety of her life, or else she shall be kept in England upon the reasonable charges of the Crown of Scotland; in such sort, as neither the prince her son, nor the E. of Murray, holding part with the said prince, shall be in any danger by her liberty.
	To the 4th, the Q. Majesty will allow of the proceedings of the Lords of Scotland for the time past, as far forth as shall and may be proved to have been lawful by the former laws of the realm of Scotland; and for the time to come will, in like manner, according to the laws of that realm, allow and maintain the Regent and his Government now being in possession, until it shall and may be also proved by the laws of the said realm of Scotland, that any other person of that realm ought by right to be the Regent or Governor, or that any other form of Government ought to be used and allowed.
	And these answers are secretly to be imparted to the said E. of Murray, and to be secretly kept to himself, until the Q. Majesty shall have heard the cause and notified her mind therein.
	Minute, in Cecil's hand, on the same sheet with the “Questions,” under date 31 October.
	1 p.
	1193. Answers directed by the Queen to be made to certain of the Articles presented by the Earl of Murray and others.
1568, Oct. 9.	The Queen of Scots, being justly proved guilty of the murder of her husband, is either to be delivered into the hands of the E. of Murray upon good and sufficient assurances for the safety of her life, or else to be kept in England at the charges of the Crown of Scotland, in such sort that neither the Prince her son, nor the E. of Murray, shall be endangered by her liberty.
	Her Majesty will also allow of the proceedings of the Lords of Scotland for the time past as far as they may be proved to have been lawful by the laws of Scotland; and for the time to come will in like manner, according to the laws of that realm, allow and maintain the authority of the Prince” to be in the King and the Regent and his Government now “being in possession,” until it shall be proved by the same laws that any other person ought by right to be the Regent or Governor, or that any other form of government ought to be used or allowed.
	These answers are to be secretly imparted to the E. of Murray, and to be by him secretly kept until her Majesty shall have heard the cause and notified her mind therein.
	Modern copy. 1 p.
	1194. The Navy.
1568, Oct. 11.	“The names of four her Highness' ships with their several numbers of men to serve in them on the seas in fashion of war :”—
	The Antelope	170 men
	” Swallow	160 ”
	” Aid	120 ”
	” Phœnix	40 ”
	Then follows an estimate, including :—“Provisions for the sea store,” viz., Flags of St. George, compasses, 'roning glases,' pump hoses, scupper-leather, clapces, scoops, shovels, buckets, bowls, barrels, pullies great and small, flat lead, sounding leads, ballast baskets, pitch pots, salt hides, thrommes, pitch, tar, ironwork, &c.—the whole amounting to 677l. 5s. for the four ships.—11 October 1568.
	On the back of this paper are the following names in Cecil's hand :—“Sir Tho^s Cotton, William Holstock, Basyng, Heynsham, W^m Dryver, “Tho^s Robyns.”
	1 p.
	Modern copy of preceding.
	1195. The State of Scotland.
1568, Oct. 16.	Questions of the state of Scotland, sent to the Duke of Norfolk, as to the right of Queen Elizabeth to determine the case between the Queen of Scots and her subjects; also, touching result of her being found guilty or otherwise, and as to the Duke of Chastelherault.
	Endorsed :—16 Oct, 1568.
	Minute in Cecil's hand. 1 p. [Haynes, p. 482. In extenso.]
	1196. The Emperor's Answer to the French King's Demands.
1568, Oct. 17.	Has heard very willingly what has been related to him by the French Ambassador on behalf of the King of France. Was sorry to hear of his troubles, but is glad the King of France is doing better now. Is very grieved at the civil commotions in that kingdom, and at the conduct of the Prince of Condé. It is sufficiently manifest, not only by ancient but by modern examples, that civil wars have been pernicious to all states. Desires nothing more than to see tranquillity restored in France, without the shedding of more Christian blood. Advises the French King to pacify the troubles in his realm, and will be ready to assist him, if he can perform any good office. Fears greatly that this war, which is said to be made against the edicts of the late Kings of France, Henry and Francis, and against those of the present French King, touching religion, may bring on along with it great evils to the kingdom of France, so much so, that wherever the report has spread, the King and his advisers are evil spoken of; whence it is easy to judge that, besides the Queen of England, several other princes will assist the rebels with all the means in their power, because the cause is common to them. Does not see that the French King can hope anything from the raising of forces in Allmain, which he asks for, as all these will be required. Cannot prevent forces going from Allmain to aid the rebels, as, if he did so, he might be accused of infringing the liberty of Germany, and occasion discontent amongst his own subjects. Thought it would be a friendly action to give the French King this advice, and hopes he will take it in good part.—Vienna, 17 Oct. 1568.
	Copy. French. 3 pp.
	1197. The Duke of Norfolk, Earl of Sussex, and Sir Ralph Sadler to the Queen.
1568, Oct. 17	Notify, that the Bishop of Ross and Lord Boyd had gone to Bolton to confer with their Queen as to the reply to the answer to the complaint against the Earl of Murray and his colleagues. Have moved the Earl of Murray with reference to the request of the Q. of Scots for the removal of Lord Seton and others out of Edinburgh Castle, owing to the plague. The amplification of the commission of Lord Herries and his colleagues has been accomplished. They await her Majesty's answer to their last, without which they cannot proceed, especially in the trial and treaty of the chief matter.—York, 17 October 1568.
	1 p. [Haynes, p. 483. In extenso.]
	Another copy in the Duke of Norfolk's Entry-book, p. 53.
	1198. John Battista de Vinaldo to Alexander Bonvisi and Company of Antwerp.
1568, Oct. 20.	Concerning the shipment of certain saffron from the port of Sebastian, and other mercantile transactions.
	Italian. 1¼ pp.
	A translation of the preceding.
	2¼ pp.
	1199. The Marquis of Winchester to the Treasurer of Berwick.
1568, Oct. 20.	The sum of 700l. sent him is to be taken as part of his account due this present Michaelmas.
	Any further charges must be petitioned for by him.
	½ p.
	1200. A Journal of the Proceedings of the Commissioners at York appointed to investigate the charges made against the Queen of Scots.
	[D. of Norfolk's Entry Book, fol. 32 to fol. 56 inclusive.]
1568, Oct. 4 to Oct. 21.	This journal contains :
	(1.) Minutes of the Proceedings at the First Session (4th day of October).
	(2.) Minutes of the Proceedings at the Second Session (5th day of October).
	(3.) Minutes of the Proceedings at the Third Session (6th day of October). On the journal of proceedings for this day are entered : (1.) The oath taken by her Majesty's Commissioners. [Anderson, Vol. IV., p. 38.] (2.) The oath taken by the Commissioners deputed for the King of Scots. [Anderson, Vol. IV., p. 39.] (3.) Letters from the Commissioners to Her Majesty, dated 6 October 1568. [Anderson, Vol. IV., pp. 25–32.]
	(4.) Minutes of the Proceedings at the Fourth Session (7th day of October). Amongst the proceedings for this day are entered : (1.) The oath taken by the Commissioners for the Queen of Scots. [Anderson, Vol. IV., p. 50.] (2.) The protestation made by the Queen of Scots' Commissioners. [Anderson, Vol. IV., p. 49.] (3.) The protestation of Her Majesty's Commissioners made in answer thereto, [Anderson, Vol. IV., p. 50.]
	(5.) Minutes of the Proceedings at the Fifth Session (8th day of October). On the proceedings for this day are entered the complaints brought in by the Queen of Scots' Commissioners of the wrongs and injuries done to their mistress. [Anderson, Vol. IV., pp. 52–54.]
	(6.) Minutes of the Proceedings at the Sixth Session (9th day of October). On this day are entered : (1.) The articles propounded by the E. of Murray and his colleagues. [Anderson, Vol. IV., pp. 55, 56], and (2.) The letters of the Commissioners to Her Majesty, dated 9th October 1568. [Anderson, Vol. IV., pp. 41–48.]
	(7.) Minutes of the Proceedings at the Seventh Session (10th day of October). On this day are entered : (1.) The answer of the E. of Murray and other Commissioners for the King of Scots to the complaint of the Queen of Scots' Commissioners. [Anderson, Vol. IV., pp. 64–70], and (2.) A letter of the Commissioners to Her Majesty, dated 11th October 1568. [Anderson, Vol. IV., pp. 58–63.]
	(8.) An entry of a letter from the D. of Norfolk to the Earls of Pembroke and Leicester, and Sir W. Cecil, dated 11th October 1568. [Anderson, Vol. IV., pp. 76–79.]
	(9.) Minutes of the Proceedings on the 12th October.
	(10.) Minutes of the Proceedings on the 13th October (including a copy of the alteration made in the Queen of Scots' Commission).
	(11.) Minutes of the Proceedings on the 17th October. On this day is entered the reply of the Queen of Scots' Commissioners to the answer made by the Earl of Murray and his colleagues. [Anderson, Vol. IV., pp. 80–91.]
	(12.) Minutes of the Proceedings on the 19th October.
	(13.) Minutes of the Proceedings on the 20th October. On this day are entered the opinions of the Commissioners of the Queen of Scots and of those for the King of Scots as to who is the proper person by the laws of the realm to be the Regent of the country and governor of the King's person during his minority.
	(14.) An entry of a letter from Her Majesty's Commissioners to Sir W. Cecil, dated 21st October 1568. [Anderson, Vol. IV., pp. 93, 94.]
	[The foregoing proceedings (with the exception of those documents specially indicated as printed in Anderson's Collection), are printed in extenso in Haynes' “State Papers,” pp. 475–486, inclusive.]
	1201. The Earl of Sussex to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1568, Oct. 22.	Gives his opinions (on Cecil's promise of keeping them secret, except from the Queen herself) on the subject of the accusation against the Queen of Scotland.
	The matter must, he thinks, end either by finding her guilty of the crimes of which she is accused or by some kind of composition with a view of saving her honour. The first will be hardly attempted for two causes; first, because if the party adverse to her accuse her of the murder by producing her letters, she will deny them, and accuse the most of them of manifest consent to the murder, which could hardly be denied; and in the second place because, the young King being of tender years and weak body, if his mother were judicially “defaced and dishonoured” and he were to replace her, he would, in the event of his death, be succeeded by Hamilton whom Murray's faction utterly detest, so that, after her public defamation, they dare not receive her again for fear of Hamilton's revenge. To avoid these perils they intend, so far as he can discover, to bring about a composition. The Earl of Murray and his faction want the Queen to surrender voluntarily to her son and to have the regency confirmed to Murray; the Queen herself to remain in England with her dowry of France, and perhaps a portion of Scotland. If she would agree to this they would probably not only forbear to touch her in honour but pronounce her clear by Act of Parliament, thus giving her some hope of restitution. The Hamiltons seek that the young King's authority should be disannulled, the hurts done on either side recompensed, and the Queen restored to her crown and to remain in Scotland. Yet in consequence of her misgovernment they contend that she should be governed by a council composed of the nobility of the realm according to their rank. They also wish her to have the bringing up of the young Prince in England by such nobles either of England or Scotland as she should appoint. In order to carry this into effect they might easily be induced to consent that the Queen should remain in England in such places as the Queen of England should appoint. Thus, these two factions for their private causes toss between them the crown of Scotland, the leader of each seeking only his own aggrandisement and caring neither for the mother nor the child. As regards the title to the crown after the death of the Queen and her son, the Hamiltons affirm that the Duke of Chatelherault is the next heir according to the law : the other faction asserting that the young King is, by his coronation and his mother's surrender, rightfully invested with the crown of Scotland whereby his next heir by blood is also next heir to the crown, thus avoiding the Duke. The fear of this device causes Hamilton to withstand the King's title for the surety of his own, and to oppose Murray's regency on account of his claim to be governor as next heir to the crown.
	With regard to his opinion, thinks no good end will be gained for England unless the person of the Scotch Queen be detained by some means or other in that country. Of the two courses before mentioned thinks the first to be in all respects the best for the Queen's Majesty if Murray will produce such evidence as will enable her Majesty, by virtue of her superiority over Scotland, to find the Scotch Queen judicially guilty of the murder of her husband, and thereupon to detain her in England at the charges of Scotland, allowing of the crowning of the young King and of the Kegency of Murray.—York, 22 October 1568.
	Holograph. 5 pp. [Lodge. Vol. 1. pp. 458–164. In extenso.]
	1202. The Ordnance.
1568, Oct. 29.	1. Ordnance estimate comprising :—4 cannons, of French make; 8 demi-cannons with the Queen's Majesty's arms, corn powder; serpenten powder; saltpetre, shot for cannon, and carriages, “shod” and furnished. Total, 135 tons, 4,255l. 12s. 8d.
	Endorsed by Cecil :—“Ordnance, 6 cannon with their carriages.”
	½ p.
	2. A similar paper, endorsed by Cecil :—“Cannons, &c., in Mr. Winter's charge.”
	French. 1 p.
	1203. Mary, Queen of Scots, and Bothwell.
1568, Oct. 29.	“A breif Note of the cheif and principall poinctes of the Queen of Scottes Lettres written to Bothaill; which may tend to her condempnation, for her consent and procurement of the murder of her husband, as farre forthe as we coulde by the readinge gather”:—
	The manifest words in the Queen of Scots' letters, declaring her filthy love for Bothwell; her hatred of her husband; her journey from Edinburgh to Glasgow; her requiring Bothwells presage as to the illness of the Earl of Lenox, and to advise with himself if he could find out any secret medicine; the bath at Cragmiller; her bidding Bothwell to burn the letter, and specially to make good watch that the bird escaped not out of the cage.
	Endorsed by Cecil :—“Abstract of matters shewed to the Q. Ma^ty's Commissioners by the Scots : sent 29 Oct.”
	Copy. 1 p.
	The following notes, also in Cecil's hand, appear on the back of this paper:—
	“10 Febru.—Y^e K. of Scottes killed.
	5 April.—a Contract for mariage signed by y^e Q. of Scottes.
	12 April.—Bothwell purged by assise.
	17 ” —Erle Murray cam to Westm.
	19 April.—a band sealed by y^e L. of Scotland.	The Erle of Huntley restored.
	a warrant signed y^e same day.
	24 April.—Bothwell toke y^e Quene.
	p^o Maii.—Devorce began; ended 8 Maii.
	15 Maii.—The Q. Marr. to Bothwell.
	15 Junii.—The Q. was taken by hir Nobilite.”
	[Printed by Haynes, in extenso, pp. 480–1, with the exception of the notes. Another copy of the preceding in the Duke of Norfolk's Entry-book, fol. 46, d.]
	1204. Proceedings in the Council at Hampton Court, 80 October 1568.
1568, Oct. 30 and 31.	That the Bishop of Ross and Lord Herries sent from the Q. of Scots should have first access to the Queen; and after them Lyddington and McGill. That the former should be so questioned as to move them to confess their general authority to answer all charges. The latter to be asked how they can answer the Queen of Scots' replication, and why they forbear to make the charge of murder. Reasons for hastening the removal to Tutbury. Names of the Lords of the Privy Council, Earls, and Bishops, whose advice is thought necessary from the weightiness of the matter. The Earl of Murray to have licence to repair home after the proofs have been shown.
	Oct. 31.—Questions in the event of the Queen submitting her cause for trial, as to the form of procedure to be observed.
	Minute, by Cecil. 3½ pp. [Haynes, p. 487. In extenso.]
	1205. Intercourse with Flanders.
1568, Oct.	A proclamation that the intercourse with Flanders may be continued by her Majesty's subjects until further order shall be taken in the matter.
	Modern copy. 1 p.
	1206. The Trial of the Queen of Scots.
1568, Nov. 3.	1. The Queen to the Duke of Norfolk.
	Has resolved, upon conference with the Commissioners of Scotland, to have the further hearing of the cause of the Queen of Scots at London. The Duke is therefore to repair thither as soon as he may.
	Minute in Cecil's hand. [Haynes, p. 488. In extenso.]
	2. The same to the Earl of Sussex.
	As the matter of the Queen of Scots is to be entreated and ordered at the court, or in London, he is to come up by way of post; but not forthwith, as she may have occasion to use his service in a matter whereof lately she commanded her secretary to write to him.
	Minute in Cecil's hand. [Haynes, p. 488. In extenso.]
	1207. Cardinal Châtillon to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1568, Nov. 6.	As the Sieur de Renty, and M. Le Merle the present bearer, are to start on Tuesday in order to embark at Plymouth, for the purpose of passing to La Rochelle and joining the army of the Prince, and as, in order to obtain the necessary horses for their journey to Plymouth, they require her Majesty's commission, desires Cecil to let them have one for eight or ten horses, Has been recently informed by M. de Cavaign that Cecil was pressed to start for the court by command of her Majesty, and had assured M. de Cavaignes that he would return to London on the following Monday to finish that which had been begun and was on the point of being achieved. Urges Cecil to complete the work he has carried on so well and zealously in what concerns the common cause, as Cecil will readily admit. This will keep him from adding anything further.—Shene, 6 Nov. 1568.
	French. 1 p.
	1208. La Rochelle.
1568, Nov. 6.	Agreement by Arnaud de Cavaignes (for the Prince de Gondé, Otho Cardinal de Châtillon, Gaspard Comte de Coligny, Admiral of France, and Francois Comte de la Rochefoucauld, &c.) and Walter Haddon (for Queen Elizabeth) concerning the supply of ordnance and munition of war to La Rochelle.
	Latin. 3 pp.
	1209. Valentine Browne to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1568, Nov. 12.	Defending the character of his brother-in-law, Thomas Banckes, for whom he had craved the charge of the ordnance in Mr. Bennett's office. Thinks the control of the stores should be brought under one man's care.—Berwick, 12 November 1568.
	Endorsed :—“For the office of the ordnance at Newcastle to be joined with that of Berwick.”
	Seal. 1 p.
	1210. Lady Anne Hunsdon to Sir Wm. Cecil,
1568, Nov. 14.	Craves Cecil's assistance in her troubled estate. Lord Hunsdon, bending himself to answer the daily troubles of the country, hath laid upon her the charge of his domestics. The weekly expenditure amounts to 21l. besides the stable servants' wages and other disbursements, their household numbering 40 persons, and the daily resort of captains, lieutenants, pensioners and others, who look to be fed as before. At their first coming they were accompanied by the better part of 100 persons, which they can yet hardly lessen. As for the stable, the scarcity this year is such that they had but five loads of hay laid in, which cost 3l.; beef, mutton, bread, and beer-corn, she is forced to take out of the “palles” [palings], little to her profit. And where others heretofore had for their better maintenance some parsonages which furnished them with meat, malt, oats, and straw, now they are leased to others; so that they are much in need of money. Trusts the Queen may bestow some gift on them. If they could do otherwise they would not trouble Cecil, but necessity has no law. Is the bolder in her request, “for that as I am borne in hand by Mr. Marshall and others, my Lord Governor himself wholly to be a husband for the Queen's Ma^tie as any hath been these many years her officer here, whereof some proof hath passed.”—Berwick, 14th November.
	Seal. 1 p.
	1211. Lord Hunsdon to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1568, Nov. 15.	Sends a copy of the articles which the Duke of Norfolk required him to answer Has also written to Her Majesty of the state of this town, with a particular book of her new fortification, to confer with the platt, whereby Her Majesty shall be able to judge of the weakness of the town. Trusts Her Majesty will be persuaded to finish that is begun, “otherwise it deserves not to bear the name of a town of war.” Has sent an estimate of the cost, under 5,000l., which being done, trusts Her Majesty shall not need to fear any sudden attempt though the French were in Scotland, and without which this town is not able to hold out any attempt. He cannot blame the Earl of Bedford for leaving this office “for pleasure or commodity is none in it and less thrift,” he can live as cheap in London as here, and is like to return poorer than he came hither unless Her Majesty is good to him. Understands that Sir Henry Percy will part from Norham, if so, thinks it were a necessary member to be annexed to this town. Trusts Her Majesty is satisfied of that he wrote from Kirk-Oswald. Some spoil is constantly committed by the Scots and, commonly, Sesford's folks, but as the Earl of Murray has given him assurances, he forbears any revenge. “The expectation for your resolution about the Queen of Scots maketh a doubtful border.” Cautions Cecil about any coming to him out of Scotland, “for they die faster of the plague at Edinburgh than ever they did.”—Berwick, 15 November 1568.
	P.S. Has sent the letters sent to him out of Scotland by the Earl of Murray.
	Seal with crest. 2¼ pp.
	Encloses,
	Lord Hunsdon to the Queen.
	Concerning Her Majesty's new fortifications at Berwick, he must confess the main wall is “marvellous beautiful,” but the town as it now remains is very weak and out of order. It is weaker than before by reason that the bell-tower and the fortifications, which were very strong, are pulled down, the old wall has fallen down in five places, and “palle” set up instead of wall, and the “rampire” of the old wall taken away. The new work is in no order, either with “rampire” gates, posterns, or bridges. Thinks the Queen has small pennyworths for so much money, and cannot tell why the Castle and other places were pulled down. The bulwarks and curtains should be sufficiently “rampired” with earth and heather that the ordnance may be occupied and the men guarded on the same. Has sent a book of every part of the fortification, and thinks 5,000l. will be required this next spring. Recommends Mr. Marshall to her favour. As regards Mr. Lovell, who has bought Appleyard's place as Gentleman Porter, thinks it may be bestowed upon him, but prays Her Majesty never to give any office of charge upon the borders except during pleasure. Considers that the charge at Newcastle should be joined to Berwick.—Berwick, 15 November.
	Copy. 1²/3 pp.
	Modern copy of preceding.
	1212. Sir John Forster to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1568, Nov. 18.	On the 16th instant, some of Riddlesdale came to Harbottle to his servant George Lylborne, who had the keeping of Harbottle, and there brake their fast with him, and required him to ride with them to Forster, who, suspecting no evil, came on with them, and when they had him a mile from Harbottle they cruelly murdered him, and gave him many “bluddy ownes;” this, for no quarrel but for his true service to the Queen. Asks for some support of men for a time, that he may the better reform those disordered people. Has written to the Duke of Norfolk hereof.—Alnwick, 18 November 1568.
	1 p.
	Modern copy of preceding.
	1213. Lord Hunsdon to [Sir Wm. Cecil].
[1568], Nov. 20.	Is forced for very pity to move in some matters of the town. Whereas the pay for Berwick is appointed twice a year, it is never made but once a year, viz., at Christmas, by reason whereof the poor men are fain to take corn, beef, mutton, and other victuals, of the Treasurer, and to sell them for half the money they take them for; “so as they are not able to buy themselves almost a pair of hose to their legs, that it pities me to see them.” They would rather take 7d. a day, payable twice a year, than 8d. payable once a year : “and all is one to her majesty.” The Earl of Bedford had a day “augmentation” to be bestowed at his discretion. Great need of this, for there is that deserves some help. They think if he would write for it, Her Majesty would allow it to him as well as to the Earl of Bedford. Tweedmouth which is at the bridge end, is under the Captain of Norham. Thinks, now it is in Her Majesty's hand, it should be annexed to Berwick, to be under the Governor's charge, not for any profit arising from the same, but because, when any disorder is there, “as I never saw greater anywhere,” they are fain to send to Norham for redress, saving that being warden thereby, he sometimes eases some punishment. “Besides there is dwelling there at the least 200 Scots, and being not past 15 that wards at that gate a-days, it is very dangerous for this town, and therefore I do mean between this and Candlemas to avoid all the Scots from thence, but such as must needs remain there for necessary service, and for those I will take sufficient bonds for their good behaviour. I shall be forced to make a general riddance of a great number of Scots out of this wardenry, where are above 3,000 of all sorts, very unfit members to be suffered here, saving some such as have or may deserve to be made denizens, as my Lord Wharton had, of which some yet remains; since whose time every man comes in that will, so as all Mr. Gray's lands is only inhabited with Scots. How unnecessary it is to be suffered you know; and therefore I would gladly have some direction what to do with them; for I think it would pity ye, if ye saw how I am daily and hourly cumbered with them; and as sure as they have done any mischief, straight they leap into Scotland.” The controversy between the Earl of Northumberland and Sir John Forster breeds much dissension in the shire. At his return from the Duke of Norfolk, a fray happened between the Earl's men and those of Sir John Forster, in which one man was killed, and several hurt. Therefore it is necessary to take some order between them, and that quickly. Has many other matters to write of, but will not trouble further at present.—Berwick, 20 November.
	2 pp.
	Modern copy of preceding.
	1214. Lord Hunsdon to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1568, Nov. 22.	Is presently advertised of the attempt for the taking of Dunglass, a house of the Laird of Lucy's, within three miles of Dunbritten, by Lord Fleming, whereof he wrote to Mr. Marshall; since which time the Lords Sympill and Glencairn are daily in hand and doing with them. The Abbot of Arbroath with the rest of his name do what they can to get the house of Traygnethen by hunger from the Regent's servants. The Earl of Argyle with all his force is come down upon the Earl of Lennox's lands, to revenge the slaughter done to the Hamiltons. The Earl of Mar, Glencairn, Sympill, and the Captain of Edinburgh Castle have sent to Lord Hume desiring him to be ready to come to their succour upon advertisement. “The Earl of Huntly in the north parts plays the King, holding Justice Courts, heading and hanging who will not obey him as Lieutenant under the Queen's authority, and raising taxations in the country.” Desires Cecil to require the Regent to write to Sesford [Cessford] to make delivery of the common offenders against the Queen's subjects.—Berwick, 22 November.
	Seal with crest. 1 p.
	1215. The Trial of the Queen of Scots.
[1568, Nov. 26.]	A minute as to the appointment of new Commissioners for the investigation of the charges made against the Queen of Scots, with the names of the Commissioners.
	[D. of Norfolk's Entry Book, fol, 58. Haynes, p. 490. In extenso.]
	1216. J. Somer to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1568, Nov. 29.	At Her Majesty's request encloses a petition presented to her by the Spanish Ambassador, from one Manuel Teshda (respecting certain rubies bought by Mr. Peter Killigrew), and begs that he will take some steps to satisfy the Ambassador and the complainant.
	Modern copy. 1 p.
	1217. A Journal of the Proceedings of the Commissioners at Westminster appointed to enquire into the charges against the Queen of Scots.
1568, Nov. 26 to Dec. 1.	Containing :—
	(1.) Minutes of the proceedings at the First Session (26 Nov.). [D. of Norfolk's Entry book, fol. 58d. Haynes, p. 491. In extenso.]
	(2.) A copy of the protestation made by the Commissioners of the Queen of Scots. [Entry book, fol. 59. Anderson, Vol. IV., p. 103. In extenso.]
	(3.) A copy of the answer to the foregoing protestation. [Entry book, fol. 59d. Haynes, p. 491. In extenso.]
	(4.) A copy of the protestation made by the Regent and other commissioners for the King of Scotland. [Entry book, fol. 59d. Anderson, Vol. IV., p. 115. In extenso.]
	(5.) A copy of the addition to the protestation of the E. of Murray and other commissioners for the King of Scots, entitled “An Eike to the Answeare presented by us Jhames Earl of Murray,” &c. [Entry book, fol. 61. Anderson, Vol. IV., p. 119. In extenso.]
	(6.) Minutes of the proceedings at the Second Session (27 Nov.), relating to the presentation of the “Eyke” or addition. [Entry book, fol. 61d.]
	(7.) Minutes of the proceedings at the Third Session (1 Dec.), stating that “on perusal of the aforesaid Eyke,” the Lord Herries and his fellow commissioners desired an audience of Her Majesty. [Entry book, fol. 61d.]
	1218. The Answers of the Commissioners on behalf of the Queen of England to the Four Questions propounded to them by the Earl of Murray and his colleagues.
1568, 29 Nov.	(1.) They have sufficient authority from the Queen to pronounce guilty or not guilty in the cause of the murder.
	(2.) They intended to report to Her Majesty what according to their consciences they find to be true without further unnecessary delay.
	(3.) If the Queen of Scots shall be found guilty of the murder of her husband she shall either be delivered into the hands of the Scottish commissioners, on sufficient sureties being given for her safety and good usage, or else she shall be detained in England at the reasonable charges of the Scottish crown.
	(4.) If the Queen of Scots shall be found guilty as aforesaid, Her Majesty will allow of the proceedings of the Scottish lords hitherto so far as they have been lawful, and on due proof of the dimission of the crown made by her to her son will maintain that Prince's authority as King and also the regime of the E. of Murray as Regent. [This paper is a fair copy of the one printed in Anderson's “Collections,” Vol. IV., pt. ii., pp. 109–113.]
	Endorsed by Cecil :—“The Q. Majesty's answer to the 4 questions of the Earl of Murray. 29 Nov. 1568.”
	Copy. 2 pp.
	Modern copy of preceding.
	1219. Copy of the Request addressed to Her Majesty by the Commissioners of the Queen of Scots.
1568, Dec. 1.	Praying that, inasmuch as the E. of Murray with his accomplices have been admitted before Her Majesty's commissioners to culminate the honour of the Queen of Scots, their said sovereign lady may be permitted to come in her own proper person into her Majesty's presence, and in the presence of all the ambassadors of other countries now resident in her Highness's realm, to declare her innocence and to make her Majesty and them understand the “untrue and invented calumnies of her said rebels.” [This Request is printed in Anderson's “Collections,” Vol. IV., pt. ii., pp. 158–161.]
	Endorsed by Cecil :—“Copy of a request of the Q. of Scots' Commissioners to the Queen's Majesty, exhibited to the Q. Ma. Commissioners, but not as an act.—p^o December 1568.”
	Copy. 2 pp.
	Modern copy of preceding.
	1220. The Queen of Scots and the Earl of Murray.
1568, Dec. 3, 4.	Account (dated Dec. 3, 4, 1568) of the interviews of the Scottish Queen's Commissioners with Elizabeth, at Hampton Court, relative to the accusations brought by the Earl of Murray and others against the Scottish Queen.
	Rough draft, corrected by Cecil. 4½ pp.
	1221. Lord Hunsdon to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1568, Dec. 6.	Encloses packet from Lady Coldingham for the Regeut Murray “to let him understand how they be ready to go by the ears, for they are at catch that catch may. Whosoever can recover his house or lands taken from him enters again by force or stealth, which will breed shortly to a fray. The Regent's friends long to hear of his proceedings. This long absence will breed him no good at home, &c.”—From Berwick, this 6th of December.
	Endorsed :—“6 10^ber 1568.”
	¾ p.
	1222. The “Casket” Letters.
1568, Dec. 7.	[Letters supposed to have been produced as evidence against the Queen of Scots.]
	1. [Mary, Queen of Scots, to Bothwell.]
	[1567, Jan.] J'ay veille plus tard la hault que je n'eusse fait si ce neust esté pour tirer ce que ce porteur vous dira que Je treuve la plus belle commoditie pour excuser vostre affaire que se pourroit presenter. Je luy ay promise de le luy mener demain si vous le trouves bon mettes y ordre. Or monsieur j'ay ja rompu ma promesse Car vous ne mavies rien comande vous envoier ni escrire si ne le fais pour vous offencer de (fn. 1) et si vous scavies la craint que j'en ay vous nauries tant des subçons contrairs que toutesfois je cheris comme procedant de la chose du mond que je desire et cberche le plus c'est votre bonne grace de laque'le mes deportemens m'asseureront et je n'en disesperay Jamais tant que selon vostre promesse vous m'en dischargeres vostrecoeuraultrement je penseras que mon malheur et le bien composer de ceux qui n'ont la troisiesme partie de la fid elité ni voluntair obéissance que je vous porte auront gaigné sur moy l'avantage de la seconde amye de Jason. Non que je vous compare a un si malheureuse ni moy a une si impitoiable. Combien que vous men fassies un peu resentir en chose qui vous touschat ou (fn. 2) pour vous preserver et garder a celle a qui seuile vous aporteins si lon se peult appropier ce que lon acquiert par bien et loyalment voire uniquement aymer comme je fais et fairay toute ma vie pour pein ou mal qui m'en puisse avenir. En recompence de quoy et des tous les maulx dont vous maves este cause, souvenes vous du lieu icy pres. Je ne demaude que vous me tennes promesse de main mais que nous truvion( (fn. 3) )s et que nadjousties foy au subçons quaures sans vous en certifier, et Je ne demande a Dieu si non que coignoissies tout ce que je ay au coeur qui est vostre et quil vous preserve de tout mal aa moyns durant ma vié qui ne me sera chere qu' autant qu'elle et moy vous serons agreables. Je m'en vois coucher et vous donner le bon soir mandes moy de main comme vous seres porté a bon heur. Car j'enseray en pein et faites bon guet si l'oseau sortira de sa cagé ou sens son per (fn. 4) comme la tourtre demeurera seuile a se lamenter de l'absence pour court quelle soit Ce que je ne puis faire ma lettre de bon coeur si ce nestoit que je ay peur que soyes endormy. Car je nayose escrire devant Joseph et bastienne et Joachim qui ne font que partir quand J'ay commence.
	Endorsed by Cecil : “➂ french l[ett]re”; and, in a secretary's handy
	“Lettre concerning Halyruid house.”
	1¼ pp. In the hand of a secretary or copyist.
	[Printed in extenso at page 23 of “Bulletins de l'Academie Royale de Belgique,” 2nd Series, v. 34, No. 7, 1872. See also “Die Kassettenbriefe der Königin Maria Stuart,” by Dr. H. Breslau, in “Historisches Taschenbuch” Sechste F. 1. p. 88.]
	2. [Mary. Queen of Scots, to Bothwell.]
[1567, Jan.]	I have watched later ~~then~~ there above than I wold haue don, if it had not bene to draw out that that this bearer shall tell you, that I fynde the fayrest commoditie to excuse yo^r busynes that might be offred : I have promised him to p bring him to morrowe. Yf you think it, give ordre therunto. Now S^r I have not yet broken my promes w^t you for you had not commaunded me ~~nothing, And~~ to send you any thing or to write, and I doo it not, for offending of you, And if you knew the feare that I am in therof, you wold not have so many contrary suspiciōs, w^ch nev[er]theles I cherishe as proceeding from the thing of this worlde that I desyre and seeke the moste, that is yo^r favo^r, or good will, of w^ch my behaviour shall assure me, And I will nev[er] dispayre therof as long as my yo^r according to my promes w you shall discharge yo^r harte to me, Otherwise I wold think that my yll luck and the fayre behavio^r of those that have not the third parte of the faythfulnes and voluntary obedience that I beare unto you, shall have wonne the advantage ov[er] me ~~the advantage~~ of the second Loover of Jason. Not that I doo compare you to so wicked ~~a person~~, or myself to so unpitifull a person, Althoughe you make me feele som greefe in a matter that toucheth you, and to preserve & keepe you to her to whō alone you belong, if a body may clayme to him selfe that w^ch is won[n] by— (fn. 5) well, faythfully, yea entierly loving, as I doo, & will doo all my lyfe for payne or hurt what soev[er] may happen to me therby. In recompence wherof, and of all the evils that you bene cause of to me, Remember the place ~~nighe~~ heereby. I desyre not that you keepe promes w^t me to morrowe, but that we may be togither, and that you give no Credit to the suspicions that you shall have, w^tout being assured therof. And I aske no more of God but that you might know all that I have in my harte, w^ch is yours, and that he preserve you frō all evill, at the least during my lyfe, w^ch shall not be deere unto me, but as long as y^t & I shall please you. I go to bed, & give you good night. Send me word to morrow early in the morning how you have don for I shall think long, And watche well if the byrde shall fly out of his Cage or w^tout his ~~father~~, make (fn. 6), as the turtle shall remayne alone to lament & morne for absence how short soev[er] it be. That that I could not doo my l[ett]re shuld doo it w^t a good will, yf it weare not that I feare to wake you, for I durst not write before Joseph & Bastian & Joachim, who weare but new gon from I begon[n].
	Endorsed by Cecil :—“Copy. 3. ēnlish.”
	Endorsed in another hand :—“➂ l[ett]re concerning Holly Roode House.”
	1 p. [See an English version of this letter in Buchanan's “Detection, translated into Scotch and now made English, 1651.”]
	[3. Mary, Queen of Scots, to Bothwell.] The third lettre. (fn. 7)
[1567, April.]	Monsieur, helas pourquoy est vostre fiance mise en personne si indigne, pour subçonner ce qui est entiereinent vostre.
	Vous m'avies promise que resouldries tout et que me (fn. 8) manderies tous les jours ce que j'aurais a faire. Vous nen aves rien fait. Je vous advertise bien de vous garder de vostre faulx beau frere. II est venu vers moy et sens me monstrer rien de vous me dist que ~~vous~~ luy mandies qu'il vous escrive ce qu' auries a dire, et ou, et quant vous me troveres et ce que faires touchant luy et la dessubs m'a preschè que c'estoit une folle entreprinse, et qu' avecques mon honneur Je ne vous pourries Jamaiis espouser, veu qu' estant marié vous m' amenies et que ses gens ne l'endureroient pas et que les seigneurs se dediroient. Somme il est tout contrair. Je luy ay dist qu' estant venue si avant si vous ne vous en retiries de vous mesmes que persuasion ne la mort mesmes ne me fairoient faillir de a ma promesse. Quant au lieu vous estes trop negligent (pardonnes moy) do vous en remettre a moy. Choisisses le vous mesmes et me le mandes. Et cependant je suis malade je differeray Quant au propose cest trop tard. Il n'a pas tins a moy que n'ayes pense a heure. Et si vous neussies non plus changè de pensee (fn. 9) ~~propos~~ depuis mon absence que moy vous ne series a demander telle resolution. Or il ne manque rien de ma part et puis que vostre negligence vous met tous deux au danger d'un faux frere, s'il ne succede bien je ne me releveray Jamais. Je vous envoy ce porteur. Car Je ne m'ose me fier a vostre frere de ces lettres ni de la diligence, il vous dira en quelle estat Je suis, et Juges quelle amendemente (fn. 10) m'a porté ce incertains Nouvelles. Je voudrois estre morte. Car Je vois tout aller mal. Vous prometties bien autre chose de vostre providence Mais l'absence peult sur vous, qui aves deux cordes a vostre arc. Depesches la responce a fin que Je ne vous (fn. 11) faille et ne fies de ceste entreprinse (fn. 12) a vostre frere. Car il la dist, et si y est tout contrair.
	Dieu vous doint le bon soir.
	Endorsed by Cecil: “➄ frēch”;
	and, in another hand: “frome Sterling affore the Rawissement.—Pruifis hir Mask of Rawissing.”
	1¼ pp.
	This letter is in a “Roman” hand, somewhat resembling Mary's. A comparison of the two hands may be made by means of Baron Kervyn de Lettenhove's tract mentioned below, in which photographs are given of the above letter, and of an authenticated letter of Mary's.
	[Printed in extenso at page 28 of “Bulletins de l'Academie Royale de Belgique,” 2nd Series, v. 34, No. 7, 1872. See also “Die Kassettenbriefe der Königin Maria Stuart,” by Dr. H. Breslau, in “Historisches Taschenbuch” Sechste F. 1, p. 91.]
	4. [Mary, Queen of Scots, to Bothwell.]
[1567, April.]	Alas, my Lorde, why is yo^r trust putt in a p[er]son so unworthy to mistrust that w^ch is wholly yours! I am wood. You had promised me that you wold resolve all, And that you wold send me worde every daye what I shuld doo. You have don nothing thereof. I advertised you well to take heede of yo^r falce brother in lawe. He cam to me and w^tout shewing me any thing from you told me that you had willed him to write to you that that Im shuld saye, and where and whan you should com to me, and that that you shuld doo touching him. And therupon hath preached unto me that it was a foolish enterprise and that w^t myn hono^r I could nev^r marry you seing that yo being maryed you did carry me away. And that his folk wold not suffer yt. And that the Lords wold unsaye themselves and wold deny that they had said. To be shorte he is all contrary. I told him that seing I was com so farre, if you did not w^tdrawe yo^rselfe of yo^rselfe that no psuasion nor death it selfe shuld make me fayle of my promesse. As touching the place you are to negligent (pdon me) to remitt yo^rself therof unto me. Choose it yo^rselfe and send me word of it. And in the mean tyme I am sicke. I will differ as touching the matter it is to late. It was not long of me that you have not thought therupon in tyme. And if you had not more changed yo^r mynde since myne absence than I have, you shuld not be now to aske such resolving. Well ther wantith nothing of my pte. And seeing that yo^r negligence doth putt us both in y^e danger of a false brother, if it succeede not well, I will nev^r rise agayne. I send this bearer unto you for I dare not trust yo^r broth^r w^t these l[ett]res nor w^t the diligence. He shall tell you in what state I am, and judge you what amendement these new ceremonies have brought unto me. I wold I weare dead. For I see all goith yll. You promised other manner of matter of your forseing, but absence hath powre ov^r you, who ~~hath~~ you have ij strings to yo^r bowe. Dispatche the aunsweare that I fail, ~~you~~ not. And put no trust in yo^r broth^r for this enterprise For he hath told yt, and is also all against it. God give you good night.
	Endorsed : “Copie, from Sterling ~~after~~ afore (fn. 13) (sic) the ravissm^t. Prufs her mask of (fn. 14) Ravishing.”
	1 page. [See “Buchanan's Detection of the actions of Mary Queen of Scots, translated into Scotch and now made English,” 1651.
	The Scotch version of this letter is printed in Anderson's Collections, Vol. II., p. 151. Edinburgh, 1727.]
	1223. Mary, Queen of Scots, to the Abbot of Arbroath, and the rest of her faction.
1568, Dec. 10	Her rebels confounded at the Convention at York. False promises of Queen Elizabeth. Her son to be delivered up into England. Other conditions made between her and Murray. A league made between Murray and the Earl of Hertford. Begs them to assemble their friends and to stay the return of the rebels home. [Two contemporary copies of this (damaged) MS. are in the Record Office among the “Mary, Queen of Scots” Papers, Vol. II., pp. 68 and 69.]
	Endorsed by Cecil :—“A copy of a letter of the Q. of Scots which was intercepted and sent to the Earl of Murray about the 18 of January 1568.”
	Copy. ½ p. [Haynes, p. 503; but imperfectly printed.]
	1224. Proceedings at Hampton Court. Monday, 13 December 1568.
1568, Dec. 13.	According to her Majesty's late Declaration, the Earls to be informed of the proceedings in the Conference at Westminster; the Queen of Scot's letters exhibited by the Regent to be examined and compared.
	Her Majesty to answer the Bishop of Ross and his company as servitors to the Scottish Queen :—That in accordance with her last answer of the 4^th inst., the E. of Murray and his company had been sharply rebuked for their unloyal accusation of their Queen, whereupon, they exhibited sundry particular proofs of great evidency to maintain their former answers; these evidences require some good answer, but until these manifest presumptions are avoided or qualified, her request to come in person into the presence of her Majesty cannot be agreed to.
	Minute by Cecil. 3 pp. [Haynes, p. 492. In extenso.]
	1225. Peter Osborne to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1568, Dec. 16.	The merchant contractors required a clause saving them harmless for all dead freight, and interests and losses for not paying of freight in time, &c. From Ivy Lane, 15 Dec. 1568.
	Subscribed by Cecil, agreeing in her Majesty's name to the above demand.
	1 p.
	1226. The Queen's Answer to the Queen of Scots.
1568, Dec. 16.	The sum of the Queen's Majesty's answer to the Queen of Scots Commissioners with respect to the personal interview desired of her Majesty by the said Queen, with her reasons for refusing it. Present : Lord Keeper. Duke of Norfolk, Marquess of Northampton, Earls of Sussex, Bedford, and Leicester, Lords Clinton and Howard, Sir Wm. Cecil, Sir Ralph Sadler, and Sir Walter Mildmay.
	Upon the Commissioners' request that the Queen of Scots might come to her Majesty's presence and answer the charges against her, or that they might be permitted to forbear from any further conference herein, her Majesty had then answered she thought it more meet to have the said Queen's subjects reproved for their audacious manner of accusing their sovereign generally in words (as though the same were to have been credited) than to have had her come up in person; and that she had accordingly caused the Lords her Commissioners forthwith to call the Earl of Murray and his company before them, and very sharply to charge them for their so audacious proceedings, as being disloyal and not to be suffered to pass unpunished. They having answered that none of them ever meant to utter anything in reproof of their Queen, but that being directly charged by their adversaries with crimes they could not pass over without condemning themselves unjustly, they, according to protest before exhibited, were forced in self defence to proceed as they have done, and produced such matters to her Majesty's Commissioners as are very great presumptions and arguments to confirm the common reports against the said Queen. Of which matters her Majesty had understanding to her great admiration and no small grief, and now considering they were come again for a further answer, she said they should have a resolute answer in this sort.
	Her Majesty would have the same matters opened to her (the Queen of Scots) to make direct answer thereto, and she would propound three manner of ways one was for her to send some one trusty person, or more, with her answers, another was for herself to give her answer to such noblemen as her Majesty would send her, and the last was to appoint and authorize these her late Commissioners or others to make answer before her Majesty's Commissioners. As for her coming to her presence, considering at the first when she came into this realm her Majesty could not find it then agreeable to her honour, being defamed only by common report, much less could she now think it either meet or honourable considering the multitude of matters and presumptions lately produced against her, such as grieved her Majesty to think of. Her Majesty required this answer to be reported to her, thinking it always very necessary for her (Mary) to make answer. Whosoever should advise her to forbear making answer having so many ways to do so, only because she might not come to her Majesty's presence, far from being good servants would rather be thought for some other respects to destroy her. It cannot be well taken for a reasonable excuse, if she be innocent, as her Majesty wisheth her to be found, to suffer herself to be noted culpable of such horrible crimes only for lack of coming to her Majesty's presence, and in no wise to clear herself to the world by any manner of answer. She could not more readily procure her condemnation than by refusing to answer.
	The said Bishop accepting this answer, and requiring to have it in writing, was answered that, if he would himself put it in writing, as he could remember it, and show it to her Majesty, or send it to her Secretary, if anything were therein mistaken, it should be reformed. [The fair copy is in the Record Office, “Mary Q. of Scots” Papers, Vol. II. 74.]
	Draft corrected by Cecil. 3 pp. [Haynes, p. 493. In extenso.]
	1227. The Queen's Answer written by the Bishop of Ross.—16 December 1568, at Hampton Court.
1568, Dec. 16.	Her Majesty decides that before the Q. of Scots be admitted to her presence, to give her three things in option :—1. Whether she will answer the things laid to her charge by Commissioners. 2. Whether she will answer herself by her own writing. 3. Whether she will answer to some noblemen whom the Queen shall send with commission to that effect. The Queen must deem her culpable in the cause otherwise.
	Endorsed by Cecil :—“The Queens Majesty's answer written by the Bishop of Ross, but not truly nor fully.”
	Copy interlined by Cecil. 1 p. [Haynes, p. 494. In extenso.]
	1228. The Defence of the Queen of Scots.
1568, Dec. 16.	The Queen of Scots came into the Realm upon trust, receiving a ring from Beton after coming out of Loughleven. Offers of reconciliation were made at York. Points bearing on the defence of the charge against the Queen, especially with reference to the letters stated to be in her hand. The marriage with Bothwell solicited by the nobility. Conclusion.—A request to make a reconciliation to the Q. of Scots' honour.
	Endorsed by Cecil :—“Extracted out of a writing given to the Queen's Majesty by the Bishop of Ross. 16 December 1568.”
	Minute in Cecil's handwriting. 1 p. [Haynes, p. 495. In extenso.]
	1229. Extract from a Letter of the Queen of Scots to her Commissioners.
1568, Dec. 19.	We have received the eik given in by the Earl Murray and his accomplices. And where they have said tharintill or at any time that we knew, concealed, devised, persuaded, or commanded the murder of our husband, they have falsely, traitorously and méchantly lied; imputing unto us maliciously the crime whereof they themselves are authors, inventors, doers, and some of them proper executers. And where they allege we stopped inquisition and due punishment to be made on the said murder, and siclike of the sequel of the marriage with the Earl Bothwell, it is sufficiently answered in the reply given in at York to these points and divers others their allegences, if they be well considered. And where they charge us with unnatural kindness toward our son, alleging we intended to have caused him follow his father hastily; howbeit the natural love the mother beareth to her only child is sufficient to comfound them, and misteris no other answer, yet, considering their proceedings bypast, who did him wrong in our womb intending to have slain him and us both, there is none of good judgement but may easily perceive their hypocrisy, how they would fortify themselves in our son's name, till their tyranny were better established. And to the effect our good sister may understand we are not willing to let their false invented allegences pass over with silence (adhering to your former protestations) ye shall desire the inspection and doubles of all they have produced against us. and that we may see the alleged principal writings (if they have any produced). And with God's grace we shall first make sic answer then to that our innocence shall be known to our good sister, and all other Princes; and sickerly shall charge them as authors, inventors, and doers of the said crime they would impute to us, and prove the same sufficiently; so that we may have our good sister's presence (as our adversaries have had), and reasonable space and time to get sic verification as pertains thereto, and protest that we may add thereto, as time, place, and need shall require.
	1 p. [Haynes, p. 496. In extenso.]
	1230. Lord Hunsdon to Sir. Wm. Cecil.
[1568], Dec. 20.	Has received his letters of the 9th and 17th inst.
	Prays he may make a good end of his troublesome toil in these weighty affairs, the burden whereof he knows depends chiefly on Cecil. Her Majesty may do what she list with special regard to her own security and the quiet of her country. His neighbours are in great troubles among themselves. If the Regent do not return in as good terms and credit as he went, he will have somewhat to do at his home-coming, for the Earls of Argyll and Huntley with all the Hamiltons have all their forces in readiness on very short warning.
	He can get but small redress at Sesford's hands. Having got six notable thieves of Tiviotdale he bestowed a new pair of gallows and executed three; this has put them of Tiviotdale in terror; has laid such baits for them that one mistrusts another. His neighbours say that now Cecil has the greater part of their nobility he keeps them of policy to make them spend their goods there. Trusts when his great affairs be overblown Cecil will remind the Queen of what is needful to be thought upon for Berwick. Begs that he may have a warrant to the treasurer there to pay his fee for the wardenry, and that Cecil will not forget to call on the Lord Treasurer for the privy seal of 700l., &c. From Berwick, 20 December.
	1 p. [Haynes, p. 496. In extenso.]
	1231. The Queen to Sir Francis Knollys, Vice-Chamberlain.
1568, Dec. 22.	We willed you before the coming of her Commissioners to prove the Queen of Scots' meaning upon our letters of yesterday, and now on further consideration find this is thought of all devices best for us—that the Queen be induced, for avoiding extremities whereunto her cause may bring her, to yield as of her own will, that her son continue in the state wherein he is; the regiment also in Murray as already ordered by their Parliament; herself to continue here in England during such time as we find convenient; her son for his safety to be brought into England to be educated under persons of the birth of Scotland; and this whole cause of hers whereof she hath been charged to be committed to perpetual silence, her yielding to be notified as proceeding of her own good will on the ground of her weariness of governance and desire to see her son established, in the terms (to save her honour) contained in the instrument devised for the demission of her crown whilst she was in Loch Leven.
	As this cannot be well moved to her but either by some of her own solely addicted to her and whom she trusts, or by some of ours whom we also trust, we would employ both means. First [that you attempt her herein as of yourself by way of communication and devising with her of her troubles, &c.; for reasons by us and our Privy Council thought meetest to be used, you shall receive a memorial in writing; we would have you, as speedily as you may, begin to deal with her as of yourself and not by any direction, and to use any other reasons to induce her to this purpose, and to send us answer speedily of her disposition. Lest she have speech hereof with Lord Scrope, inform him hereof with great secrecy that he may agree with you in opinion, if cause be given him by her to talk thereof. This do before the Bp. of Ross come; we have caused him to be stayed a day or two on another pretence, meaning this matter to be so indirectly broken with him as he shall have cause to deal with her herein at his coming. Therefore have her mind prepared beforehand, and in anywise let it not be known you are directed from us in this cause.] [The last page is missing, but the calendar is based upon the transcript in Haynes]
	Cecil's draft. 2 pp. [Haynes, p. 497. In extenso.]
	1232. J. Junius (servant of the Elector of Saxony) to Sir Wm. Cecil.
1568, Dec. 23.	His master, in his last letters, commands him to move every stone in order to obtain from her Majesty that which he had been instructed to ask. Has nevertheless already twice communicated to his Excellency what he was ordered to write, and is now only detained in this country by the contrary winds and the frost. Begs Cecil to entreat her Majesty to send an ambassador to his master with as little delay as possible.—London, 23 Dec. 1568.
	Latin. 1 p.
	1233. Lord Hunsdon to Sir Wm. Cecil.
[1568], Dec. [28].	Reformation of disorders on these borders may best be done now, seeing so many of the Scotch lords, best able to make redress and borderers themselves, are with Cecil.
	The two chief articles in the Commissioners' book concluded on at Carlisle should be reformed : one, that no English bill can be filed except it be vowd by a Scotchman; the other, that when a bill is filed the warden must deliver one to satisfy the bill, which should be a fawtor, &c.
	Recommends that at the Regent's home coming he appoint as warden Lord Henry, who is a good justicer. All Scotland marvels much at their lords' long abode [in England], and the more because they have not heard from them since their going from York.—From Berwick, this—of December.
	Endorsed :—To Rt. Hble. Sir Wm. Cecil, &c., 28 Dec. 1568.
	1 p.
	Modern copy of preceding.
	1234. Lord Ormistoun to the Laird of Langton.
1568, Dec. 28.	Concerning the state of the country. The “Duke's sons and the Bishop's son and heir” have taken the Lord of St. John's and spoiled his house. Is warned that at the end of this month they intend to come to East Lothian for the purpose of attacking him, but intends to defend himself, and thinks that, God willing, they will have no advantage at his hand.—Ormiston, 28 December.
	Modern copy. 1½ pp.
	1235. Donald Gormson, Lord of the Isles of Scotland, to the Queen.
1568, Dec.	Reminds her Majesty of the great kindness existing between his predecessors and those of her Majesty, and also how well he was received by her Highness's sister whilst she was alive, and begs to offer his services to her Majesty in England, Scotland, and Ireland, “aconterar all mortall,” his native crown of Scotland alone being excepted.—“Skye in the Isles, this Yule, 1568 years.”
	1 p.
	Modern copy of preceding.
	1236. Donald Gormson, Lord of Skye and of the Isles, to the Governor of Berwick.
1568, Dec.	Informs him that he has written to the Queen tendering his homage and services, and begs him to forward his letter to her Majesty, so that he may have an answer by the present bearer.
	Modern copy. 1 p.
	1237. Mary, Queen of Scots to [—].
[Dec. 1568.]	As to the estate of my affairs, I doubt not but ye have understood that at the Convention in York my rebels were confounded in all that they could allege for colouring of their insurrection and my imprisonment. Perceiving the which they did “samekill” by moving of some of the Queen of England's Ministers that against her promise she has let them have her presence; and to colour their coming towards her said she would herself understand the continuation of this Conference, to the effect the same should be the more promptly ended with some happy outgate to my honour and contentment, and therefore desired that some of my commissioners should pass towards her incontinent. But the proceedings since have shown it was not the butt she shot at; for my matter has been plunged in delays in the meantime that my rebels practised secretly with her and her ministers. So they have convened and accorded that my son should be delivered into her hands to be nourished in this country as she shall think good. Item declaring him to be as able to succeed after her death, in case she have no sucession of her body; for her surety the castles of Edinburgh and Stirling shall be in Englishmen's keeping on the said Queen of England's means. Item with her means and the concurrence of the Earl of Murray, the Castle of Dumbarton shall be “assieged and tane” out of your hands, if they may, and be likewise rendered to the said Queen of England's behoof and keeping. Providing their promises be kept, she has promised to support and maintain the Earl of Murray in the usurpation of my authority, and cause him to be declared legitimate to succeed unto the crown of Scotland after the decease of my son, in case he die without bairns gotten of his body. And in this case the Earl of Murray shall acknowledge to hold the realm of Scotland in fee of the Queen of England. Thus all the equity of my cause, the connaissance of the which I trusted in the said Queen of England, has been renounced, and miserably sold for the ruin of my realm, except that God and good Scotch hearts of my faithful subjects remedy not the same. Yet this is not all, there is another league and intelligence betwixt the Earl of Murray and the Earl of Hertford who should marry one of Secretary Cecil's daughters who does all their drafts. By the which “lippining” the said Earl of Murray and Hertford should meet and fortify each other in the succession that each one of them pretends on his own side, that is to say, the Earl of Murray on the side of my realm, by reason of the said legitimation, and the Earl of Hertford on the side of England, because of unquill Dame Katherine, on whom he begat two bairns; so they will be both bent to my son's death, who being out of my subjects hands, what can I hope for but lamentable tragedy? These things are concluded amongst the chief of my rebels and the ancient and natural enemies of my realm, and there rests nothing now but the means to establish and assure the said Earl of Murray in his usurpation. To begin the same they would have persuaded me by craft to have liberally demitted my crown and consented to the regentry of the said Earl of Murray; and to have caused me [to] condescend to such an unhappy thing there has been used all craft and boasting that has been possible, with fair promises. But seeing I was resolved to do nothing therein to their profit, the Queen of England named new Commissioners with them that was already deputed, in the number of which was the said traitor and others of his faction, not permitting me to pass there to declare my own reasons that they would have permitted in the said Conference. Which being broken for * * * * that the Queen of England has made of her promise, which was, not to permit the Earl of Murray to come in her presence afore the said Conference were ended, and moreover there should be nothing done to the prejudice of my honour, estates, and right that I may have in this country after her. My said Commissioners left the said Conference the 6th of this month with solemn protestations that all which were done therein to the prejudice of me in any sort shall be null and of none effect nor value, and thereon are deliberate to come away as soon as is possible; whereof I thought good to advertise you to the effect ye may understand the verity of the same matter, and inform our friends of the same.
	I pray you to assemble our friends, my subjects, like as I have written to my Lord of Argyle and Huntly to haste to your relief, doing all the hindrance and evil that ye may to the said rebels, and stop their returning home if it be possible; for they will be ready before you if ye make not haste. So ye being altogether assembled in Convention, not fearing that I shall stop or discharge your proceedings, as I did the last time, ye shall declare and show publicly by open proclamation the aforesaid conspiracy and treason which the said rebels have conspired against the weal of the realm of Scotland, intending to put the same in execution to the destruction thereof if they be not stopped in due time; and therefore ye with my faithful subjects and all true Scots' hearts will do diligence to stop the performance of their intentions. This understanded, I am most assured that at the spring of the year ye * * * * sufficient relief of other friends. Proclaim and hold a parliament, if ye may.
	Endorsed by Cecil :—“Copy of. a letter of the Q. of Scots [intercepted and sent] to the E. of Murray, intercepted 18 Jan. 68,” and in another hand, “Written Dec. 1568.”
	1½ pp. [Haynes, p. 503. In extenso.]
	1238. Affairs of Spain.
1568.	Writing, endorsed by Cecil, “Concerning young Mr. Harrington, Secretary to Mr. Man, her Majesty's Ambassador in Spain, 1568.” Containing the remarks of the Duke of Feria as to the hostility of Spain; divers in Spain having requested the conquest of England. Mr. Higgins had told the Ambassador that the King of Spain was like to make peace with the Turks to aid the King of France and to persecute all Lutherans. Mentions the matter of Sir Francis Englefield.
	1 p. [Haynes, p. 472. In extenso.]
	1239. The Commissioners of the Queen of Scots.
1568.	The names of the Commissioners appointed on behalf of the Queen of Scots and of the Prince of Scotland respectively.
	1 p.
	1240. Patent Offices.
1568.	Legal opinions touching patent offices. 11 Eliz.
	1 p.
	1241. Proclamation concerning the French King's Subjects.
[1568.]	Minute of a proclamation enjoining the Queen's subjects, howsoever they have been injured and spoiled by the French, and justice also denied unto them, not to arm any ships or vessels to seek their own revenge, nor yet to seize any goods of any other the French King's subjects, until her Majesty shall find it necessary for lack of further reasonable answer. Also, charging her subjects to traffick with the French in like friendly sort as heretofore they have done, without nourishing discord, and in causes of difficulty to be guided by the public officers having ordinary authority to administer justice between merchant and merchant.
	Draft corrected by Cecil. 3 pp. [Haynes, p. 489. In extenso.]